Land and Society in North Bihar, India: Agrarian Relations in the Later Nineteenth Century.

LAND AND SOCIETY IN NORTH BIHAR, INDIA: A G RARIAN R E LATIONS

THE LATER NINETEENTH CENTURY

B Y

B i n d e s h w a r R a m

Thesis Submi t t e d for the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy,

School of Oriental and African Studies, U n i v e r s i t y of London

1968

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D e d i c a t e d to

F a t h e r

CQN1EEIS

A b s t r a c t i

P r e f a c e a n d A c k n o w l e d g e m e n t ii- ii i

Maps: iv- v

L i s t of T a b l e s vi

List of A b b r e v i a t i o n s vii

I NTRODUCTION: th e A g r a r i a n S o c i e t y of N o r t h B i h a r in the N i n e t e e n t h C e n t u r y

1

Z a m i n d a r s 2 3

R a i y a t s 73

L a n d Re nt 130

A g r i c u l t u r a l L a b o u r 1

C o n c l u s i o n

F o o t n o t e s B i b l i o g r a p h y

224

ABSTRACT

The thesis d i s c u s s e s the origin and d ev e l o p m e n t of land ownership, tenancy and labour, and the p a t t e r n of economic organization, in North Bihar. These q ue s t i o n s are considered both in terms of the r el a t i o n between p ro d u c t i o n and rural trade, and in reg a r d to te n a n c y and other laws of British administration. The attempt is to make an ovei— all e s t i mation of a g r a ri an rel a t i o n s in the region. This includes the value of land, the rent system, the nature of the p r o p r ietary interest, and the social and e c o nomic gap b et w e e n the upper and lower cla s s e s of the population. In particular, the i n t ention is to d e scribe the historical current in the st r ucture of society, land tenure, pro d u c t i o n and subsistence.

Did the con d i t i o n of the lower c l asses as r e v ea le d in the co urses worsen in r el a t i o n to the c o n d i t i o n of the agricultural c om m u n i t y as a whole? Vas there a rise in population, and if so with what effect? What was the impact of t en a n c y legisl a t i o n f r o m the point of v i e w of c h anges in the c on di ti on of the a g ricultural classes? H o w important was gov e r n m e n t policy g e n e r a l l y In r e lation to the agrarian so ciety of Bihar?

The th e s i s concludes, among other things, that institutional f a ctors and social and e c o n o m i c ideas were res p o n s i b l e for the dev l o p m e n t and m a i n t enance of the social hierarchy. The c o n d i t io ns of the lower cl a s s e s worsened, as their r i ghts were not increased. Government l e g i s lation at first ignored tenant rig h t s too, but later improved the p o si t i o n of o cc u p a n c y tenants. The internal market c o n t inued to be c o nt ro ll ed by landed p ro pr ie t o r s or local merchants, but their external interests, in towns and trade, increased their desire to control the village economy.

PREFACE AND A C K N O W L E D G E M E N T S

Apart from an introduction and conclusion, this thesis is divided into four parts. The first part on Zamindars discusses: <i) dominant social c l a ss e s and the formation of a g r arian s o ciety in historical perspective, <ii) p a r t ition of estates, (iii) raiyati right by proprietors, (iv) zirat land;

(v) management of zamindari estates; and (vi) intermediaries and t e n u r e - h o l d e r s . *J*he second, on Raiyats, deals with: (i) the e v o lution and growth of r a iyats in historical perspective;

(ii) the c a t e g o r iz at i on of raiyats, s t a t u s in land, society and t e nancy law; (iii) the t r ansfer of raiyati rights by zamindars; and (iv) raiyats and p r o d u c t io n relations. The third, on Land Rent considers: (i) c u s t o m ar y practice of the extrac t i o n of surplus produce^ a historical dimension; (il>

raiyati land, production, rent and ten a n c y law; (iii) the rental income of zamindars and the c o l l e c ti on of rent by various elements of society; (iv) h ow rent was enhanced: methods and classes of tenants s u b jected to such enhancement; (v) abw a b s (cesses); and (vi ) whether the rent i n c r eased in the late n ineteenth century in North Bihar.The fourth, on agricultural labour, is divided into nine sections: (i) the historical genesis of labour, bondage sl a v e r y and its continuity; (ii) popula t i o n and labour; (iii) labour and exp a n s i o n of cultivation; (iv) " the par a d o x of labour scarcity; (v) government intervention and emigration; (vi) wages and the labour market; (vi) the late n i ne te en th century: rising demand and captive labour; (viii) Housing and health as indicators of poverty; (ix) trends and comparison.

In persuing this researchmjfsupervisor, Dr. P. G. Robb, has done much to shape ray analysis, and cla r i f y my arg u m e n t s at various stages. 1 am grateful to hi m for all this during the course of my study.

I a m indebted to P r o fessor A. R. Kulkarni e x —Chairman Indian Council of Historical Research, and P r o f essor K. A.

Ballhatchet, Head of the Dept a r t m e n t of History^ SOAS, for their enco u r a g e m e n t in c o m p l e t i o n of this work. My thanks are

also due to Professor K. N. Chaudhuri for his advice at various stages d ur i ng the course of my study.

I a m grateful to P r o fessor Irfan Habib, Chairman, Indian Council of Historical Research, who has been kind to me in e xt e n d i n g my leave. I thank Mr. R. C. Dogra, Principal Assistant Librarian, South Asia, SO A S and the staff of the library, for their c o o p e r a t i o n and help. Anandi and Gyan have been very kind in spa r i n g time in g o i n g th r o u g h the typescript.

I must thank th e m for their help. I also thank Mrs. Norma Q ge r m a n n who has typed my thesis.

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NorthBihar:Districtsand Sub-Divisionsinthe beginningof20thCentury*

LIST OF TABLES

1)

2)

3)

4)

5 >

6)

7)

8 )

9)

10)

1 1 )

1 2)

13)

Percentage d i s t r i b u t i o n of harvest (by area) in 1900 in P ^ N orth Bihar.

Table s h owing the g r o w i n g number of e s t a t e s be t w e e n 1879 P ^ and 1900 in four d i s t ri c t s of North Bihar,

Table s h owing average number of p a r t ition of est a t e s per P a n n u m between 1866 and 1896.

Table showing the c a s t e - w i j e d i s t r i b u t i o n of landholding, p12. J the size of the a v erage holding, and the percen t a g e of the caste p o p u lation h ol d i n g more than 2 acres b ased on the sample se l e c t e d 100 v i l l a g e s of the Sa r a n district*

Table s h owing the f i gures for the whole d i strict of Saran p\x‘a- ex t r ap ol at ed from the findings in the 100 v i llages above.

It gives p ercentage o|[pure c ul t i v a t i n g ca s t e s and of the c u lt i v a t i n g and l a n dless ca s t e s of the d i st ri ct 's (Saran) populat i on?

Table showing the p e r c entage of pure cultivators, p|X3 c u lt i v a t i n g and landless labourers and other c a l l in gs in the 100 villages of the Saran district-

Table s h owing v a r i a t i on of p op u l a t i o n in the North Bibar PI7*/

di s t ricts since 1872 to 1911.

Table s h owing the v ar i a t i o n of e x t e ns io n of c u l ti va ti on inPI7f the dis t r i c t s of Patna D i vision d uring 1872 - 1901.

Table s h owing pop u l a t i o n d e nsity and e m i g ra ti on in Bihar pli7 and United Provinces, 1901.

Table s h owing monthly wages of u ns k i l l e d labourers, 1880 - 1894 in the major d is tr ic ts of Bengal, Bihar and If. P.

sup p l y i n g labourers.

Table s h owing m o nthly wages of s k illed lab o u r e r s in the px®o se l e c t e d districts.

Table showing wages in cash and kind in v ar i o u s d i s tricts of North Bihar*

Table showing d i s t r ib ut io n of per s o n s per acre in the

dis t r i c t s of Patna D i v is io n in the late n i ne te en th ceniury/^'S

LIST OF ABBREVIATIONS

Br.

B P

C I

C JE

C S

E J

E P

I E

I H

I H

I H

I 0

J B

J I

J 0

J P

M A

M S

N D

N A

Rev.

S S

Mus. - B r i t i s h M u s e u m

P - Be n g a l Pas t a n d P r e s e n t

S - C o n t r i b u t i o n s t o In d i a n S o c i o l o g y

C a m b r i d g e J o u r n a l of E c o n o m i c s

S H - C o m p a r a t i v e S t u d i e s in S o c i e t y a n d H i s t o r y A n I n t e r n a t i o n a l Q u a r t e r l y

E c o n o m i c J o u r n a l

V - E c o n o m i c a n d P o l i t i c a l V e e k l y

S H R - I n d i a n E c o n o m i c a n d S o c i a l H i s t o r y R e v i e w

C P - I n d i a n H i s t o r y C o n g r e s s P r o c e e d i n g s

R - I n d i a n H i s t o r i c a l R e v i e w

R C - I n d i a n H i s t o r i c a l R e c o r d s C o m m i s s i o n

L - I n d i a n O f f i c e L i b r a r y & R e c o r d s

R S - J o u r n a l of B i h a r R e s e a r c h S o c i e t y

S - J o u r n a l of I n t e r - d i s c i p l i n a r y H i s t o r y

R S - J o u r n a l of A m e r i c a n O r i e n t a l S o c i e t y

S - J o u r n a l of P e a s a n t S t u d i e s

S - M o d e r n A s i a n S t u d i e s

S - M a n u s c r i p t s

No Da t e

No A u t h o r

& A g r . - R e v e n u e a n d A g r i c u l t u r e

S o c i a l S c i e n t i s t

C H A P T E R I

INTRODUCTION: the A g r arian S o c ie t y of North Bihar in the 19th C e ntury

Empirical research on the n i n e t ee nt h c e nt ur y e c on om y and so ciety in India has a s sumed much s ig ni fi ca nc e in recent decades. S tudy of the different reg i o n s within India is imperative. Varying features of geography, social o rg an is a t i o n and c u s t o m create regional pat t e r n s and specific problems.

North Bihar is one such region, where a hi g h l y d e v e l o p e d agricu l t u r e and a hie r a r c h y of p r o d u c e r s have e x i s t e d since very e arly times.

R e s e a r c h on the n i n e t e e n t h cen t u r y d e pends largely on Br i t i s h d oc u m e n t s and other r e c o r d s p r e p a r e d during B r itish rule. Oral evidence can depict a cl e a r e r picture of recent years, but in the n ineteenth cen t u r y the land system, fiscal policy and political o r g a n is at io n of the co u n t r y were quite different. Hence my study is c o n fined to the so u r c e s of the B r itish p eriod with which it deals.

There is a c on s i d e r a b l e l iterature on the a gr a r i a n h i story of Bihar (a part of Bengal Presidency) in the n i n e teenth century. 1 Among some recent work, c o n ce rn ed with areas outside Bihar, there is evidence of n ew t h i nk in g about the c h anges in ag r a r i a n str u c t u r e and other a s p e c t s of rural society:-.::. One book, that of Sugata Bose on a g r ar ia n Bengal, has ca l l e d for a r e - c o n s i d e r a ti on of e co n o m i c r e l a t io ns in s o ciety in e as t e r n India as the basis for the e xp lo i t a t i o n of the lower orders by dominant social g r o u p s 2 . In this study I am also t rying to trace the d ev e l o p m e n t of social c l a s s e s and their r el a t i o n s with each other. But I suggest that the social h ie r a r c h y r em a i n e d a crucial ba s i s for relations between the ha v e s and havenots, and for the e xp lo i t a t i o n of agricultural production. Hence I will e xa m i n e the relations between landlords and peasants, of v ar i o u s categories, and in a broad historical perspective. My idea is also to analyse the q ua l i t a t i v e d i f fe re nc es b et w e e n the various c at eg or ie s| an dh ol de rs and their d o m i na nc e in the society.

Since the occupational d is tr ib ut io n is quite i n s ignificant so

far as the agricultural p r o d u c t i o n is concerned, I argue that the caste h i e r a r c h y r e mains important for u n d e r s t a n d i n g the s tatus of the p e a s antry or lower classes, even in con d i t i o n s of commercial agriculture. I a m c o n c e r n e d to i d e ntify the p roducers and exploiters, and to e x p l a i n why, in changing economic conditions, inued to s uffer f r o m o p p r e s s i o n in the p eriod under study. This q u e s t i o n a r i s e s also in regard to the t e nancy l e g i s l a t i o n w hich was s u p p o s e d to protect c ul t i v a t o r s as well as landholders. The c o n c e r n is thus with the c lass basis of the d i f f er en ti at ed r a iyats and cultivators, at a time of increasing c o m m e r c i a l i s a t i o n of agriculture, and the gro w t h of the market economy. I will not deal in detail with produc t i o n or marketing, except in so far as they were relevant to the material life of the raiyats, and the m a i n t enance of agricultural classes. Recently, much has been written on commercialisation, d e i n d u s t r i a l i s a t io n and de- peasantisation, which I do not want to repeat. My main c o ncern is to investigate the d e v e l o p m e n t s in agr a r i a n rel a t i o n s during the nin e t e e n t h c e n t u r y in regard to the e c o n o m i c and hierajchical bases of the society. f' In c o n s i d e r i n g the ch a n g e s taking place, it is s u g g e s t e d that peasant p r o d u c t i o n and social structure are r e l a t e d to each other, and that c e rtain p r o d uction r e l ations p e r s i s t e d even with the dev e l o p m e n t of c apitalist re l a t i o n s in agriculture; it was thus that the social and economic orders a p p e a r e d to be changed.

In re l a t i o n to the British, the q u e s t i o n is w h ether their ef f o r t s were likely to bring c h a n g e s in the society.

The p olicy of the gov e r n m e n t was more to m a i n t a i n the e q u i l i b r i u m b e tween the za m i n d a r and raiyat than to ame l i o r a t e the impoverished c o n d i t i o n of the lower c l a s s e s and the landless labourers. Amongst the as p e c t s c o n s i d e r e d in this con n e c t i o n are rent a n d the e x t r a c t i o n of shares of the produce by the z a m indars and i n t e r m e d i a r i e s by m e a n s of their general influence but also of their a d m i n i s t r at iv e control and the use they made of tenancy law. The role of the Bengal T en a n c y Act, 1885, and the later m e a s u r e s of the g o v e r n m e n t under the S urvey and Set t l e m e n t p r o c e d u r e s will be c o n s i d e r e d specifically, in c o m p a r i s o n with the old m e t h o d s of the

Com p a n y ' s rule, and in rel a t i o n to the z a m i n d a r s and the other dominant social el e m e n t s such as village officials.

Another important theme in the social s t r u cture and economic r el a t i o n s is the eme r g e n c e of i n t e r m e d i a r i e s and rich peasants, whether by the cr e a t i o n of the t e n a n c y laws or otherwise. But, it is argued, there r e m a i n e d e s s e n t i a l l y just three c l asses in the so c i e t y — — the z a m i n d a r s and intermediaries, the raiyats, and the agricul t u r a l labourers.

Why study North Bihar a g r arian h i s t o r y in the late nin e t e e n t h century? Regional e x a m i n a t i o n s are n e e d e d in order to give an accurate idea of the process of transformation.

The nin e t e e n t h c e n t u r y is important as the most formative period of the B r itish regime f r o m the point of v i e w of economic development. The North Bihar r e g i o n formed (and even now forms) the most fertile tract of the I n d o-Gangetic areas;

80 to 90 per cent of the pop u l a t i o n d e p e n d e d on agriculture, but since the early p eriod they had also d e v e l o p e d i ndigenous art, craft and trade. Thus though people lived in the village co m m u n i t y and were a p p a re nt ly self-sufficient, a social and economic hie r a r c h y was very much present. Yet the greater development of a market ec o n o m y did bring c ha ng e s in other aspects of the s o ciety including the a g r ar ia n structure; that is one subject for this study.

To what extent was Bihar d ifferent? A d m i n is tr at io n and tenancy law were g en er al ly similar for the entire Bengal Presidency. There were basic s i m il ar it ie s in social structure too between Bihar and Bengal. But there were also dif f e r e n c e s in the status and nature of the z a m i n d a r s and raiyats. Bihar was poorer. There was, in addition, a sub-reg i o n a l pattern within North Bihar. P ro s p e r i t y varied a cr os s the dis t r i c t s of Darbhanga and Muzaffarpur, as did the d egree of dominance by the zamindars. There were thousands of a c r es held by a single superior zamindar; there were areas c on tr o l l e d by a multitude of small and i nt er me d i a r y proprietors. L i k e w i s e we find very local d if f e r e n c e s in geographical and eco l o g i c a l features.

Yet it is possible to ask, in the historical perspective, why one re g i o n is dif f e r e n t f r o m another? Why, for example, were the raiyats in Bengal more p r o s p e r i o u s than their counter parts in North Bihar? H ow do the j o t d a r s (rich p e a s a n t s ) , a

dominant land ho l d i n g cl a s s of intermediaries, differ from the i nt er m e d i a r i e s found under z a m i n d a r s in Bihar?

To answer such questions, it is nec e s s a r y to take a long view. The importance of the agrttrian and administ r a t i v e hi s t o r y of Bihar in the e arly periods of the ninete e n t h c en t u r y has been r ea l i s e d by a few histor Ians, n o t a b l y K, K.

Datta on the p eriod under the East India Company, H. R. Ghosal on eco n o m i c history, J. S. Jha on the D a r b h a n g a Raj, and recent works of B. B. Cha u d h u r i on a g r a r i a n history. These works suggest a need for further r e search on elite formation and a g r a r i a n q u es t i o n s in the n i n e t e e n t h century. I intend to study the main c h a r a c t e r is t ic s of the rise and gr o w t h of the ag r a r i a n pr o b l e m s which need s e rious consideration.

Land was never held in outright o w n e r s h i p as private pr o p e r t y before the Br i t i s h arrived. The state p o s s essed a traditional c l a i m to a share of the produce, the land revenue demand, c o l l e c t e d by the interme d i a r y classes. They were of diverse origin. Some were Hindu or M u s l i m nobles, the milifary chiefs and tax c o ll e c t o r s of the M u ghals or those who rose, f rom the revenue a d m i n i s t r a t i o n having be e n chaudhuri & and S a d a r qanungos. The mahai^ja o~ of Dar b h a n g a was in this category. Some were heads of clans and cl a i m e d to be d es c e n d e n t s of ancient rulers of kingdoms, such were the Hathwa maharaj , and several other rajas of Bihar and Banaras.

During the decay of governmental a ut ho ri ty in the e ig h t e e n t h century, many of these c hiefs had vastly e n h an ce d their power over the land, and e n cr oa ch ed upon the ri g h t s of the State.

This p ower fell short of a true p ro pr ie t a r y title, for the zamindar had still to take account of the c us to ma ry right of his tenants. The cul t i v a t o r or raiyat was ob l i g e d to pay a share of his produce as rent to the sup e r i o r holder, but this share was usually fixed by custom, and so long as it was paid the c ul t i v a t o r and his heirs were entit led to r e main on the_■w”

soil. The peasant th e r e b y acq u i r e d an e f f e c ti ve right of occupancy, which p r o t e ct ed h i m fr o m unjust e n h a n cement or eviction, and gave h i m a tangible interest in the land.

D uring the a na rc h y of the e ig h t e e n t h century, alt h o u g h often s ub j e c t e d to e x t o r ti on by powerful z a m i n d a r s and forced to c o n t ribute to the support of armed bands of retainers, the

c u l t iv at or s were s t i l l ^ a fairly s t r o n g b a r g a i n i n g position.

The p o p u l a t i o n was r e l a t i v e l y small, and much land lay uncultivated. A raiyat. who c o n s i d e r e d himself oppressed, co u l d a lways take his labour elsewhere, and be ce r t a i n of finding favourable terms. Such was the s i t u a t i o n when the E ng l i s h i n t r oduced revenue a d m i n i s t r a t i o n and awarded p r o p ri et ar y r ights in the soil to those upon w h o m they settled land revenue. 3 In Bihar a great portion of the land was d i s t ri bu te d amongst a few Rajas; economic and social control was al w a y s in the hands of a handful of persons. The control of land and the d i s t r i bu t i on of its product were and are central to social rel a t i o n s and the social structure.

Moreover, in Bihar as in other areas, land t e nure was not only about o wn e r s h i p of land, rents and taxes, but also about kinship, marriage, ritual status, and prestige.

Under such an a g ra r i a n society, where one finds vast distinctions, the role of the fo r e i g n power was important for s e ttling the zamindari s y s t e m in line with the B r itish s y s t e m of p r o p r i e t a ry rights, and for e n c o ur ag in g the growth of a capitalist agricultural economy. In this connection, the recent hist o r i o g r a p h i c a l trends lay much e m p h a s is on the c o n d i t i o n of agricultural labourerr and the d e p r e s s e d c l asses under colonial rule. Their p o v e r t y has been e x p l a i n e d as d e p e a s a n t i s a t i o n and deindustrialization, and is said to be r e vealed in labour migration. In this thesis the causes will be located in u n d e r l y i n g political and e c o no mi c factors rel a t e d to the zamindari s tr u c t u r e and other changes a s s o c i a t e d with colonial rule.

Vhat the records b ring out, f r o m the s e v e n t e e n t h c e ntury to the twentieth, is the s i g n i f i c a n c e of the assess m e n t of the land revenue. The z a m i n d a r ' s p o s i t i o n after the Permanent S ettlement was as a revenue payer as fixed by^**East India C o m p a n y on the terms and c o n d i t i o n s ag r e e d upon, and also on the basis of actual returns. Hit h e r t o in a large ami i zamindari ; only a fe w vi l l a g e s or a couple of p a r g a n a s would o r d i n a r i l y be e a r m a r k e d for istamrari (revenue) settlement, while revenue for the r e m a i n i n g p o r t i o n s of zamindari would be based on annual assessments. Such a z a m i n d a r was called mukarrari p e s h k a s h i s t a m r a r i . Where continuous r e c o r d s oi aIA~

p ar t i c u l a r zamindari fa m i l y for the 17th and 18th c e n t uries are available, it is clear that the r e v e n u e s of the villages or p a r g a n a s were re v i s e d at t imes a n n u a l l y and at times after two to five years. In respect of istamrari vi l l a g e s or parganas, at e very settlement, the za m i n d a r r e q u e s t e d the government to r etain the pre v i o u s l y fixed revenues. The government had the d i s c r e t i o n to accept or reject the demand.

It might re t a i n fixed r e v e n u e s in respect of some v i l l a g e r s or parganas, and revise the d e m a n d for others. For some istamrari v i l lages and p a r g a n a s the ass e s s m e n t r e m a i n e d fixed for con s i d e r a b l e l e n g t h of time, but others were revised every two to five years.'4 The terms dep e n d e d on the political r el a t i o n s between the za m i n d a r and the state— on the loyalty of the zamindar or the power and influence of the government.

M u rshid Quli Khan (1700-1727), r e a s s e s s e d the revenue m a c h i n e r y and zamindari institutions, in Bengal subah, and his methods were ad o p t e d in principle by the East India C o mpany before the Permanent Settlement. Moreover, when the Permanent Settlement was i n t r o d u c e d over wide ar e a s of Bengal Presidency, there rem a i n e d tracts in Bihar w h i c h were not included; in some a reas it took half a c e n t u r y and more for the C o m p a n y ' s government to complete the process. In the district of Tirhut the Permanent S ettlement was made gra d u a l l y as late as the 1830s and 1840s. Even with the raja of Darbhanga, the biggest za m i n d a r of Bihar, no s e t t l e m e n t was c o n cluded until 1799. Moreover, the great e st a t e s in Bihar, such as Hathwa, Bettiah, R a m Nagar, Madhuban, Tekari and Dumraon, e v i d e n t l y came terms with the C o m p a n y' s g overnment for the p r o t e c t i o n of their mutual interests. There were also ce r t a i n p e c u l a r i t i e s in the a d m i n i s t r a t i o n of Bihar under the Company. In the first place, in the Bihar districts, the Com p a n y ' s g overnment ha r d l y e x p e r i e n c e d any financial deficit;

indeed the su r p l u s p r o v i d e d regular s u p p l i e s of money to the Commercial Resident of Patna for the C o m p a n y ' s annual investment, and also to v a r i o u s other d i s t r i c t s to meet deficiencies. The r ea s o n s were the great f e r t i l i t y of the soil, and the increases in p r o d u c t i o n under the influence of E u r opean capital, s u p p l i e d by Eu r o p e a n indigo planters, and by the C om p a n y for o p i u m and s a l t p e t r e .5

In the long revenue h i story of the zamindari estates, the British a d m i ni s t r a t i o n is thus linked to three interrelated pro c e s s e s - con t i n u i n g peasant cultivation, a n e w p roduction of raw mat e r i a l s for B r i t i s h - o w n e d m a n u f ac tu ri ng enterprises, and the r e t e n t i o n of a s y s t e m of revenue c o l l e c t i o n based on a feudal control of pe a s a n t s by landlords. At independence, therefore, there was not s imply a traditional, backward pea s a n t r y which had to be 'modernized' by b e n e volent elites.

This was an old a g r arian s y s t e m harnessed to the interests of international and, later, domestic capitalism. The s ys t e m of tenure was conducive to a low level of investment in agricultural tec h n o l o g y and infrastructure; it was a structure which was pervaded by e x p l o i t a t i o n f r o m top to bottom.

C o nt in u i t i e s and institutional factors thus played an important part. In agricultural p r o d u c ti on and d is t r i b u t i o n the persistent factors were caste and c lass distinctions, and the division of labour, but above all p a t t e r n s of o w n e rship over p roductive property, most e s p e c i a l l y land but also including m a r k e t i n g and distribution. Against this one c o n siders variable inputs - law and order and r e venue systems, that is, the political p r ocess both formal and informal through which the State ac q u i r e d its p a r t i c u l a r complexion.

The structure of a g r a r i a n s o ciety ref l e c t s the way in which numerous interest are a c c o W M d a t e d in a scale which reaches f r o m the tiller of the soil to the highest a u t h o r i t i e s of the S t a t e . & It was the int e g r a t i o n of the zamindars, t e nants and State a u t h o r i t y that are to be known as zamindari system, and which this th e s i s examines. The z a m i n d a r s of Bihar in the nin e t e e n t h c e n t u r y came, as said, f r o m h e r e d i t a r y r e venue farms with full a d m i n i s t r a t i v e a u t h o r i t y over the area under their control. In the p r e - B ri t i s h days i n d e p endent or s em i ­ i ndependent C h i e l t a i n s who had been g iven independent aut h o r i t y were p e s h k a s h -payi ng s u b o r d i n a t e a l lies or m a n s a b d a r s of the empire.

The z a m i n d a r s of the Br i t i s h period were d e r i v e d from the above cl a s s e s in Bihar, and hence r e t a i n e d a sense of legitimate a u t h o r i t y and a b s olute right in land.The concept of

'land to rule' was in the mind of the z a m i n d a r s and the government. The Br i t i s h a d m i n i s t r a t i o n made c e r t a i n

i n novations but m a i n t a i n e d the her e d i t a r y o w n e r s h i p of land.

Therefore, the idea of absolute authority, control over both the p r o d u c t i o n and the producers, was c o mmon to both British a d m i n i s t r a t i o n and the zamindari system. In a d d i t i o n to these social and economic inequalities, the c a p i talist mode of p ro d u c t i o n cre a t e d v a r i o u s other dominant g r o u p s - rich peasants, thikadars, mahajans, m o n ey - l e n d e r s an d village merchants. On the other hand, the raiyats, and agricultural labourers who were the victims of the i n t e r m e d i a r y groups, also r em a i n e d the ba c k - b o n e of a g r icultural production. Each

level of s o c i e t y e x p l o i t e d weaker sections.

The basis of the e xp lo it at io n was that, in a caste and e c onomic hierarchy, and under a rental s y s t e m as with a capitalist mode of production, the s u b s e rvient pe a s a n t r y was bound to part with surplus, and to su p p l y b egar or bonded labour. Maurice D obb's idea of feudal h i e ra rc hy as the basis of social s t r u cture and e c o nomic re l a t i o n s is very relevant h e r e . 7 Later ana l y s e s of c lass f o r m a t i o n and economic rel a t i o n s in the light of historical m a t e r i a l i s m have also opened up n e w thi n k i n g about the linkage bet w e e n var i o u s social g roups and their e c o nomic status. In this context, D. D.

Kosambi has an a l y s e d the social p r o b l e m on the basis of his u n d er s t a n d i n g of the ancient tribal society, of how a food- gat h e r i n g tribe was ab s o r b e d unto the f o o d - p r o d u c i n g agricultural economy, as a lower e c onomic group. He finds how the t r a n s it io n f r o m one phase to a n other i n t e r re la te s with social and economic d i s t in ct io ns as the ba s i s of caste on Indian society, 6:1 The occupational s p ec ia li za ti on itself makes the s u b - c as te s inferior once they had a do p t e d a labouring o cc u p a t i o n in agriculture. In Bihar, of course, the sta t u s of each individual was de c i d e d by caste wi t h i n ea c h range of villages, and linked also to his e c o nomic power, R. S.

Sharma d e s c ri be s as 'feudalism' the ma i n f ea t u r e s of social formation, caste h ie ra rc hy and a p p r o p r ia ti on of economic sur p l u s in ancient Indian society; the key is the overall control of p r o d u ct io n by a segment of society, the upper castes. He notes that a "servile p ea s a n t r y is c ha r a c t i s t i c of a feudal society" ; but also that kin based or tribal society was s u pe rs ed ed by State and c la ss -b a s e d s o c i e t y . 3 The same

p h e n omenon can be seen rep e a t e d in m od e r n times. In the nineteenth century in Bihar, the concept of caste as a hie r a r c h y based on the direct a p p r o p r i a t io n of surplus, and on bondage and slavery, was i n s t i t u t i o n a l i s e d t h r o u g h the various social, economic and a dm i n i s t r a t i v e m e a s u r e s of the land s ys t e m and the Judicial a d m i n i s tr at io n of the British.

Vhat was con s t a n t was that, in North Bihar, the upper c a stes (Brahmins, B a bhans or Bhumihars, R a j p u t s and Kayasthas) c on t i n u e d as the dominant groups in land-control^ pro d u c t i o n and distribution. The old h i e r a r c h y of caste b ased on birth and ritual s tatus (including the medieval M u s l i m arist^ocracy) remained s i g n i ficant in both zamindari an d o c c u p a n c y right.

Its m o n opoly over landed p r o perty and ec o n o m i c po w e r c r eated a large gap between the lower and upper castes. Nonetheless, c ul ti va t i n g c a st es ,n am e ly Koeri, Goala, Sheikh, Sonar, Nonia, Teli, and L o h a r ,cr e a t e d a middle rank, inc l u d i n g (with some, u s ually more prosperous, high-c a s t e raiyats) the m a j o r i t y of the occupancy tenants. The ev e n larger n u mbers of agricultural labourers were d r a w n s i m i l a r l y f r o m sociaLly and e c o no mi ca ll y d e p r essed castes. Some of these, with other caste occupations, were too poor to maintain their f a m i l i e s except by field labour or service. Their s u b s e r v i e n c e was increased by their e c o nomic dependence, including that w hich r es u l t e d from her e d i t a r y debt.

To some extent this very c o n s i d e r a b l e match be t w e e n caste and occ u p a t i o n and income, was re p e a t e d in the acc e s s to other advantages. Only some of the higher castes, for example, were s u f f i c i e n t l y e d u c a t e d to be e n g a g e d in the m a n a gement of agriculture, or em p l o y e d in village a d m i n i s t r a t i o n and in government offices. Rajputs were less e d u c a t e d than the other three upper cast©, but then they were also more d o m inant in landed pro p e r t y in the wes t e r n part of North Bihar where they were concentrated. In the e a s t e r n part B h u m i h a r s were more dominant n o tably in S aran with the Hat h w a ma h a r a j a and his allies. Br a h m i n s were sc a t t e r e d all over the No r t h Bihar with Naithili Bra h m i n s predominant in some areas, s u c h as Darbhanga raj , where poor Bra h m i n s were g e n e r a l l y taken into the service of the zamindar as goraits, barahils, lathials, peons and bodyguards. They helped the o f f i c i a l s in land d i s p u t e s with

truculent te n a n t s and litigants. They also c o l l e c t e d cesses, s a l a m i e s and v a rious k inds of illegal abwabs. The K a y asthas were mainly c o n c e r n e d with the mai n t e n a n c e of accounts, diaries, K h a t a s of zamindari estates. They worked, as p a t w a r i , quango, and amin, Some of the w el l- ed u c a t e d K a y as th as were e m p l o y e d ftV high po s t s in the government offices. In some areas they acq u i r e d the s tatus of landlords, 10 for example by investing the pro c e e d s of service.

The B h u mihar caste formed a cat e g o r y of the landed ar i s to cr ac y in almost e v e ry part of Bihar. The b i g zam i n d a r s of Hathwa, Be t t i a h and Tekari were all Bhumihar, as were many rich peasants. They were not on good terms with the Rajputs w h o m they c om p e t e d for dominance. There w®t£- frequent violence and court cases due to a gr a r i a n d i s p ut es between these two castes.

There were some p r o s p e ro us r ai ya t s a mong the middle castes, the Goal as, K u r m i s and Koeris, who were skilled a gr i cu lt u r i st s and o c c u p a n c y raiyats. The c a s t e s of Baniya, Teli, a n d Sonar- were m o n e y - l e nd er s and traders. Some were also e n gaged in agriculture. But m ostly they were involved in rural credit, h o lding m o r t g a g e s of land and j e w e l l e r y and c l a i m i n g h eavy interest. 1 1 To some extent they d o m i n a t e d the rural market and c o n t r o l l e d the grain-trade. The village hat was the main centre of their business.

Caste c o n s c i o u s n e s s pl a y e d a vital part in the society;

when pro s p e r o u s Goala and Kurml p e a san^ts were o p p ressed by the upper castes, physical vi o l e n c e could occur. There was rivalry bet w e e n Br a h m i n s and Bhumihars, as the later tried to occupy the social s tatus of the former. '^ Above all, the p o sition of the lower c a s t e s was precarious. Mo s t l y they f ormed the group of n o n — occupanty ra i y a t s and landless a g ricultural labourers. Their o p p r e s s i o n by rich p e a s a n t s and p r o p r i e t o r s was based on the p r i nciple of c a s t e — r a n k i n g as well as e c o n o m i c status. As M a n d e l b a u m says, the e c o n o m i c a l l y well-off g r o u p s a c q u i r e d ritual h a l l m a r k s to raise their r e l ative p o s i t i o n in the hierarchy. 1 Over time, however, the reverse was also true i n ___ ^ K o r t h Bihar:

i nequality o r i g i n a t e d f r o m caste, th r o u g h its impact on land- tenure and occupation.

Status was thus inextri c a b l y linked also to the next p r o b l e m to be d i s c u s sed,namely, the rights and interests of different cl a s s e s in land, ten a n c y and rent. The nature of landed pro p e r t y under the B r i t i s h as exp r e s s e d in the Fifth Report was that the land b e longs to the zamindar and the rent to the K i n g . WJ The ma i n idea of individual land o wn e r s h i p was, as said, alien to Indian society, but as it became effective it i nfluenced the s tatus of various e le m e n t s - zamindars, tenants, and landless labourers. The last of these had no r ights in pro p e r t y in law. Vho was the true p r o p rietor of the land in Bihar: the estate, the zamindar, or the c u l t i vator? The con c l u s i o n must be that, in practice, it was he who ext r a c t e d the s u r p l u s of the produce. This was done on the basis of c us to ma ry or legal rights in c o l l a b o r a t i o n with the State and with the help of a band of intermediaries. This exercise of the c on tr ol l i n g power, i dentifies the 'owner' of the land. However, individual rights, rents and p e r f orming other obl i g a t i o n s could be r e mo de ll ed under a c ha n g i n g legal system.

North B i har's tenurial structure was similar to those of Bengal and the North Vest Provinces. The four major dis t r i c t s of Darbhanga, M u z a f fa rp ur y Cha m p a r a n and Saran had both small and big zamindars. We have a l ready m en t i o n e d the Maharaj a _ ^ ^ ________ of Darbhanga, the H a h araja of Hathwa in Saran, the raja of Be t t i a h in Champaran, and the raja of R am Nagar in Motihari, who all d o m i na te d their areas.The^Darbhanga raj ex t e n d e d also into parts of Purnea, B h a g a l p u r , Saharsa and Monghyr. However, in M u z a f f a r p u r , thete were small e s t a t e s where many resident p r o p e r i e t o r s fawned villages. In the so u t h of Saran, too, small es t a t e s predominated, and the same was true of the sou thern part of Darbhanga where there were many i n t e r m e d i a r i e s and small zamindars. Again, there some small es t a t e s in the south east of C h am pa ra n d i s t r i c t . 1®

Koreov^er, even on the large est a t e s there were many small s u b — prop r i e t o r s who were gi v e n the right to control the m a u z a s (villages) and collect rents. They were often al l i e d by kin or caste to the zamindar of the main e s t a t e .16 A c c o r d i n g to the S e t t l e m e n t O f f i c e r many of the small

propr fetors in the district of M u z a f farpur de r i v e d f r o m an ind i g e n o u s g r o u p of kh urdia xoaliks who s t y l e d themselves pro^prietors, They belonged to the high castes, Brahmin, Bhu m i h a r and Rajput. Their s tatus and h ol d i n g s were greater than those of the petty pro p r i e t o r s of other districts.

They also a c q ui re d land by ac t i n g as co-shares, paying rent r*

for the parts held in e xcess of the extent of their interest. V a r ieties of t e n u r e - h o l d e r s an d intermediaries, the t h i k a d a r s , and m u k a r r i d a r s t also ac t e d as z a m i n d a r s . 1-7 Eu r o p e a n indigo p la n t e r s took a d v a ntage of this role.

G e n e r a l l y t e n a n c i e s were more c o m p l e x t o w a r d s the East.

There were sy s t e m s of joint management of e s t a t e s in many regions. ie In such ca s e s the settle m e n t of revenue was made with the p r o p r e it ar y body and g e n e r a l l y paid by the head of the family. Individual r e s p o n si bi li ty occured when these e s tates were divided.

In the later half of the n i n e t e e n t h century, a sh a r p t e n dency for the s u b - d i v i s i o n of p r o p r i e t a r y e s tates was found in the North Bihar districts. The e nc o u r a g e m e n t of s u b - d i v i s i o n and the cre a t i o n of small e st a t e s gr e a t l y increased the number of petty propreitors. A long with the s y stems of local control, for the m ai n t e n a n c e of records, and for the c o l l e c t i o n and e n h a n cement of rent, this a c c e l e r a t e d the w o r s e n i n g of l a n d l o r d - t e n ^ a n t relations. It also led to the mism a n a g e m e n t of estates. The joint p r o p r i e t a r y es t a t e s were not broken down only because of internal p o l a r i s a t io n in the families, but because the n e w revenue and rent r e g u l a t i o n s c r eated v a r i o u s complications.

For the same r e a s o n d i s p u t es between z a m i n d ar s and ra i y a t s came to be s alved less by mutual u n d e r s t a n d in g than by legal proceedings. The interest of p r o p r i e t o r s in their z irat land increased. They let such land on thika to the tenure h o lders who e x t r a c t e d h i gher rents f r om the raiyats. A further c o m p l i c a t io n was p r o v id ed by z a m i n d a r s who held p r o p r i e t a r y s tatus at the time of the P e r m a n e n t Settlement but were unable to s t r e n g t h e n their position. Their p r o p r i e t a r y sta t u s was s u p e r s e d e d by that of a stronger zamindar but they r e c e i v e d m a likana in r e c o g n i t i o n of their p r e vious status. Some small p r o pr ie t o r s who owned a few

h u ndred acres of land and had a few v i llages under their control, but whose revenue demand was less than Rs.100, also sur v i v e d as dec a y i n g proprietors. The result of such survival, of the par t i t i o n of e s t a t e s among various p a t t i d a r s , and of the minute vested i n t e rests of the p r o p r i e t o r s in land, increased s uf fe ri ng for the poor raiyats. Their number increased, a cc or di ng to the Survey and S e t t lement ope r a t i o n s in the late n i n e t e e n t h century, but their c o n d i t i o n worsened. They were made to pay enh a n c e d rents and va r i o u s kinds of a b w a b s to their proprietors.

The p attidari system, though it c o u l d work well, also c o m p l i c a t e d the m a n a gement of est a t e s . I t t ended to

increase the rent d e m a n d e d by the zamindar. The share of the rent was di v i d e d between the c o - s h a r e r s of the joint p ro p r i e t a r y est a t e s a c c o r d i n g to th e i r geneological relation. But those who had s e ttled the revenue of the village first with the government, took the major p o rtion of the rental income, and also paid more revenue. The rental income of the za m i n d a r s of jointly ma n a g e d e s tates was higher than that of the d i v i d e d estates. But the p a r tition of estates could also assist the i n t e r m e d i a r i e s and usurious c l asses who c o n t r o l l e d p r o d u c t i o n in the guise of tenure- h o lders and village mahajans. The c h anges brought under the legal system, and the c re a t i o n of petty e s ta te s merely added to a p r o t r a c t e d pr o c e s s of e x p r o p r i a t i o n of the m a x i m u m surplus f r o m the pr o d u c i n g class.

The size of the h o l d i n g s of the v a r i o u s c a t e g o r i e s of land-holders and te n a n t s d i f f e r e d from dis t r i c t to district.

The e s tates of some p r o p r i e t o r s e x t e n d e d to h u n dreds or t h o usands of acres. The h o l dings of t e nants varied considerably. Those in C h a m p a r a n had b igger h o l dings on average than their c o u n t e r p a r t s of S a r a n and Darbhanga, where, however, h o l d i n g s were even s m a l l e r than in Muzaffarpur. Vir t u a l l y all the c u l t i v a t e d area was held by tenants. The zirat land of the p r o p r i e t o r s was leased out to t e n u r e - h o l d e r s and rich farmers or f i x e d - r a t e raiyats, though it was legally the private land or h o m e s t e a d f a r m of the zamindars. It was land of good q u a l i t y f r o m the point

of vi e w of p r o d u c t iv i ty as well as income. Acc o r d i n g to

Hunter, the size of ho l d i n g s in Tirhut v a r i e d also fr o m north to South. H o l dings of rice land were larger in the N o r t h e r n part/ se v e n to eight ac r e s were standard. The largest h ol d i n g s were eig h t e e n to fifty acres, but very few r a iyats pos s e s s e d this much. The s o u th er n p arts of No r t h Bihar were more productive, and the h o l d i n gs were smaller— r a n g i n g b e tween four and th i r t y acres. In effect any raiyat who pos s e s s e d a large acreage a pp r o x i m a t e d in s tatus to a proprietor. The agricultural labourers, by contrast, p o s s e s s e d at best tiny holdings. Hunter sug g e s t s they r anged b e tween 0.37 acres and 1.48 acres, while a poor c u lt i v a t o r would have b e t w e e n 0.74 and 6.66 acres, and w e l l - t o - d o c u l t i v a t o r w ould o ccupy be t w e e n 10 and 30 a cr e s . 20

The ma i n feature in the later n i n e t e e n t h century, however, as shown in D uf f e r i n ' s inquiry and later in the Settlement operations, was that the_ . holdings in all categories, of l a ndholders as well as raiyats, were very d i v e r s e N o n e the less, as a general rule the ho l d i n g s of the c ul ti va t i n g c l asses

Lat»«*-

were shr i n k i n g and those of t h e ^ h o l d e r s were increasing. The landless labourers' and agricultural labourers' c o n d it io n d e t e r i or a t e d fr o m bad to worse. The Bengal T e n a n c y Act of 1885 did not affect the size of h o l d i n g s for each cl a s s of c u l t i v a t o r s and l andholders which it defined. Nor, accurate tho u g h the S ettlement R e p o r t s may be in r e v e a l i n g the s i t u a t i o n at one time, do they fully s h o w the c ha n g i n g pa t t e r n of cultivation, the t r a n s f e r s of raiyati holdings, and the w or s e n i n g c o n d i t i o n of some landlords and tenants. The ten a n c y l e g i s lation was not based on a d i s t r ib ut io n of land a c c o r di ng to need, and the r ecord of rights was the only device in which the l e g i s lation pro v i d e d for p r e s e r v i n g the right to occupy land as long as the rent was paid. Finally, it is also important to note that, if the c a s t e - w i s e d i s t r i b u t i o n of h o l dings is observed, the hol d i n g s of upper c astes were c o n s i d e r a b l y larger than the lower castes.

Ve have a l r e a d y r e f e r r e d to the f e r tility of the al luvial^plain of the G a rg e t i c b asin in N orth Bihar. The s o u thern and we s t e r n pa r t s of the r e g i o n were the most productive. Their alluvial and c a l c a r i o u s soils were suitable

for food crops such as rice, maize, wheat, pulses, oilseeds, vegfctabl t o bacco and chillies. The more n o r t h e r l ey lands in the area were not c a l c a r i o u s and were less fertile. They re q u i r e d i rrigation for the c u l t i v a t i o n of paddy and were used for the millets, marua and chinna, and for other food crops. 21

The c u l t i v a t o r s had their own m e thods of d e f i n i n g the nature of the soils. G e n e r a l l y they were di v i d e d into h a n g a r , bhit and goenra. Bangeur soil was found in low lands inundated by rain-waters. It was a hard cl a y suited for the c u l t i vation of rice in winter. Bhit soil was found in the south of the region) it had a mixture of sand. These lands were above the level of the Ganges, and there was no fear of inundation. The goenra soil was found in the u p lands of the villages. If well manured and cul t i v a t e d it pro d u c e d good crops. The costliest lands were those most r e a d i l y s u p e r v is ed by the c u l t i v a t o r s . 22

The high and low lands had different c u l t i v a t i o n systems.

B a n g o r lands were useful for winter rice, whereas bhit lands were valued for other food crops and cash crops. In Bihar, there were three main harvests: the a g h a n i , the rabi and the

bhadoi. The winter crops ca l l e d the aghani were sown in May or June and r e aped in November. The chief crop of this sea s o n was rice. The bhadoi crops, g e n e r a l l y sown in June, were h a r v e s t e d in August or September. The chief c rops of the s e ason was maize <makai>, but it also p r o duced a s i x t y -d ay rice c alled 'sathij and millets, maru^a, Kodo, and s a w a n . Rabi was the spring harvest; the crops, sown in June and July, were wheat, barley, oats, gram, pulses; arhar, masur, matar, k h e s a r i : they were reaped in March and April. Sometimes two h a r vests were c o mbined in one, and p r a ctice dep e n d e d on the nature of the soil. On b ang&r s oils aghani rice was the m ajor or only crop of the year; it could be f o l l o w e d by a harvest of the o r d inary k inds of rabi crops such as K h e s a r i , a food generally used by poor peasants as a pulse and as a paste of g round flour and water eaten with salt. But in bhit areas, bhadoi was the major harvest and cash cr o p s s u c h as indigo were grown. In the same a gricultural year rabi c r o p s su c h as wheat and barley were also sown on these lands, wh i c h made t h e m s p e c i a l l y useful and valuable. The peasants' eco n o m i c p r o s p e r i t y d e p ended more on the bhadoi crops than on o t h e r s . 23