BT
CHANDRA RICHARD DE SILVA
( T h e sis p re s e n te d f o r th e d eg ree o f D octor o f P h ilo so p h y o f th e U n iv e rs ity o f London, December 1967)
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This t h e s i s fu rn is h e s a su rv ey o f P ortuguese r u le o ver th e n o rth e rn , w estern and so u th -w estern p la in s o f Ceylon
from 1617 to 1638, The f i r s t c h a p te r surveys th e so u rces u t i l i z e d and makes an assessm ent o f p re v io u s h i s t o r i c a l w r itin g on th e su b je ct* I t a ls o c o n ta in s a b r i e f /( h is to r ic a l in tr o d u c tio n o u tlin in g P ortuguese a c t i v i t y i n Ceylon from
1505 to l 6 l 6 , The th r e e events t h a t dem arcate th e p e rio d
under c o n s id e ra tio n from th e p rev io u s e r a , namely th e r e b e llio n o f N ik a p itiy a Bandara, th e f i r s t t r e a t y o f peace between
th e P ortuguese and th e Highland kingdom o f Kandy and th e P ortuguese conquest o f th e kingfom o f J a f f n a a re examined i n d e t a i l i n th e second c h a p te r which tr a c e s p o l i t i c a l h i s t o r y up to 1623# The t h i r d c h a p te r i s e x c lu s iv e ly concerned w ith
events i n P ortuguese Ceylon d u rin g th e c a p ta in -g e n e ra ls h ip o f C onstantino de Sa de Noronha (second term 1623-1630).The
survey o f p o l i t i c a l h i s t o r y , and o f th e economic and s o c ia l reasons which u n d e rla y p o l i t i c a l d e c is io n s i s continued up t a th e P ortuguese d e f e a t a t Gannoruwa i n 1638 i n th e
fo u rth chapter* The a d m in is tra tiv e s u p e rs tru c tu re e s ta b lis h e d by th e P ortuguese i n Ceylon and th e armed f o r c e s , th e u ltim a te
b a s is o f Portuguese power form$j& th e s u b je c t o f th e f i f t h c h a p te rs w hile i n th e n ex t a£re co n sid ered th e p r in c ip a l so u rces o f revenue
3
and th e p ro b ab le revenue and ex p en d itu re o f th e P ortuguese s t a t e i n Ceylon* The seventh ch a p ter d e a ls w ith m issio n ary a c t i v i t y and r e l a t e s i t to Portuguese p o l i t i c a l fo rtu n e s w hile th e main themes o f th e stu d y a re summed up i n th e conclusion*
CONTENTS
P r in c ip a l a b b re v ia tio n s 6
C hapter I ®
C hapter I I ^9
C hapter I I I 136
C hapter IV 234-
C hapter V 319
C hapter VI 3&2
C hapter VII 455
C onclusion 4-76
B ib lio g rap h y 433
5
MAPS
Map o f Ceylon 135
The s ie g e o f Colombo, S e p t-0 c t 1630 246
PRINCIPAL ABBREVIATIONS
AHU 3 Arquivo H is to ric o U ltram arin e, Lisbon
AHU Caixa t Arquivo H is to ric o U ltram arin o , L isbon. In d ia ca ix a Ajuda 3 B ib lio te c a da Ajuda, Lisbon
APO 3 Archive P o rtu g e e z -O rie n ta l. ed.by.J.H .C unha R iv a ra.
A ssentbs s A ssentos do Qonselho da In d ia ed.by P .S .S .P is s u r le n c a r BM.Add.Mss. 3 B r iti s h Museum, London. A d d itio n a l M anuscripts
BM O r. 3 B r iti s h Museum, London. O rie n ta l M anuscripts BNL.FG 3 B ib lio te c a N apional, L isbon. Fundo G eral CALR 3 Ceylon A ntiquary and L ite r a r y R e g is te r CLR 3 s e r . 3 Ceylon L ite r a r y R e g is te r. T hird s e r ie s Coimbra 3 B ib lio te c a da U niversidade de Coimbra DR 3 Document os Rem ettidos da In d ia
Evora 3 B ib lio te c a P u b lic a Eborense, Evora F .de Souza 3 F a ria de Souza,M
Goa C Pe As 3 A rchives o f Goa - C artas P a te n te s e A lvaras Goa A e CR 3 A rchives o f Goa - A ssentos e C artas Regias
JCBRAS 3 Jo u rn a l o f th e Royal A s ia tic S o c ie ty - Ceylon Branch JCBRAS (NS) 3 Jo u rn a l o f th e Royal A s ia tic S o c ie ty -Ceylon
Branch, New S e rie s
Reimers 3 Constantino*de Saafs Maps and P lan s o f Ceylon, 1624-1628, ed. by E.Reimers
Rego 3 Documentacab p a ra a H is to r ia das M issoes do Padroado Portugues do O rie n te , ed. by A.de S ilv a Rego
7
Simancas SP i Arquivo G eral de Simancas, S e c r e ta r ia s P ro v in c ia le s TT : Arquivo N aqional de T orre do Tombo, L isbon
TT#LM t Arquivo N a ^ o n a l de T orre do Tombo, Lisbon#
L ib ro s das Moncoes
TT.Mss da Liv# 3 Arquivo N atio n al de T orre do Torabo, Lisbon#
M anuscritos da L iv r a r ia
CHAPTER I
P a r t I - The s u b je c t and th e sources
The p e rio d 1617-1638 forms a n a tu r a l u n i t i n th e h i s t o r y o f Ceylon* During th e two p rece d in g decades th e P o rtu g u ese had e s ta b lis h e d a seem ingly secu re hold over th e low lands
o f Kotte* D uring a l l t h i s tim e th e y had a ls o been co n tin u o u sly a t war w ith th e S in h a le se r u l e r o f Kandy i n an a tte m p t to
conquer t h a t highland kingdom* The y e a rs 1616-1619 h e ra ld e d th e b e g in iin g o f a new era* A form idable r e b e llio n i n
P ortu g u ese t e r i t o r y compelled them to r e v is e t h e i r p o lic y o f r e l e n t l e s s h o s t i l i t y to Kandy and conclude a t r e a t y o f peace w ith i t s king* The a r r i v a l o f an e n te r p r is in g c a p ta in -g e n e ra l
enabled them to make u se o f th ^ is r e s p i t e and conquer J a f f h a , which had so f a r remained v i r t u a l l y independent* W ith th e
{
low lands o f th e w est, so u th -w est and n o rth i n t h e i r hands, w ith revenue f o r th e f i r s t tim e exceeding ex p e n d itu re and w ith m issio n ary a c t i v i t y more f lo u r is h in g th a n e v e r, th e P ortuguese had o n ly one m ajor problem - th e conquest o r th e
e sta b lish m e n t o f a l a s t i n g accord w ith Kandyj The r e l a t i o n s
between th e P ortuguese and Kandy th e r e f o r e p ro v id e th e dom inating theme i n t h i s th e s is * The y e a r 1638 marks an even more d e c is iv e break th a n 1617* I t saw nofm erel# th e u n su c c e ssfu l end o f
1
9
th e l a s t P ortuguese attem pt to conquer Kandy b u t a ls o th e a r r i v a l o f a new European power - th e Dutch i n Ceylon.
The coming o f th e Dutch meant a r e v o lu tio n i n th e b alan ce o f power i n Ceylon. The days o f P o rtu g u ese dominance were ended and from th e n on f o r th e most p a r t th e P o rtu g u ese were on th e d e fe n s iv e .
The main ta s k o f t h i s t h e i i s w i l l be to e x p la in why
i n t h i s p e rio d o f t h e i r g r e a t e s t power i n Ceylon, th e P ortuguese f a i l e d e i t h e r to m ain tain f r ie n d ly r e l a t i o n s w ith Kandy o r
a l t e r n a t i v e l y , to conquer i t . The e x p la n a tio n s w i l l be
sought b o th i n th e m i l i t a r y and p o l i t i c a l ev en ts o f th e tim e and i n th e economic, a d m in is tra tiv e and r e lig i o u s a c t i v i t i e s o f th e P o rtu g u e se, some o f which ra n c o u n ter to th e p o l i t i c a l aims th e y p u rsu ed . An attem p t w i l l a ls o be made to show th e im pact o f P ortu g u ese p o lic ie s on t h e i r S in h a le se and Tamil
t r a c e th e
s u b je c ts and to /c h an g e s i n n a tiv e s o c ie ty which en su red . The h i s t o r y o f th e is l a n d d u rin g th e s e two decades have been touched on by s e v e ra l h i s t o r i a n s w r itin g i n th e
tw e n tie th c e n tu ry . C hief among them a re A lfredo Botelho de Souza, P .E .P ie r is and F r. S .G .P e rera . A ll o f them have co n su lted
many o f th e c h ro n ic le s and n e a r contem porary accounts as w e ll as some o f th e contemporary documents r e l a t i n g to th e
period* Botelho de Souza’ s i n t e r e s t i n th e is l a n d i s u n fo rtu n a te ly lim ite d to P ortu g u ese m i l i t a r y a c t i v i t i e s i n Ceylon* The
i s l a n d i s viewed sim ply as a d i s t a n t o u tp o s t o f th e estad o da I n d ia and as such g iv e n l i t t l e ( though perhaps p ro p o rtio n a te ) space* Moreover, Botelho de Souza adds l i t t l e comment to th e m a te r ia l he has g ath e re d from th e so u rces and in d eed on
( i ) o cc asio n some o f th e m a te r ia l seems i ll - d i g e s te d *
P *E *P ieris d ev o tes some two hundred and s i x t y pages o f h is work - Ceylon* th e P ortuguese era* f f o l.I I to c o n sid e r th e p o l i t i c a l h is t o r y o f t h i s p a r t i c u l a r p e rio d , i t s economic background and th e a d m in is tra tiv e s t r u c t u r e o f th e P ortuguese regime* P ie ris ,u n d o u b te d ly an in s p ir e d w r i t e r w ith c o n sid e ra b le h i s t o r i c a l im a g in a tio n , was th e f i r s t Ceylonese to seek to
w r ite th e h i s t o r y o f Ceylon from th e S in h a le se -T am il p o in t o f view from P ortuguese re c o rd s and d eserv es r e c o g n itio n as a p io n e e r i n t h i s fie ld * His work however s u f f e r s from th e same d e fe c t as t h a t o f h is m ajor so u rc e , Q ueyroz's Temporal and s p i r i t u a l conquest o f Cey Ion* f o r i t i s both le n g th y and b ad ly organized* P i e r i s fs unorthodox use o f so u rces has
( 2 )
s u b je c te d him to c o n sid e rab le c ritic is m * Also much o f th e documentary so u rces on which t h i s t h e s i s i s based was n o t
(1) A. Botelho de Souzas S u b sid io s p a ra a h is t o r i a m i l i t a r m aritim e da I n d ia , Vol*111.248,265355
(2) Fr* S .G .P erera (The c o n q u ista o f Ceylao by Feraao de Queyroz*
i n CALR I I . Colombo 1916.
11
a v a ila b le t o him when he made h is stu d y f i f t y y e a rs ago*
Fr* S .G .P e re ra 's s h o r te r review o f th e whole P ortuguese p e rio d may be co n sid ered a sound work o f h i s t o r i c a l sch o lareh ip * Ft. P e r e r a 's q u a l i t i e s as a c r i t i c a l h i s t o r i a n f a i l him only
(3)
where h is r e l i g i o n i s involved* F u tu re h is t o r ia n s however w i l l be in d e b te d f o r h is work i n p u b lis h in g much o f th e m a te r ia l i n th e V aticah A rchives r e l a t i n g to Ceylon*
I n a d d itio n to th e above m entioned work T .A beyasinghe's e x c e lle n t stu d y o f P o rtu g u e s e r u le i n Ceylon* 1 5 9 ^ 1 6 1 2 * h as much m a te r ia l r e l a t i n g to la n d te n u r e , m issio n ary a c t i v i t y and economic c o n d itio n s which could w e ll a p p lie d to t h i s
period* To avoid r e p e t i t i o n i t has been decided to ig n o re a s p e c ts o f h i s t o r y ad e q u ately co n sid ered i n T .A beyasinghe's stu d y as w e ll as i n o th e r works even i f th e y do come w ith in
(*>
th e scope o f t h i s t h e s i s * I f t h i s has fo rc e d th e p r e s e n t
stu d y to be more lo p -s id e d th a n i t o th e rw ise m ight have been, i t has a t th e same tim e provided a g r e a t e r o p p o rtu n ity to
c o n c e n tra te on problems s t i l l l e f t u n reso lv ed by th e s e e a r l i e r w rite rs *
(3) Fr* S .G .P e re ra - P ortuguese m issio n ary methods o r th e myth o f fo rced co n v ersio n and th e J e s u i t l e t t e r s tr a n s l a t e d by Fr* P e re ra h im se lf i n CALR I-V g iv e d i f f e r e n t p ic tu r e s o f P ortuguese m issio n ary a c tiv ity *
(4) Perhaps th e most im p o rta n t among th e o th e r works on Ceylon h is t o r y r e l a t i n g to t h i s p e rio d i s F r. W.L.A.Dom P e t e r 's
S tu d ie s i n Ceylon church ftistorfr*
T his stu d y i s based p r im a r ily on P o rtu g u ese sources#
However use has a ls o been made o f E n g lish and S in h a le se books and m anuscripts# My la c k o f knowledge o f Tamil p rev e n te d me from u sin g sources i n t h a t language b u t t h i s d id n o t prove to o g r e a t a handicap a s th e o n ly Tamil document o f h i s t o r i c a l v alu e f o r t h i s p e rio d - th e J a f f n a c h ro n ic le o r th e Yalpana Vaipafta K alai g iv e s l i t t l e in fo rm a tio n t h a ty
cannot be o b ta in e d from P ortuguese sources#
The E n g lish sources to o were o n ly o f m arg in al use#
These c o n s is te d c h i e f ly o f th e rec o rd s o f th e E n g lish E ast I n d ia Company and l i t t l e o f i t s employees# They were u s e fu l however i n p la c in g P ortuguese Ceylon i n th e p e rs p e c tiv e o f th e p o litic o -e c o n o m ic s tru g g le t h a t went on i n th e In d ia n
( 6) ocean i n th e f i r s t h a l f o f th e se v e n te e n th century#
The S in h a le se m a te r ia l to o i s d is a p p o in tin g f o r th e a rc h iv e s o f K otte and Kandy l i k e th o s e o f J a f f h a have n o t
(7)
survived# The m ajor S in h a le se c h r o n ic le , th e Cfalavamsa g iv e s
(5) I am in d e b te d to Mr# S#Pathmanathan o f th e Department o f H isto ry o f th e U n iv e rsity o f Ceylon f o r p ro v id in g me w ith h is t r a n s l a t i o n o f th e r e la v e n t s e c tio n s o f th e ch ro n ic le# An EngLisjJ. t r a n s l a t i o n o f t h i s c h ro n ic le has been p u b lis h e d , (Yalpana Vaipatfa M alai tr a n s # C#Brito#Colombo 1879) b u t I was unable to l o c a te a copy#
(6) C alander o f s t a t e p ap ers V o ls # II,IH ,V I,V III.e d # b y
W.N.Sainsbury. Vaduz, 196^. L e tte r s re c e iv e d by th e E ast I n d ia Company from i t s se rv a n ts i n th e East# V ols.III-V I.ed#W . F o s te r, London# 1899-1902# The E n g lish f a c t o r i e s i n In d ia # I 6 l8 - l6 fr l#
ed. by IS#Foster, Oxford, 190o-1912#
(7) Ctfulavamsa tr a n s l a t e d by W *Geiger,II#
13
s c a n t a t t e n t i o n to th e P ortuguese and i s o f l i t t l e p r a c t i c a l v a lu e f o r t h i s p e rio d .
The R a.javaliya though o f g r e a te r v a lu e , o r a t l e a s t ( 8) f o r p o l i t i c a l h i s t o r y , i s u n fo rtu n a te ly a l l to o b r i e f . The
P (9)
th r e e war poems th e K u stan tin u H atana, t h e g a ra n g i Hatana and th e Haha Hatana f i l l i n some o f th e d e t a i l s o f m i l i t a r y
h i s t o r y w h ile two o th e r documents th e Mandarampura p u v ata and th e M atale Disave Rada^im P o ta give an in k li n g o f th e p o litic o -e c o n o m ic c o n d itio n s w ith in Kandy i n th e re ig n o f
(( 9 )
S e n e ra t (1605-1635) b u t on th e whole^ th e S in h a le s e documents though u s e fu l as a means o f checking and c o r r a b o ra tin g
evidence from P ortuguese so u rc e s, a re i n s u f f i c i e n t to p ro v id e a d e a r p ic tu r e o f th e p e rio d on t h e i r own.
The P ortuguese sources can be d iv id e d i n t o fo u r d i s t i n c t c a te g o rie s (a ) o f f ic ig ^ l e t t e r s , r e p o r ts and p e t i t i o n s
(b) s e m i- o f f ic i a l l e t t e r s , r e p o r ts and re c o rd s (c) b io g ra p h ie s and d i a r i e s
(d) c h ro n ic le s and h i s t o r i e s O f f i c i a l l e t t e r s , r e p o r ts and p e t i t i o n s -
O f f i c i a l l e t t e r s , r e p o r ta and correspondence on Ceylon d u rin g t h i s p e rio d emanated from fo u r d i f f e r e n t p la c e s - th e
(8 )H ardly two pages a re devoted to th e ev en ts under c o n s id e ra tio n , (9) These two poems have been tr a n s l a t e d i n t o E n g lish and
p u b lish ed i n R ib e iro f s H isto ry o f C eilao ( t r a n s . P .E ,P ie r is ) 209-220, 246-270
(10) Two p an e g y ries o f S en erat (EH O r,6606 (126) and Or*6611
(55) ) which a re i n th e B r iti s h Museum a re o f no h i s t o r i c a l v a lu e .
any problem s on Ceylon when th e s e were r e f e r r e d to i t from L isbon and s e n t i n s t r u c t i o n s on t h i s m a tte r to L isbon o r more
rarely ^ d i r e c t to th e v ic e ro y * In Lisbon th e p o litic o -e c o n o m ic problems o f th e P o rtu g u ese estado da I n d ia were d isc u sse d i n th e c o u n c il o f revenue o r conselho da fazenda and r e lig io u s problems i n th e mesa de c o n sc ie n c ia a f t e r which o rd e rs were
s e n t to th e v ic e ro y a t Goa w ith o r w ith o u t c o n s u ltin g th e conselho de P o rtu g a l i n Spain* The v ic e ro y i n Goa i n h is tttrn conveyed ro y a l i n s t r u c t i o n s to th e c a p ta in -g e n e ra l and th e vedor da fazenda o r th e c o n t r o ll e r o f revenue i n Ceylon
and o c c a s io n a lly d i r e c t to th e c a p tain -m a jo r o f Ja ffn a* While o r d e rs , i n q u i r i e s and d i r e c t i v e s flowed from Spain to Ceylon v ia Lisbon and Goa, th e r e was a t th e same tim e a stream o f r e p o r ts , p e p lie s and su g g e stio n s from Colombo to Europe
through th e same channels* A part from th e s e l e t t e r s th e r e were innum erable r e p o r ts produced by th e c o u n c ils concerned a t
Goa and L isbon and i n Spain* These re c o rd s - o r ra th e r^ what remains o f them - form th e main source o f t h i s study*
Of th e proceedings o f th e conselho de P ortugal*
th e u ltim a te p o lic y making body and i t s correspondence w ith th e a u t h o r i t i e s a t L isbon l i t t l e has survived* What remains
( l i ) i n th e bound volumes a t th e Arquivo G eral de Simancas and
(125
th e Arquivo N aeional de T orre de Tombo however i l l u s t r a t e t h a t many o f th e l e s s w eighty problems too were r e f e r r e d to S pain a t tim es* The Arquivo H is to ric o U ltram arino codices 31 and 32 have p ro v id ed a sample o f r e p o r ts s e n t up t o th e k in g e r th e govern o rs o f P o rtu g a l by th e conselho da fazenda i n L isbon w h ile co d ices 459,460 and 645 a t th e B ib lio te c a da U niversidade de Coimbra p ro v id e a s im ila r in s i g h t in t o th e r e p o r ts o f t h e mesa da coasciencia*
Most im p o rta n t o f a l l however a re th e re c o rd s o f th e correspondence between th e a u t h o r i t i e s i n Europe and th e v ic e ro y i n In d ia* These a re p rese rv e d i n a c o lle c tio n known as th e Books o f th e Monsoon (L iv ro s das moncoes)* The bulk o f th e s e re c o rd s a re a v a ila b le i n th e c o l le c tio n o f
s i x t y two volumes found i n th e A rquivi R a tio n a l de T orre de Tombo i n L isbon o f which th e volumes 9 to 45 cover th e p e rio d
under co n sid eratio n * T h e Torre de Tombo c o lle c tio n however
i s incom plete f o r th e y e a rs 1629-1638 and has to be supplem ented by volumes 12-20 o f th e Goaj! c o lle c tio n o f th e L iv ro s das
moncoes which a re a v a ila b le i n m icrofilm a t th e Film oteca
T '
U ltgam arina P o rtu g u ese i n Lisbon* Copies o f th e T o rre de Tombo
(11) Simancas SB 1508, 1509,1 5 1 5 tl5 l6 ,1519,1520,1522,1523
These documents have been catalo g u ed i n th e Boletim de F ilm oteca v o ls . 14-16.
(12) TT.Collecao de S .V icen te XIX
London and i n th e I n d ia O ffic e L ib ra ry , London.(13)
A sm all p ro p o rtio n o f th e Goan re c o rd s have been p u b lis h e d i n J.H.Cunha R ivara*s Archivo P ortucuez O rie n ta l
f-v/i
volume^ and i n th e appendices to th e A ssentos do conselho do e sta d o da I n d ia , volumes I and I I e d ite d by Panduronga S .S .P is s u r le n c a r . The documents i n Lisbon co v e rin g th e p e rio d up to 7 March 1619 have been p u b lish ed i n th e Document os
Rem ettidos d a I n d ia , volumes I-Vit. The is s u e s d isc u sse d i n th e Lisbon-G oa correspondence v ary g r e a t l y i n im portance
from th e f a t e o f a baby ele p h an t born i n a convent i n Colombo to th e q u e s tio n o f th e monopoly o f cinnamon o r th e resum ption o f war w ith Kandy, b u t th e y a re u s e fu l i n i l l u s t r a t i n g
a s p e c ts o f P ortu g u ese p o lic y i n Ceylon. AH th e re co rd s o f th e P o rtu g u e se c o u n c il o f s t a t e a v a ila b le i n th e Goan a rc h iv e s
( 1*0
have been e d ite d by Panduronga S .S .P is s u r le n c a r . I n t h i s s tu d y , two volumes o f h ith e r t o unpublished re c o rd s o f th e p ro ceed in g s o f t h i s c o u n c il co v erin g th e y e a r l62^ - l6j 6 now lo c a te d i n th e B ib lio te c a N aclonal. Lisbon have a ls o been
(13) EM.Add Ms.20,861-20,900; In d ia O ffic e L ib ra ry , P ortu g u ese Records 71-74
The c o p ies a t th e B r i t i s h Museum made o u t i n th e 1750#s , a re g e n e ra lly a c c u ra te . L ess r e l i a b l e a re th e more r e c e n t t r a n s c r i p t s a t th e I n d ia O ffic e L ib ra ry . Some id e a o f th e co n te n ts o f th e Goa c o l le c tio n could be o b ta in e d from th e comprehensive summ a/ries o f documents p u b lish e d i n th e Bolettm de F ilm oteca.
(14) Panduronga S .S .P is s u r le n c a r - A ssentos do conselho do estad o da I n d ia , v o ls .1 - 2
1 7
(15)
used* The re c o rd s o f th e c o u n c il o f revenue a t Goa have
provided some in fo rm a tio n on th e economic b a s is o f P ortuguese ( 16)
r u l e i n Ceylon#
JDue i o th e com plete lo s s o f P o rtu g u ese a rc h iv e s i n Colombo, l i t t l e o f th e correspondence between th e v ic e ro y and h is s u b o rd in a te o f f i c i a l s i n Ceylon has survived# What re c o rd s t h a t rem ained a re copies o f some o f th e regim cntos o r s ta n d in g o rd e rs is s u e d to th e c a p ta in s -g e n e ra l and th e
(17)
vedores o r c o n t r o ll e r s o f revenue. S ix suzh regim entos
is s u e d between 161*4- and 1639 have been u t i l i z e d i n t h i s work#
T his r e g u la r exchange o f l e t t e r s , o rd e rs and r e p o r ts between one l e v e l o f a u th o r ity and an o th er can be supplemented by th e correspondence o f th e camara o r m unicipal co u n c il o f Colombo# A lthough th e s e l e t t e r s r e l a t e c h i e f ly to th e e f f o r t s o f th e P o rtu g u ese m arried s e t t l e r s o r casados to g a in o r
p re se rv e s p e c ia l p r iv ile g e s f o r th em selv es, th e y a lso revealzdt much in fo rm a tio n on th e economic and p o l i t i c a l co n d itio n s o f th e time# Many o f th e m anuscripts r e l a t i n g to th e camara a re to be found i n th e unbound c o lle c tio n (documentos s o lto s )
(15) BNL*PG#1982 and 1983
(16) Goa A ssentos do conselho fla fazenda I-V#
(17) Goa Regimentos e in stru c c o e s# Goa c a r ta s p a te n te s e a lv a r a s # Goa l i v r o s dos segredos* AHU Caixas#
d*A.e to Mr .J.&'ffaf/Tfcr*/ ^ ^U- ^cJitrC <fi Qt\AmJ*U Y<~ AsLIa&U Jo -ifcjl H&Lo
o f th e Arquivo H is to ric o U ltram arino i n Lisbon* They a re s to r e d i n m etal c a b in e ts ( c a ix as) and roughly c l a s s i f i e d by co u n try and th e n by date* A ll documents r e l a t i n g to Ceylon
( 18)
a re found i n th e I n d ia caixas* These caix as c o n ta in a v a rie d c o l le c tio n o f m a te ria l* S ig n if ic a n t among th e documents a re some o f th e a p p lic a tio n s f o r rew ards( req u erim en to s)o f s o ld i e r s who were s e rv in g o r had serv ed i $ th e Sast*These in c lu d e
d e s c r ip tio n s o f th e campaigns th e y had engaged i n and th e s e rv ic e s th e y had ren d e red , c e r t i f i e d by t h e i r commanding o f f i c i a l s and th u s p ro v id e an in v a lu a b le check on th e p ic tu r e o f m i l i t a r y h i s t o r y as d e p ic te d by c h ro n ic le rs o f l a t e r tim es*
Copies o f p e t i t i o n s f o r rewards a re a ls o found i n th e a rch iv e s a t Simancas w hile summaries o f a la rg e n u b trv o f such p e t i t i o n s a re reco rd ed i n co d ices 435 and 501 o f th e Arquivo H is to ric o U ltram arino*(19)
One more ty p e o f o f f i c i a l document rem ains to be co n sid ered - th e r e p o r ts s e n t by s p e c ia l e m issa rie s on th e v a rie d a s p e c ts o f P o rtu g u ese r u l e i n Ceylon* An e x c e lle n t examjile o f t h i s
(18) Twenty e ig h t c a ix a s c o n ta in in g documents on Ceylon d a tin g from 1610-1635 were examined* The ca ix as a re n o t indexed and a re arran g ed by th e d a te o f th e documents- n o t th e ^ p erio d JLtl\4 coverf . Thus documents i n In d ia caixas 26(1664-1665) c o n ta in re fe re n c e s to ev en ts i n Ceylon as e a rly as 1622*
(19) Codice 436 i s a copy o f 435*
19
ty p e o f m a te r ia l i s a v a ila b le fo r our p e rio d . I n l a t e 1619 th e b ish o p o f Cochin v i s i t e d th e is la n d on th e re q u e s t o f th e k in g o f P o r tu g a l. He remained i n Ceylon f o r alm ost two y e a rs , and d u r in g t h a t p e rio d subm itted c r i t i c a l r e p o r ts on th e conduct o f P o rtu g u ese a f f a i r s i n th e is l a n d . Many o f h is su g g e stio n s were tu rn e d down by h is s u p e rio r s , b u t h is view s, i f t r e a t e d w ith c a u tio n p ro v id e co n sid erab le l i g h t on P ortuguese
(2 0) p o lic y and a d m in is tra tio n .
S e m i- o f f ic ia l l e t t e r s and re p o rts
Dr. T.Abeyasinghe a p tly d e sc rib e d t h i s categ o ry as '( £ l )
•w ritin g s n e i t h e r fcholly p r iv a te nor y e t o f f i c i a l ; 7 To t h i s ca teg o ry b elo n g th e annual r e p o r ts o f th e r e lig io u s
o rg a n iz a tio n s and th e l e t t e r s o f in d iv id u a l m is s io n a rie s t o t h e i r s u p e r io r s . Many o f th e J e s u i t l e t t e r s and r e p o r ts , a
v a lu a b le so u rce f o r th e r e lig io u s h is t o r y o f th e p e rio d >have been t r a n s l a t e d and s y m p a th itic a lly in te r p r e t e d by a fe llo w J e s u i t , F r. S .G .P e re ra . O thers a re a v a ila b le i n th e B r iti s h Museum,
(22)
London. S im ila r rec o rd s a re n o t known to e x i s t e i th e r f o r th e F ra n c isc a n s o r f o r th e Dominicans and f o r an account o f th e a c t i v i t i e s o f th e s e o rd ers i t i s n ec e ssa ry to r e ly
g r e a t l y on Paulo da T rin id a d e fs C onquista e s p i r i t u a l do O rien te
(20) AHU 33. f f *11-23 (21) T.Abeyasinghe 5 (22Jp BM.Add Ms s . 9853
and L uis C a c e g a s^ H is to r ia de 5 . Domingos P a r t IV* Contemporary documents r e l a t i n g t o th e A ugustinians have been found i n
t h e m a n u scrito s da l i v r a r i a c o lle c tio n o f th e t o r r e de tombo*
These have been used i n co n ju n ctio n w ith a work composed by (23)
Fr* Manoel da Ave M aria in 1817*
B iographies and d i a r i e s
Of th e v ic e ro y s o f I n d ia i n th e l6 3 0 f s and th e l630*s i t was undoubtedly th e conde de L inhares who had th e most im p o rta n t in flu e n c e on Portuguese p o lic y i n Ceylon and he m aintained a d e t a il e d p e rso n a l d ia r y d u rin g h is p e rio d o f o ffic e * However, o n ly p a r ts o f th e d ia ry a re s t i l l e x ta n t.
A s e c tio n co v e rin g th e p e rio d 6 February 1634 to February (24) 1635 hav^ been p u b lish ed by th e B ib lio te c a Nacional* Lisbon*
Another two s e c tio n s to g e th e r extending from e a r ly March 1630 to th e end o f O ctober 1631 a re a v a ila b le i n m anuscript a t th e B ib lio te c a N acional and th e B ib lio te c a da Aiuda i n Lisbon*
1,1 ■■■ 1 " ■ ') ■ —
(25) Is The d ia r y h as to be t r e a t e d w ith c a u tio n when tak en as a
(23) Manual E rem itico da Congregacao da I n d ia O rie n ta l dos erem ites de N .P .S .A gostin& ^dforms codice 1650 o f th e B ib lio te c a da U niversidade de Coimbra and has been p u b lish ed i n Rego XI*95-833
(24) D ia rio do 3°conde de L inhares v i c e - r e i da In d ia I - I I
P ro fe s s o r C*R.Boxer has p o in te d o u t t h a t th e t i t l e should read 4 and n o t 3°*
(2 5) ENL.FB 9 3 9 .f f .la - 8 6 a ; Ajuda 51-V III-51.fF * 1-434
21
so u rc e , f o r th e r e a re c l e a r sig n s t h a t i t was in te n d ed t o be read i f n o t by p o s t e r i t y a t l e a s t by h is s u p e rio rs i n Europe*
However, i t c o n ta in s a g r e a t d e a l o f u s e fu l in fo rm atio n re g a rd in g f l e e t movements, p o lic y making and th e lik e *
I n t h i e c ateg o ry may a ls o be p la ce d an account o f th e t r i a l s and t r i b u l a t i o n s o f th e c a p ta in -g e n e ra l Dorn Jo rg e de Almeida from h is appointm ent i n Goa i n e a r ly 1631 to h is
( 26)
reco n q u e st o f most o f h i* K otte i n 1632* The au th o r o f t h i s s k e tc h , de Almeida* s own b ro th e r F rancisco de Almeida^ seeks to show th e c a p ta in -g e n ra l i n th e b e s t p o s s ib le l i g h t and
d e s c rib e s i n l u r i d d e t a i l th e methods used to cow th e S in h ale se in to subm ission* This sk e tc h to g e th e r w ith a s h o r te r account o b ta in e d from th e B ib lio te c a N ayiofaal have formed th e c h ie f so u rces f o r th e account o f th e campaign o f 1632 i n t h i s
(27) study*
The bio g rap h y o f C onstantino de Sa de Noronha w r i tte n by h is son and h e i r Joao R odrigues de Sa de Menezes comes c lo se t o th e b order l i n e between a biography and a ch ro n icle*
I t p u rp o rts to g iv e th e l i f e s to r y o f de Sa and an account o f
(26)A$uda 51-V-36• ff* 75-108 (27) BNL FG.7640 f f . 17-18
h is r u l e i n Ceylon b u t in c lu d e s much background m a te ria l* As th e au th o r had no f i r s t hand knowledge o f Ceylon and composed
(28)
t h i s work b e fo re he v i s i t e d th e E ast i t seems k l i k e l y t h a t he depended a g r e a t d e a l on th e c h ro n ic le s o f Joao de G arros and Diogo do Couto f o r g e n e ra l in fo rm a tio n and h is f a th e r* s p r i v a t e p ap ers and th e r e p o r ts o f ac q u ain tan ce s f o r th e ev en ts i n 16209s* Though f i l i a l a f f a c t io n and th e d e s ir e f o r a
r e w a r i f o r h is f a th e r * s s e rv ic e s may have in flu e n c e d De Sa de Menezes to tu r n a b lin d wye to h is f a t h e r 's sh o rtco m in g s, h is p ib tu r e o f C onstantino de Sa as a k in d ly , t a c t f u l man re s p e c te d by h is s u b o rd in a te s , i s su p p o rted by ind ep en d en t
evidence*
These th r e e c a te g o rie s o f m a te ria l when ta k e n to g e th e r p ro v id e a f a i r l y c l e a r p ic tu r e o f th e p o l i t i c a l event*
and m i l i t a r y campaigns i n Ceylon* C onsiderable in fo rm a tio n can a ls o be c o lle c te d on so u rces o f revenue, th e system o f a d m in is tra tio n and th e m issio n ary e f f o r t s . There a re however s e v e r a l gaps t o be n o te d . F i r s t l y , though th e documents g iv e a f a i r p ic tu r e o f th e P o rtu g u ese a d m in is tra tiv e s u p e r s tr u c tu r e
(28) D*W. Ferguson i n JCBRAS XI.427 claim ed t h a t de Sa de Menezes w rote h is book alm ost f i f t y y e a rs a f t e r h is f a t h e r 's d e a th
b u t evidence w ith in th e book i t s e l f in d ic a te s t h a t i t i s l i k e l y t h a t i t was com pleted b efo re 1640. (See pages 214*-215 o f th e S panish e d i tio n where de Sa de Menezes r e f e r s to h is frie n d s h ip w ith th e conde de Linhares).A cknow ledgem ents a r e due to P ro fe s s o r C.R. Boxer f o r draw ing my a t t e n t i o n to t h i s p o i n t .
23
l i t t l e in fo rm a tio n i s a v a ila b le as to th e changes i n s ta tu s and fu n c tio n s o f th e S in h a le se and Tamil o f f i c i a l s a t th e low er le v e ls * S econdly, in fo rm a tio n on th e economic o rg a n iz a tio n
o f P o rtu g u ese Ceylon i s inadequate* The a d d itio n s to Vaz F r e i r e 's tombo o r la n d r e g i s t e r have n o t survived w ith th e s in g le
(29) e x c ep tio n o f P in h e iro Ravasco#s tombo o f th e Two K o rales, 1622*
None o f th e tombos o f J a f f n a a re e x ta n t and th u s th e economic l i f e o f b o th re g io n s had to be p ie ce d to g e th e r by c o lle c tin g
s t r a y re fe r e n c e s from documents. F in a lly , though m a te r ia l on C a th o lic m issio n a ry p o lic y i s n o t d i f f i c u l t to f in d , p r a c t i c a l l y no p o s i t i v e evidence e x i s ts as to th e f a te o f Buddhism and
Hinduism i n K o tte and Ja ffn a*
H is to r ie s and c h ro n ic le s
F r. Queyroz* s Temporal and S p i r i t u a l conquest o f Ceylon has p ro v id ed th e framework on which th e ch a p te rs on p o l i t i c a l h i s t o r y i n t h i s stu d y have been b u i l t j Fr* Queyroz w rote jfriis work w ith a pu rp o se- t h a t o f i n s p i r in g th e P ortuguese to reconquer Ceylon - and to d riv e homehis arguements he d id n o t a t tim es s c ru p le to t w is t h i s t o r i c a l fa c ts* But i t i s a
t r i b u t e to h is s k i l l i n a s s im ila tin g evidence t h a t an exam ination o f contem porary rec o rd s le a v e s h is n a r r a tiv e (though b e r e f t o f th e m ira c le s he d e s c rib e s ) more o r l e s s in ta c t* Queyroz• s stu d y however i f uneven i n depth and treatm ent* The whole
(29) T ra n s la te d in to E nglish by F r. S .G .P erera.
(30)
p e rio d 1612-1618 i s d ism issed i n two p ag es. The p o l i t i c a l developm ents o f th e n e x t tw elve y e a rs a re d e s c rib e d i n a hundred pages w hile th e p e rio d 1630-1638 re c e iv e s a
co m p arativ e ly sc a n ty t h i r t y p ag es.
d e fic ie n c y
T his last/btzfjacngc however, can be p a r t i a l l y compensated f o r by u s in g F r. Manoel de Assumppao• s account o f th e
f i n a l oas&agn o f Constaino de Sa and th e s ie g e o f Colombo (31)
t h a t fo llo w e d .F r. Assumpcab o r Manoal Borges da Costa as he was ch risten ed ^ e n te re d th e A ugustinian o rd e r a t th e age o f n in e te e n o r tw enty i n I6l3» He a rriv e d i n Ceylon i n 1620 and soon a f t e r became th e f i r s t v ic a r a t th e A ugustinian m ission a t Rambukkana. He worked a t B entota i n 1628 and was
e v e n tu a lly ap pointed p r i o r o f th e convent o f Colombo on 1 December 1628. Soon a f t e r com pleting h is work he l e f t th e is l a n d never
(32)
to r e tu r n ag a in .H is account^ o f th e events o f th e p e rio d
August - December 1630 can be checked w ith two o th e r contemporary documents - an account o f th e exp e d itio n to Uva as n a rra te d
(30)Pages a r e g iv en o f th e p r in te d E nglish t r a n s l a t i o n . A ll a v a ila b le in fo rm a tio n &n F r. Queyroz has been p u b lish e d i n th e in tr o d u c tio n t a t h i s t r a n s l a t i o n .
(31) R acapilacab breve das g u erra s da i l h a de C eilao e da Rebeliam dos Levant ados, m orte do g e r a l C onstantino de Sa de Noronha
e p erd a de todo a r r a y a l co o u tra s cousas q succeder£b.
(32) Pom P e te r - S tu d ies i n Ceylon church h is t o r y 122-123;
Rego H .4 0 5 ; TT.Ms da L iv r a r ia f f . 2h£
25
by a s o l d i e r who took p a r t and an account o f th e s ie g e o f (33)
Colombo* The two o th e r se v en te en th cen tu ry P o rtu g u ese w r ite r s F a r ia de Souza and Joab R ib eiro have both been e x te n s iv e ly used* F a r ia Souza sta n d s o u t as th e onl)r se v en te e n th c e n tu ry
A (3^)
t o c r i t i c i s e de Sa f o r imprudence i n h is l a s t campaign*
R ib eiro i s u s e f u l because h is eig h te e n y ea rs o f ex p erien ce i n th e i s l a n d en ab les him to r i v a l R obert Knox as a f i r s t
(35)
hand so u rce? o f in fo rm a tio n on Ceylon* R ib eiro #s f ig u re s o f arm ies and p r ic e s however should be tr e a t e d w ith caution*
The stu d y which has emerged from th e s e so u rces i s i n a sense a stu d y i n P o rtu g u ese c o lo n ia l h isto ry * I t i s a ls o a c h a p te r i n th e h i s t o r y o f Ceylon and w ith t h i s i n mind d e s p ite th e d e f ic ie n c ie s o f th e sources an e f f o r t s had been made to lo o k a t th e p o in t o f view o f th e S in h a le se and Tamil s u b je c t a s w e ll as t h a t o f th e Portuguese conqueror*
(33) These two accounts have been p u b lish ed and t r a n s l a t e d by Fr* S .G .P e re ra i n The e x p e d itio n to Uva made i n 1630,
They w i l l h e n c e fo rth be r e f e r r e d to as Jornada and Jo rn a d a - Lomba r e s p e c tiv e ly *
(3*0 The r e fe re n c e s to F a ria de Souza i n t h i s work a re to th e P ortuguese t r a n s l a t i o n by M.V.Garcia Santos P a re ira * There i s
an ab rfg ed E n g lish t r a n s l a t i o n by C aptain John Stevens e n t i t l e d The P o rtu g u ese Asia* London, 1695# b u t i t le a v e s o u t some o f th e m a te ria l used i n t h i s study*
(35) R o b ert Knox An h i s t o r i c a l r e l a t i o n o f Ceylon* The page re fe re n c e s to R ib e iro a re from th e 1909 e d itio n o f P . E . P i e r i s f s t r a n s l a t i o n .
I n 1505, when th e P ortuguese f i r s t v i s i t e d Ceylon th e is l a n d was d iv id e d in to th r e e m ajor p o l i t i c a l u n its and a number o f l e s s e r p r i n c i p a l i t i e s . The f i r s t P ortuguese
c o n ta c ts were w ith th e kingdom o f K o tte which a t t h i s tim e (2 ) covered th e whole o f th e populous and f e r t i l e so u th -w estern low lands* K o tte had pn th e p rev io u s ce n tu ry e x c e rcised
e f f e c t i v e s u z e r a in ty o ver th e r e s t o f th e is la n d b u t s in c e th e days o f Parakramabahu VI (1415-1467) i t s r u l e r had been g ra d u a lly lo o s in g c o n tro l over v a rio u s p a r ts o f th e is l a n d . N e v e rth e le ss even i n th e e a r ly s ix te e n th cen tu ry i t remained th e s tr o n g e s t kingdom i n Ceylon and th e k in g o f K otte
s t i l l claim ed to be th e o v e rlo rd o f th e whole is la n d .
The K o tte economy was b a s i c a l l y one o f s u b s is te n c e
(1) Except where o th erw ise s ta te d th e sources fo r t h i s s e c tio n o f th e in tr o d u c to r y c h a p te r a re F r. S .G .P erera - A h i s t o r y o f Ceylon f o r schools. (1505-1796). F r. Fernao de Queyroz -
The tem poral and s p i r i t u a l conquest o f Ceylon, and T.A beyasinghe- P ortuguese r u l e i n Ceylon. 1594-1012.
(2) I n th e h i s t o r y o f Ceylon kingdoms a re u s u a lly known a f t e r t h e i r c a p i t a l s . K otte th e r e f o r e w ill be g e n e ra lly used to i n d ic a t e th e kingdom o f which th e c i t y o f K o tte was th e c a p i t a l . The s o le ex cep tio n i n th e p e rio d under survey i s t h e kingdom o f J a f f n a whose c a p ita l remained a t N a llu r u n t i l 1621.
27
a g r ic u ltu r e * However th e r e was a lim ite d e x te rn a l tr a d e i n few v a lu a b le commodities - cinnamon, p re cio u s s to n e s , a re c a n u t and e le p h a n ts - handled a t th e p o r ts o f P u tta ja m , K a lp i tiy a , Colombo, Negombo, Beruwala, G a lle and Weligama*
T his tr a d e was l a r g e l y i n th e hands o f a sm all Muslim community c o n c e n tra te d i n th e p o r t towns o f K o tte , and o f th e o th e r kingdoms o f Ceylon*
The c e n tr a l h ig h lan d s o f Ceylon were under th e r u le o f a s e p a r a te monarch. Sometime a f t e r th e a r r i v a l o f th e P o rtu g u ese th e c a p i t a l o f t h i s kingdom on th e h i l l s was
tr a n s f e r r e d from Gampola to th e more c e n t r a l l y s i t u a t e d Senkadagala o r Kandy. Throughout th e s ix te e n th and e a r l y se v e n te e n th c e n tu r ie s th e p rim ary p o l i t i c a l o b je c tiv e ^ o f th e k in g o f Kandy was to se cu re h is independence from th e r u l e r o f K o tte . Kandy, p r o te c te d by g eo g rap h ical
f a c to r s such as i t s mountainous t e r r a i n , f o r e s t t r a c t s
and r i v e r s , was a co u n try d i f f i c u l t to keep under su b ju g a tio n . On th e o th e r hand, as i t was l e s s populous and p o o re r
th a n K o tte , th e k in g o f Kandy had o fte n to seek a fo re ig n a l lia n c e o r th e a id o f r e b e ls w ith in K o tte to m a in ta in h is p o s i t i o n . Kandyan fo re ig n tr a d e was even more lim ite d th a n t h a t o f K o tte , though ele p h an ts and a re c a n u t were exported through th e e a s t c o a s t p o rts o f T rincom alee,
B a ttic a lo a and K o ttiy a r , and a ls o by way o f K otte and J a f f n a .
The kingdom o f J a f f n a was i n many ways d i s t i n c t from th e two o th e r m ajor kingdoms o f th e is la n d . I t was peopled by T am ils, a ra c e d i s t i n c t i n language and cultufce
from th e S in h a le s e who in h a b ite d K o tte and Kandy* Moreover th e people o f J a f f h a were Hindus w hile th e S in h ale se o f
th e so u th were a d h e re n ts o f Buddhism. The p o s itio n o f J a f f n a i i n th e 'n o rth e rn e x tre m ity o f th e is l a n d made i t a lin k
( and sometimes a b u ffe r) between th e two S in h a le se s t a t e s i n th e so u th and th e powers o f so u th I n d ia . J a ff n a i t s e l f had s p e c ia l t i e s o f c u ltu re and commerce w ith th e south In d ia n em pire o f V ijayanagara and i t s su c cesso r s t a t e s o f T anjore and Madura, b u t sin c e i t was a lso exposed to a tta c k s from them d ir e c te d a t th e a c q u is itio n o f th e
l u c r a t i v e p e a r l f is h e r y o f f Mannar, independence fo r J a f f n a meant w arding o f f t h r e a t s from a c ro ss th e P alk s t r a i t s
as w e ll as from th e so u th . J a f f n a too was based on a s u b siste n c e economy b u t th e r e l a t i v e i n f e r t i l i t y o f th e s o i l i n t h i s
area had s tim u la te d c r a f t s such as th e p ro d u ctio n o f c lo th . L e s s e r p r i n c i p a l i t i e s extended from th e w estern
c o a s ta l re g io n between Mannar and P u ttla m acro ss n o th - c e n tr a l Ceylon and th e n southw ards along th e e a s te rn seaboard up
to th e b o u n d aries o f K o tte a t th e Wal&we ganga. These p r i n c i p a l i t i e s o fte n o f no more th a n a few doxen square m iles in e x te n t,
were ru le d by p e t t y c h ie f ta in s c a lle d th e V anniyars. During
2 9
t-he s ix t e e n t h c e n tu ry most o f th e V anniyars o f th e e a s te rn c o a s t came under th e o v e rlo rd s h ip o f Kandy w hile th o s e i n n o r t h - c e n t r a l Ceylon y ie ld e d a lle g ia n c e to e i t h e r J a f f n a o r Kandy, as circu m stan ces d i c t a t e d .
The P o rtu g u e se , as t h e i r envoy ex p lain ed to th e k in g o f K o tte on t h e i r f i r s t v i s i t , came to th e E a st m ainly to t r a d e . H aving e s ta b lis h e d t h e i r h e a d q u a rte rs a t Goa i n 1510$ th e y s e iz e d s t r a t e g i c p o s itio n s l i k e M alacca, Ormuz and S o k o tra i n th e In d ia n ocean and attem pted to exclude t h e i r t r a d i t i o n a l r i v a l s - th e Muslims - from th e tr a d e i n s p ic e s and c l o th . However i n K o tte f o r a dozen y ea rs a f t e r 1505 th e P o rtu g u ese tra d e d on equal term s w ith th e Muslims who had h i t h e r t o monopolized th e e x te rn a l tr a d e o f th e kin>gdom. I t was a f t e r th e y had b u i l t a f o r t i n
Colombo i n 1518 t h a t th e y secu red a more fav o u rab le p o s itio n by means o f a t r e a t y o f a l lia n c e w ith th e k in g o f K o tte .
K o tte i t s e l f was weakened by a p a r t i t i o n o f th e kingdom i n 1521. T his was th e r e s u l t o f a r e v o l t o f th e th r e e sons o f V ijayabahu, a g a in s t t h e i r own f a t h e r , th e k in g o f K o tte . The th r e e p rin c e s who fe a re d t h a t t h e i r
f a th e r was p la n n in g to d i s i n h e r i t them, had him k i l l e d and d iv id e d th e kingdom amongst th em selv es. The e l d e s t, Bhuvanekabahu, ru le d most o f th e kingdom o f K o tte from th e
c a p i t a l w h ile th e o th e r two, Madduma Bandara and Mayadunne were a llo c a te d sm all p o rtio n s o f t e r i t o r y around Rayigagia and S itaw aka.
Kayadunne who had p lay ed a le a d in g p a r t i n th e ev en ts o f 1521 was by no means c o n te n t w ith h i s p o s itio n . Bhuvanekabahu f o r h is p a r t , w hile he la ck ed th e a b i l i t y to oppose h is b r o th e r , sh<j£ed no i n c l i n a t i o n to give him w.
g r e a t e r r e c o g n itio n . To co u n ter th e am bitions o f Mayadunne he began in c r e a s in g ly to i d e n t i f y h im s e lf w ith th e P ortuguese i n t e r e s t and began to r e l y on t h e i r a s s is ta n c e . The (3)
P ortuguese ^ e r e q u ite w illi n g to supply t h i s f o r th e y knew t h a t m i l i t a r y p r o te c tio n was th e f i r s t s te p to p o l i t i c a l dominance over th e v a lu a b le domains o f K o tte . Mayadunne th ereu p o n tu rn e d f o r a s s is ta n c e to th e well-known
enemy o f th e P o rtu g u ese on th e M alabar c o a s t, th e zamorift o f C a lic u t.
The f i r s t attem p t o f Mayadunne to g a in supreme power i n K otte occured i n 1526. I n t h i s and o th e r attem p ts d u rip g th e n ex t tw en ty f iv e y e a rs Bhuvanekabahu was saved o n ly by th e a r r i v a l o f a P ortu g u ese e x p e d itio n a ry fo rc e from Goa. His dependence on th e P ortu g u ese became even more
(3) As by e x p e llin g t h e i r commercial r i v a l s , th e Muslims.
3 1
com plete when he sought to exclude Mayadunne from th e s u c c e s s i o n ^ l n fav o u r o f h is own grandson Bharmapala.
Bhuvanekabahu h im s e lf seem to have r e a l is e d th e weakness o f h is p o s i t i o n as a c l i e n t o f th e P ortuguese and t h i s was p ro b a b ly why he n ev er agreed to th e complete d e s tru c tio n o f h is b ro th e r* s power, o r to g iv e up Buddhism, th e f a i t h o f h is p e o p le , to a c c e p t ^ f ^ C h r i s t i a n i t y . On th e o th e r hand th e l i m i t a t i o n s o f h is power a re ap p aren t from th e f a c t t h a t he had t o appeal to th e k in g o f P o rtu g a l to o rd e r th e P o rtu g u ese and th e converted C h ris tia n s i n h is own kingdom to obey th e law s o f th e l a n d i ^
Even t h i s lim ite d power i n tim e became irksome t o th e P o rtu g u e se who had Bhuvanekabahu a s s a s s in a te d , (6)and th e n drove o u t h is pow erful so n -in -law V idiya Bandara who had shown open h o s t i l i t y tow ards b o th C h r is t ia n i ty and th e
(*0 The normal r u le o f su c ce ssio n in K otte was from b r o th e r to b r o th e r and th e n to th e e l d e s t son o f th e e ld e s t b r o th e r . E x cep tio n al cases o f son succeeding in s te a d o f b r o th e r are sometimes found, b u t grandsons c l e a r ly had a weaker
claim th a n b r o th e r s .
(5) F r. G.Schurhammer and E.A .Voretzch - Ceylon zur z e i t des konigs Bhuvenekabahu und Franz X aviers - 1539-1552.
I . 107-121; R ib e iro £ 27-28.
(6) P .E .P i e r i s and M .A ,H .F itzler - Ceylon and P o rtu g a l. I , 12-13. 257-260. 282-285; R a.javaliya (ed . by B.Gunesekera) 79.81
P o rtu g u e se . The young p rin c e Dharmapala who was proclaim ed k in g by th e P o rtu g u e se on h is g r a n d f a th e r 's d ea th i n 15J1
was induced to a c c e p t C h r is t ia n i ty s i x y e a rs l a t e r and thej^ forty v m took upon th em selv es th e ta s k o f red u cin g h is kingdom to
obedience.
T his proved to be no easy ta s k . Mayadunne claim ed to be th e t r u e h e i r o f Bhuvanekabahu and posed as th e champion o f th e S in h ale se and o f Buddhism a g a in s t fo re ig n and C h r is tia n in f lu e n c e s . This f a c t o r as w e ll as th e la w le s s behaviour o f th e P ortuguese induced many o f th e le a d in g men o f K o tte t o ta k e h is h id e . F rie n d ly r e l a t i o n s between Bhuvanekabahu and J a f f n a f a c i l i t a t e d th e flow o f so u th In d ia n m e rc en a rie s to Ceylon. Furtherm ore th e m i l i t a r y vvowess
powers o f M ayadunne's son, R ajasin h a enabled him to co n fin e th e P o rtu g u e se to a sm all c o a s ta l a re a around Colombo. A ttem pts to c a p tu re Colombo i t s e l f however were f o ile d by th e tim e ly a r r i v a l o f a id to th e b eseig ed from I n d ia .
N e v e rth e le s s fo r f o r t y y e a rs from 1^50» th e r u l e r s o f S itaw aka co n fin ed P ortuguese power, ex ^ e rc ise d i n th e
name o f Dharmapala^ to th e environs o f Colombo. The m issio n ary a c t i v i t y o f th e Franciscansjfcas lik e w is e confined to th e
same a r e a . However, though th e c o a s ta l v ill a g e s o f K o tte which had g iv e n t h e i r a lle g ia n c e to Mayadunne s u ffe re d
33
h e a v ily from P o rtu g u ese r a i d s ,t h e S in h a le se in h a b ita n ts o f th e low lands seem to have co ntinued tr a d e r e l a t i o n s w ith th e P o rtu g u e se except d u rin g th e two g re a t\^ s e ig e s ' o f Colombo i n 1579 and 1587-88*(7)
The power o f Sitaw aka now a t i t s z e n ith , was a lso s ig n a liz e d by th e conquest o f Kandy* Since 1521 th e r u le r s o f Kandy had been l e f t u n d istu rb e d w hile Mayadunne and Bhuvanekabahu were engaged i n a s tr u g g le f o r supremacy.
One o f thera^J ayaweera Bandara by name^being anxious to g ain so v e re ig n s t a t u s had asked f o r P ortu g u ese a id i n th e 15^0*s*
The P o rtu g u e se were q u ite w illi n g to g r a n t such a s s is ta n c e , d e s p ite t h e i r prom ises to defend th e realm s and r i g h t s o f Bhuvanekabahu, b u t u n fo rtu n a te ly f o r th e Kandyan k in g , t h i s a s s is ta n c e was forthcom ing o n ly a t a tim e when Bhuvanekabahu and Mayadunne had te m p o ra rily u n ite d and th e f i r s t b id
f o r independedce ended i n f a i l u r e .
When R a ja sin h a succeeded to th e th ro n e o f Sitaw aka
i n 1581 he found t h a t K araliy ad d e Bandara, Jayaw eera B andara's successor^ n o t o n ly had a fo rc e o f P ortuguese s o ld i e r s to
a id him b u t had a l l i e d h im s e lf w ith th e P o rtu g u ese and had g iv e n h i s d au g h ter i n m arriage to Dharmapala* This
(7) DR.IV, 239-243
convinced R ajasin h a t h a t th e conquest o f Kandy was n ecessary to sa fe g u a rd h is own fla n k w hile a tta c k in g Colombo• Some o f th e Kandyan c h ie f s , a lie n a te d by K araliyadde B andara's p ro -P o rtu g u e se p o lic y a lso gave v a lu a b le a id to R ajasin h a i n h is campaign* F inding h is su p p o rte rs too few and h is P o rtu g u ese c o n tin g e n t too sm all to o f f e r much r e s is ta n c e , K araliy ad d e Bandara f le d to T rin c o a a le e , where he died*
H is c h ild re n b a p tis e d as Dora F ilip e , DoraJoao and Dona C atherina r e s p e c tiv e ly were l a t e r tak en w ith a P ortuguese e s c o r t to
M a n n a r ^
I n th e p e rio d up to 1590, w hile th e P ortuguese were f o ile d i n t h e i r am bitions i n K o tte and Kandy due to th e
power o f S itaw aka, i n J a f f n a th e y were a t bay by a su c cessio n
A
o f r u l e r s who c l e a r l y saw t h a t i t was in t h e i r i n t e r e s t to r e s i s t P ortuguese encroachment. The b e s t known amongst them S a n k ili (1519-1561) pursued a c o n s is te n t a n ti-P o rtu g u e se and a n ti- C a th o lic p o lic y . He knew t h a t th e h e i r o f th e
form er k in g whom he had deposed had gained frie n d s among th e P o rtu g u ese. He a lso q u ic k ly r e a l is e d t h a t th e C h ris tia n co n v erts o f th e F ish e ry Coast would acknowledge no tem poral so v e re ig n o th e r th a n th e k in g o f P o rtu g al.T h u s to him th e P ortuguese re p re se n te d th e enemy from w ithout and C h r is tia n ity
(8) P .d a T rinidade - Conquista e s p i r i t u a l do O rie n te . I I I . 65-68.
3 5
s u b v e rs io n from w ith in . This was why he aid e d Mayadunne a g a in s t th e P o rtu g u ese and l a t e r o f f e r e d re fu g e and
a s s i s t a n c e t o V idiya Bandara. The P o rtu g u e se m i l i t a r y e f f o r t s a g a in s t S a n k ili had l i t t l e e f f e c t . (9)Even th e e l a b o r a te ly p re p a re d e x p e d itio n o f 1560 which was le d by th e V icero y Don C o n stan tin o de Braganya h im s e lf was e v e n tu a lly fo rc e d to s a i l away w ith o u t d e th ro n in g him. B rag a n c a 's e x p e d itio n however ach iev ed one im p o rta n t g a in . The is l a n d o f Mannar was s e iz e d and a f o r t was b u i l t on i t . A number o f C h r is tia n s
( 10)
from th e F is h e ry Coast were s e t t l e d i n th e is l a n d which h e n c e fo rth became a base f o r i n t r i g u e s a g a in s t h o s t i l e monarchs i n J a f f n a and a so u rce o f su p p o rt to th o s e who
favoured th e P o rtu g u e se . However, even when i n th e 1560*s th e c a p ta in o f Mannar e v e n tu a lly found h im s e lf a b le to p la y th e king-m aker i n J a f f n a i t was n o t lo n g b e fo re th e new r u l e r found h im s e lf o b lig e d to oppose th e P o rtu g u e se to p r o t e c t h i s own i n t e r e s t s and to m a in ta in th e l o y a l t y o f
h is Hindu s u b je c ts . For in s ta n c e P e r iy a p u lle C hegarajasekaram i n s t a l l e d i n 1570 a tta c k e d Mannar w ith a id o f fo rc e s from T a n jo re J11^
_ _ _
v ' F r. S .G .P e re ra h o ld s t h a t i n 15^3 Martim A ffonso de Souza fo rc e d S a n k ili to prom ise t r i b u t e b u t th e v e ry n e x t y e a r S a n k ili k i l l e d a l l C h r is tia n s i n Mannar who re fu s e d to g iv e up t h e i r
f a i t h . The P o rtu g u ese were unable to make him r e v e r s e t h i s p o lic y d e s p ite a n o th e r e x p e d itio n i n 15^5*
(10) The T iru n a v e li c o a s t o f so u th I n d ia between Cape Camorin and th e is l a n d o f Rameswaram.
(11) V rid d h a g iriso n * The Nayak o f T a n jo re . 78.
E ig h ty f iv e y ears a f t e r t h e i r f i r s t v i s i t to Ceylon, th e P o rtu g u ese s t i l l had l i t t l e r e a l power i n Ceylon* They and t h e i r C h ris tia n co n v erts were co n fin ed to th e a re a s su rro u n d in g th e f o r t s o f Colombo and Mannar* Even th e s e f o r t s were fre q u e n tly b eseig ed by th e k in g s o f Sitaw aka
( 12)
and J a f f n a who a c te d i n co n c ert a g a in s t th e fo re ig n danger*
P o rtu g u ese e f f o r t s to s e t up puppet r u l e r s who would be amenable to t h e i r w ishes had so f a r fa ile d * C orrespondingly th e m issio n a ry a c t i v i t y and th e s o c ia l im pact o f C h r i s t i a n i t y was reduced to a minimum*
D uring th e next few y e a rs , however, a s e r i e s o f s t r i k i n g v i c t o r i e s enabled th e P ortuguese to become th e r u le r s o f K otte and th e dominant power i n Ceylon* This sudden r e v e r s a l o f fo rtu n e was to a l a r g e e x te n t a r e s u l t o f th e d e c lin e o f th e power o f Sitaw aka. R a ja s in h a #s
e x a c tio n s , e s p e c ia lly th o se dufcing h i s p re p a ra tio n s fo r h is l a s t s e ig e o f Colombo, a lie n a te d many* His conversion to Hinduism and th e favours he g ra n te d to Hindus could n o t have endeared him to th o se who had tu rn e d to h is f a t h e r as a d efen d e r o f Buddhism. Moreover h is r u th le s s e lim in a tio n o f a l l p o te n tia l re b e ls ensured t h a t th e r e would be no
(12) Mannar fo r in s ta n c e was a tta c k e d f iv e tim es i n t h i r t y one y ea rs (Queyroz 418-4195 V rid d a g iriso n 78)
37
stro n g su c c e sso r a t h is d e a th .
A lte r h is f a i l u r e to c a p tu re Colombo i n 1588, R a jasin h a faced r e v o lts i n h is own dom inions. The P ortuguese p r o f it e d by th e s e d istu rb a n c e s to cap tu re some o f th e la n d s o f
K o tte . Furtherm ore th e y s e n t a fo rc e to th e h i l l co u n try under Konnappu Bandara enthrone Don F i l i p e , son o f
K araliy ad d e Bandara, as th e new o f k in g o f Kandy, Konnappu Bandara jo in in g hands w ith th e r e b e llio u s Kandyan n o b i l i t y d e fe a te d
R ajasinha* s fo rc es a t Ganetenna and th e n s u c c e s s f u lly defended Balane P ass a g a in s t R a jasin h a h im s e lf. Hatoing
f a i l e d i n h is f i n a l attem p t to re c o v e r Kandy R a jasin h a r e t i r e d towards Sitaw aka i n 1593 and d ie d on th e way. A fte r h is
d e a th d is s e n s io n s w ith in Sitaw aka enabled th e P ortuguese to g a in th e su p p o rt o f a la r g e s e c tio n o f th e S in h a le se army le d by Manamperuma M o h o tta li* ^ and w ith h is a id
Sitaw aka i t s e l f was captured and th e whole o f so u th -w e ste rn Ceylon reduced to obedience.
I n J a f f n a too th e P ortuguese g ain ed ground. The King P u v ira ja Pandaram P a r a r a ja s in g h a m ^ ^ a d a lre a d y launched
(13) Son o f V irasundera Bandara who had h elp ed R a ja sin h a to s e iz e Kandy, V irasundera Bandara was l a t e r k i l l e d by R a jasin h a on su sp ic io n o f tre a c h e ry and h is son f le d to th e P o rtu g u e se.
(1*0 Manamperuma M ohottala was a so u th In d ia n r e c r u i t to R ajasinha*s army. His o r ig in a l name was A ritth ak eev en d u Perum al. A fte r
R ajasinha*s d eath he won a sk irm ish a g a in s t th e P ortuguese and ta k in g th e name o f J ayaweera Bandara, made an a ttem p t to g a in k in g sh ip f o r h im s e lf, b e fo re d e s tro y in g th e P o rtu g u e se.
(15) The su c cesso r o f P e riy a p u lle C hegarajasekaram .
an u n su c c e s sfu l a tta c k a g a in s t Mannar. R e a lis in g th e need f o r a n av al power to cu t o f f P o rtu g u ese sea-b o rn e a id he appealed to th e K u n ja lis , th e ad m irals o f th e zamorin o f C a lic u t to a id him. This proved to be h is undoing, f o r i n wake o f th e C a lic u t f l e e t came th e P ortuguese f l e e t o f Andre Furtado de M endoza which had been e s p e c ia lly
o rg an ise d to p u t an end to K u n ja li arinfar r a id s on P o rtu g u ese s h ip s . De Mendonpa n o t o n ly d e stro y e d th e f l e e t b u t having r e lie v e d Mannar invaded J a f f h a . The k ip g o f Jaffna was d e fe a te d and k i l l e d to g e th e r w ith h is son and^commander-Kc
i n - c h i e f o f th e J a f f h a fo rc e s . Ethirmanne Sin^ham, son o f P e riy a p u lle whom th e P ortuguese had s e t up i n 1570 and son-
in -la w o f P u v ira ja Pandaram was th e n p la ce d on th e th ro n e . The new k in g agreed to ac ce p t th e k in g o f P o rtu g a l as
( 16) so v e reig n and to pay t r i b u t e .
I n Kandy however th e i n i t i a l P ortuguese success was soon follow ed by a h u m ilia tin g r e v e r s e . The S in h ale se
fo rc e s o f Don F ilip e having proved them selves w e ll ab le to
(l6)C.R.B©xer - Andre Furtado de Mandonca. 1 5 3 8 -l6 l0 ./ l 3 - 1 7 / A.Botelho de Souza - S u b sid io s p a ra a h i s t o r i a m i l i t a r m aritim a da I n d ia . 1.32
EM. Add. Mss. 28432.f .l2 4 v ; B M L .F S .W .f .^ ; 3NL.
Illu m in ad o s 139*f . 82