THE POLITICS OF PHILANTHROPY AND RACE RELATIONS:
o f s o u t h A f r i c a y THE SOUTH-AFRICAN JOINT COUNCILS C .1920-1955
A
RICHARD JOHN HAINES
This th e s is is submitted to the
School o f O rie n ta l and A fric a n S tu d ies, U n iv e rs ity o f London, in fu lf ilm e n t o f the requirements f o r the
degree o f Doctor o f Philosophy 1991
Grahamstown, 1991
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ABSTRACT
This th e s is looks in d e t a il a t the a c t i v i t i e s o f the j o i n t c o u n cils - in t e r - r a c i a l o rg a n iza tio n s involved in the f ie ld s o f 'ra c e r e la t io n s ’ and 'c o n s t it u t io n a l’ p ro te s t p o lit ic s p a r t ic u la r ly during th e in te rw a r years. The f i r s t j o i n t council was e s ta b lis h e d in Johannesburg in 1921, and by th e 1930s, co u n cils had been formed 1n v i r t u a l l y a l l the major urban centres in South A f r ic a , as w e ll as in a number o f s m a lle r towns and r u r a l c e n tr e s . For reasons o f n a r r a tiv e cohesion, as w ell as the d ic ta te s o f space, the period covered corresponds w ith the in d iv id u a l h is to ry o f th e Johannesburg J o in t C o u n cil, th e la rg e s t and most in f lu e n t ia l o f these agencies. The Johannesburg body ceased operations in 1951, and in 1955 i t s funds were tra n s fe rre d to the South A fric a n In s t it u t e o f Race R e la tio n s .
The j o i n t councils are u s u a lly seen as having been c lo s e ly associated w ith w hite lib e r a l thought and p r a c tic e , e s p e c ia lly during the in te rw a r p e r i
od, and one o f the c h ie f aims o f t h is study is to exp lo re t h is assumption. Was th e s o c ia l reformism o f the co u n cils e s s e n tia lly 'w h ite ’ lib e ra lis m or was i t a more complex amalgam o f lib e ra lis m and e s s e n tia lly con servative p h ila n th ro p ic p ra c tic e s ? A re la te d concern is to provide some record o f the a c t i v i t i e s , perceptions and experiences o f the r e l a t iv e ly wide spectrum o f people who p a r tic ip a te d in the j o in t c o u n c ils . This dimension is im portant as we s t i l l know r e l a t i v e l y l i t t l e o f the regional dynamics o f s o c ia l reformism and in t e r r a c ia l lib e r a l ventures.
Other themes which help shape the n a rra tiv e a re : th e re la tio n s h ip be
tween th e j o i n t councils and the A fric a n p e tty b ou rg eoisie; the growth o f th e South A fric a n In s t it u t e o f Race R e la tio n s out o f the j o i n t council movement, as w ell as i t s subsequent, almost p a r a s it ic a l, re la tio n s h ip w ith the co u n cils;
and r e a s o n s f o r t h e d e c l i n e o f t h e j o i n t c o u n c i l m ovem ent.
CONTENTS
Page
Acknowledgements 111
A b breviations iv
Note on Terminology vi
Note on Sources v1
INTRODUCTION 1
CHAPTER 1 : The I n s t it u t io n a liz a t io n o f N a tiv e W e lfare,
1900-1920 19
CHAPTER 2 : The Genesis o f the J o in t Councils 50
CHAPTER 3 : The Formative Years o f th e Johannesburg J o in t Coun
c i l , 1921 - 1924 71
CHAPTER 4 : The Nationwide Development o f th e J o in t Councils,
1921 - 1924 91
CHAPTER 5 : The J o in t Councils and the P o lit ic s o f Segregation,
c , 1925 - 1929 114
CHAPTER 6 : The P o litic s o f Co-option and C o ntrol, C .1925-1929 1 5 1
CHAPTER 7 : The Business o f L ib e ra lis m : The SAIRR and the J o in t
Councils, C .1926 - 1942 183
CHAPTER 8 : The L im its o f Expansion, 1930 - 1939 236
CHAPTER 9 : The Rural J o in t C o uncils, c.1930 - 1950 287 CHAPTER 10 : ...T h e y Only Fade Away? J o in t Councils 1940 - c.1955 305
CONCLUSION 338
BIBLIOGRAPHY 346
Appendix A : Biographical Notes 388
Appendix B : L ib eralis m or P h ila n th ro p ic Engineering? The I n s t i t
u tio n a liz a tio n o f N a tiv e W elfare, 1900 - 1920 399 Appendix C : J o in t councils in existen ce in 1928 and 1932 450
Appendix D : Graphs on A fric a n u rb a n iza tio n 451
Appendix E : Founder members o f the Johannesburg J o in t Council 453
ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS
A number o f people have helped encourage me d u rin g th e w r i t in g and p re p a ra tio n o f t h i s t h e s is . In th e f i r s t p la c e I would l i k e to thank my s u p ervis o r, Professor Shula Markes. The th e s is has b e n e fitte d g r e a tly from her in c is iv e comments and advice. Her enthusiasm and u nflagging support over th e years has been In v a lu a b le .
In a d d itio n , my fa m ily and frie n d s have given generously o f t h e i r tim e and ass istan c e in many ways. I owe a p a r t ic u la r debt to Paula du Plooy; her w illin g n e s s to stand by me through th e ardours o f w r itin g as w e ll as in th e general p re p a ra tio n o f the th e s is has been In e s tim a b le . My b ro th e r C h ris to pher deserves a sp ecial mention. Not only has he been sup p o rtive through th e various stages o f w r itin g up, but he has also played a c r u c ia l ro le in th e te c h n ic a l production o f the th e s is . I must thank my s i s t e r , J e n n ife r , f o r her e d i t o r ia l and te c h n ic a l advice as w ell as Gerda Joubert and Bertha Barnard in the same regard. My parents and b ro th e rs , Nicholas and Anthony, and C a ro lin e Brown have also been u n s tin tin g 1n t h e i r encouragement o f t h is p r o je c t.
G eoffrey Wood, my co lleague a t Rhodes U n iv e rs ity , has been o f considera
b le assistance in the discussion o f a number o f key Issues. C e rta in o f th e c h a p te rs have a ls o b e n e fit te d from d is c u s s io n s w ith Gina B u ijs . To two frie n d s and former academic c o lla b o ra to rs , Susan G ardiner and C a th erin e Cross, I am g ra te fu l fo r w ide-ranging discussions and arguments which have enriched t h is work. I am also indebted to Richard C ornw ell, f o r g e n tly reminding me on occasions o f the importance o f th e h is t o r ia n ’ s ta s k .
My research included a number o f in te rv ie w s and I would l ik e to thank the people concerned f o r t h e i r gracious c o -o p e ra tio n and h o s p it a lit y .
I wish to acknowledge th e assistance o f the s t a f f s o f th e various l i b ra rie s and archives in which I sought re le v a n t m a te r ia l, e s p e c ia lly Mrs Anna M. Cunningham o f th e U n iv e rs ity o f the W itw atersrand.
I t is impossible to mention in d iv id u a lly everyone whose comments have been useful and welcome, but t h e i r c o n trib u tio n s have been much a p p re cia ted . O bviously, I am alone responsible f o r any shortcomings and omissions in th e th e s is .
I am g ra te fu l fo r the f in a n c ia l assistance rendered to me by the Human Sciences Research Council and th e School o f O r ie n t a l and A fr ic a n S tu d ie s (London U n iv e r s ity ). My thanks are also due to the a d m in is tra to rs o f the V ic to r ia n League f o r the award o f t h e i r sch o la rs h ip .
F in a lly , in compliance w ith the re g u la tio n s o f the U n iv e rs ity o f London, I d e c la re th a t t h is e n tir e th e s is is , except where s p e c if ic a lly in d ic a te d to the c o n trary in the t e x t , my own o r ig in a l work.
ABBREVIATIONS
AAC A ll A fric a n Convention
ABM American Board o f Foreign Missions
ANC A fric a n N atio n al Congress APS A b origines* P ro te c tio n S o ciety
APSP A b origines* P ro te c tio n S o ciety Papers AS I A fric a n Studies I n s t it u t e
BJC Bloem fontein J o in t Council
BMSC Bantu Men*s S o cial Centre
CAD Cape Archives Depot
CJC Cape P enisula J o in t Council
CPNWS Cape Peninsula N a tive W elfare So ciety CPSA Communist P arty o f South A fr ic a
DJC Durban J o in t Council
DRC Dutch Reformed Church
ELNWA East London N a tive W elfare Association FOA Friends o f A fr ic a So ciety
GJCR Grahamstown J o in t Council Records
GJC Grahamstown J o in t Council
GNWA Grahamstown N a tiv e W elfare Association ICS I n s t i t u t e o f Commonwealth Studies
ICU In d u s t r ia l and Commercial Workers* Union
IMC/CBMS In te r n a tio n a l M issionary Council/Conference o f M issionary So ciety Papers
B r itis h IRC In te r -R a c ia l Council
IYO Inhlangano Yabondhlayo ( l a t e r known as M o th e rc ra ft League) JCR Records o f the J o in t Councils o f Europeans and Non--Europeans
JJC Johannesburg J o in t Council
JNWA Johannesburg N a tive W elfare A ssociation
KJC Kroonstad J o in t Council
LGAA London Group on A fric a n A f f a ir s
MJC Mapumulo J o in t Council
MP Member o f Parliam ent
MSS B r it Emp B r it is h Empire Manuscripts NAC N a tiv e A f f a ir s Commission NAD N a tiv e A f f a ir s Department
NAST N a tiv e A f f a ir s S o cie ty o f the Transvaal
NEUM Non-European U n ity Movement
NNARA Natal N a tive A f f a ir s Reform Association NNARC Natal N a tive A f f a ir s Reform Committee NRC N a tiv e R ep resen tative Council
NRFA Non-Racial Franchise A ssociation
NTS Archives o f the N a tive A f f a ir s Department, C entral Depot
Archives
OFS Orange Free S ta te
PJC P r e to r ia J o in t Council
PNWA P r e to r ia N ative W elfare Association
PSF Phelp Stokes Fund
SAB C en tral Archives Depot (designated by i t s commonly used A frik a a n s acronym)
SAIRR South A fric a n I n s t it u t e o f Race R e latio n s SANAC South A fric a n N a tiv e A f f a ir s Commission SANNC South A fric a n N a tiv e N ational Congress
TAC Transvaal A fric a n Congress
TATA Transvaal Teachers’ A ssociation UCT U n iv e rs ity o f Cape Town
W its U n iv e rs ity o f th e W itwatersrand
ZA Zoutpansberg A ssociation
ZJC Zoutpansberg J o in t Council
NOTE ON TERMINOLOGY
In South A fr ic a the term ’ black* 1s an a l l embracing one, used to r e f e r to people c a lle d A fric a n s , In d ia n s and Coloured. In t h is th e s is , th e r e fo r e , the term ’ A fr ic a n ’ 1s used as i t is more s p e c ific and appears to be th e le a s t o b je c tio n a b le . During the period studied the terms ’ K a f f i r ’ and ’ N a tiv e ’ were w idely used. Where a p p ro p ria te these a rc h a ic terms have been re ta in e d .
NOTE ON SOURCES
Research f o r t h is th e s is has taken place 1n th re e con tinents and over a number o f years, during which tim e th e cataloguing o f c e rta in m anuscript c o l
le c tio n s has been changed. This 1s p a r t ic u la r ly the case w ith a number o f (p re v io u s ly ) unsorted records. Where p o s s ib le , I have used the la t e s t r e f e r ences f o r documents in the various c o lle c tio n s .
A major source in my research has been th e South A fric a n I n s t i t u t e o f Race R e la tio n s holdings a t the U n iv e rs ity o f the W itw atersrand, e s p e c ia lly the j o in t council records. In a d d itio n to t h is ric h m a te r ia l, I have found spe
c i f i c documents on in d iv id u a l cou ncils a t the Cory, K i l l i e Campbell and Jagger L ib ra rie s o f th e U n iv e rs itie s o f Rhodes, Durban and Cape Town re s p e c tiv e ly . These and o th e r South A fric a n arch ives and lib r a r i e s have provided s u b sta n tive m a te ria l on in d iv id u a l lib e r a ls and a range o f re le v a n t s o c io - p o lit ic a l tra d e unions and p h ila n th r o p ic g ro u p in g s . Some m a te r ia l is a ls o a v a ila b le on A fr ic a n s o c ia l and p o l i t i c a l a c t i v i s t s . Both th e c e n tr a l government and p ro v in c ia l archives proved more than merely supplementary sources, and more in te n s iv e research among these holdings would no doubt lead to a d d itio n a l in s ig h ts in to the nature and e x te n t o f the a c t i v i t i e s o f the vario u s j o i n t counci Is .
A rch ival c o lle c tio n s 1n the United S ta te s , s p e c if ic a lly a t Harvard and Yale U n iv e rs itie s and the Schomburg Centre f o r Research in to Black C u ltu re , have proved in v a lu a b le in coming to g rip s w ith th e American c o n trib u tio n to an involvement in the j o i n t co u n cils and the South A fric a n In s t it u t e o f Race R e la tio n s . In England to o , c o lle c tio n s a t the School o f O rie n ta l and A fric a n Studies L ib ra ry , Rhodes House L ib ra ry (O x fo rd ), H u ll Pu blic L ib ra ry and the So ciety o f Friends a rc h iv e s , y ie ld e d m a te ria l which s ig n if ic a n t ly extends our u n d ersta n d in g o f th e e x te r n a l dim ensions o f j o i n t c o u n c il a c t i v i t y and in flu e n c e , the in te rv e n tio n s o f English Fabian in t e lle c t u a ls 1n South A fr ic a , as w e ll as p ro v id in g in s ig h t in to th e p la y o f p h ila n th r o p ic and l i b e r a l groupings in the l a t t e r country.
Oral evidence in the form o f personal in te rv ie w s has helped f i l l 1n a number o f gaps in the documentary m a te ria l and has given more immediacy to the period under survey. In a d d itio n , th e re is a range o f secondary lit e r a t u r e which provides both in te r p r e ta t iv e p ersp ectives and useful em p irica l data.
INTRODUCTION.
J o in t cou ncils were v o lu n ta ry agencies designed to a llo w A fric a n s and whites to meet in order to ’ remove causes o f i r r i t a t i o n and to improve r a c ia l r e la t io n s ’ . 1 The ta r g e t group among the A fric a n con stituency was e s s e n t ia lly the p e tty bou rg eoisie. This group in tu rn used these o rg a n iz a tio n s in t h e i r e f f o r t s to d e fin e and co n so lid ate t h e i r class p o s itio n .
The f i r s t j o i n t council was e s ta b lis h e d in Johannesburg in 19 2 1 .2 By the 1930s, j o i n t cou ncils had been formed in a number o f c i t i e s and towns as w ell as a few ru ra l cen tres . Moreover, th e cou ncils had also fa th e re d , somewhat to t h e i r s u rp ris e , the South A fric a n I n s t it u t e o f Race R e la tio n s (SAIRR). J o in t council numbers declined during th e 1940s and by th e e a r ly 1950s most j o i n t co u n cils had disso lved .
C o lle c t iv e ly , j o i n t co u n cils played a c ru c ia l ro le in th e a r t ic u la t io n o f re fo rm is t s o c ia l c r itic is m ag a in s t d is c rim in a to ry p o lic ie s and p ra c tic e s , and the promotion o f philanthropism amongst A fric a n s and o th e r b lacks. In the f in a l a n a ly s is , j o i n t councils were c e n tra l to the development o f modern South A fric a n lib e ra lis m . For in stan ce, a s ig n ific a n t p ropo rtion o f those who iden
t i f i e d themselves or came to be seen as lib e r a ls in th e in te rw a r period and a f t e r , served in the j o i n t c o u n c ils . H is t o r ic a lly , lib e r a l ideology was very much d ire c te d a t the A fric a n bo u rg eo isie. A d e ta ile d exam ination o f these o rg a n iza tio n s should help deepen our understanding o f the nature and dynamics o f lib e ra lis m - not only as s o c ia l thought, but also as a p r a c tic e . F u rth e r
more, an a n a ly s is o f the a c t i v i t i e s and experiences o f j o i n t counci Is throughout the country provides in s ig h t in to the regional p a r t ic u la r i t ie s o f
1. J.D. R h e i n a l l t Jones, ’ The Joi nt Council Movement’ in J. Dexter Taylor ( e d i , C h r i s t i a n i t y and the Natives of South Af r i c a ( Loveda1e , n . d . ).
2. See Records of the Joi nt Council of Europeans and Non-Europeans (JCR), Department of H i s t o r i c a l Papers.
Uni ver si ty of Xitwatersrand l i n t s ) , Cj 2 . 2 , Johannesburg Joint Council (JJC) Co ns t i t u t i on, 1921,
lib e ra lis m . In p a rt then t h is th e s is w i l l complement - as w e ll as a c t as a c o rre c tiv e to - Paul R ich ’ s a u th o r ita tiv e work on contemporary South A fric a n lib e ra lis m 3 which tends to con centrate on i t s id e o lo g ic a l dimension.
The j o i n t cou ncils f i r s t came under h is t o r ic a l s c ru tin y in a 1972 a r t i c le by J e ffr e y H o rto n .4 The a r t i c l e provides a readable and general account o f th e j o i n t council ’ movement’ but crea tes the impression th a t th e co u n cils were an in te rw a r phenomenon. Also, Horton takes a f a i r l y u n c r it ic a l view o f th e motives o f the leading w hite a c to rs , and d ep icts th e r e la tio n s h ip between j o i n t co u n cils and the SAIRR as unproblem atic. On th e o th e r hand, Baruch Hirson in a provocative paper m aintains th a t the j o i n t c o u n c ils helped s ig n if ic a n tly in id e o lo g ic a lly p a c ify in g the A fric a n p o l i t i c a l e l i t e during the 1920s and e a r l i e r 1930s.5 This argument w i l l be explored a t some length in subsequent chapters. There are also s p e c ific case s tu d ie s o f the Kroonstad and Cradock J o in t Councils by Paul Rich6 and J e ffre y B u t le r .7 These provide useful e m p iric a l m a te ria l and in s ig h ts in to the lim its o f w h ite reformism in South A fric a n towns.8 In t h e i r more general stu d ies o f South A fric a n l ib e r a l ism both Legassick and R ic h ,9 the l a t t e r e s p e c ia lly , pay q u ite considerable
3. P. Rich, 'The Dilemmas of South African Liberal ism: White Li be r a l s , Racial Ideology and the P o l i t i c s of Social Control in the period of South Afr ican I n d u s t r i a l i z a t i o n , 1887-1943’ ( F i r s t Version of PhD, Univer si ty of Warwick, 1980); P. Rich, White Power and the Li ber al Conscience: Racial Segregation and South Afr i can Li ber
al i sn, 1921-1960 (Johannesburg, 1984).
4. J.W. Horton, 'South A f r i c a ’ s Joi nt Councils: Black-White Co-operation between the two World Wars . South Af ri can H i s t o r i c a l Journal, IV, 1972.
5. B. Hirson, ’ Tuskegee: The Joi nt Councils and the Ali African Convention-' ( I n s t i t u t e for Commonwealth Studies (ICS) seminar paper, London Un i v e r s i ty , 1978).
6. P. Rich, ’ Managing Black Leadership: The Joi nt Councils, Urban Trading and P o l i t i c a l C on f l i c t in the Orange Free State, 1925-1942’ in P. Bonner, et al (eds), Holding Their Ground (Johannesburg, 1989),
7. J. But l er, ’ Inter war Liberalism and Local Ac ti vi sm-' in J. But l er, R. Elphick and D. Welsh i edsi , Democratic Li ber al ism in South Afr i c a : I t s Hi st ory and Prospect (Middletown, 1987).
8. Though they are not without fact ual inaccuracies.
9. See e.g. M. Legassick, ’ The Rise of Modern South African Liberalism: I t s Assumptions and i ts Social Base1 (ICS seminar paper, London U ni ver si ty, 1972); and P. Rich, Liber al Conscience e speci al l y chapters 1 ano 3.
a tte n tio n to th e co u n cils. In h is work on the development o f r a c ia l segrega
tio n Saul Dubow provides a useful understanding o f the play o f lib e r a l seg re- gationism w ith in the j o i n t co u n cils in th e 1 9 2 0s.10 Studies by w r ite r s such as Tim Couzens11 and Kathy E a les12 have co n trib u te d to our understanding o f the c u ltu r a l in te rv e n tio n is m o f the c o u n c ils . A fu r th e r source is t h is w r i t e r ’ s masters th e s is which contains a d e ta ile d e m p iric a l coverage o f the responses o f the j o i n t councils and the SAIRR to Prime M in is te r H e rtzo g ’ s N a tiv e B i l ls during the years 19 2 5 -1 9 3 6 .13
In a d d itio n to these more s p e c ific s tu d ie s , th e th e s is w i l l engage d ir e c t ly w ith the growing research on th e re la te d areas o f tw e n tie th century South A fric a n lib e r a lis m ,14 and the making and maintenance o f the A fric a n p e tty b o u rg eo is ie. The bulk o f these stu d ies have been developed w ith in a broad post-1970s r e v is io n is t t r a d it i o n , and the prim ary th e o r e tic a l d ialogue w il l be conducted w ith in t h is p e rs p e c tiv e . I t should be stresse d , however, th a t the th e s is is intended e s s e n tia lly as a piece o f e m p iric a l work. In the body o f the th e s is the r e la t iv e ly ric h e m p iric a l m a te ria l on th e j o i n t co u n cils w il l be examined. N evertheless, i t does not take an a th e o re tic a l approach; ra th e r i t is informed by a range o f c r i t i c a l s o c ia l th e o ry . A lso, as the s o -c a lle d
10. S. Dubow, Racial Segregation and the Origins of Apartheid in South Africa, 1919-1936 (London, 1989), e s pe ci al l y chapters 1 and 6.
11. T. Couzens, ’ “Moral izing Leisure Time'': The Tra n s a tl a n ti c Connection and Black Johannesourg, 1918-1940’ in S. Marks and R. Rathbone, Industrialisation and Social Change in South Africa (London, 1988).
12. K. Eales, ' Pa t ri a r c hs , Passes and P r i v i l e g e ’ in P, Bonner, Holding their Ground.
13. R.J. Haines, ’ The Opposition to General J.B.N. Hertzog’ s Segregation B i l l s . 1925-1936: A Stuov in Extra-Parliamentary P r o t e s t ’ (MA t hesi s, Uni ver si ty of Natal, Durban, 1 9 7 81.
14. Among the more important works which are not e x p l i c i t l y grounded in a r e v i s i o n i s t t r a d i t i o n are:
But l er , Elphick and Welsh, Democratic Liberalism: J. Robertson. Liberalism in South Africa, 1948-1963 i u x r o r a . 1971); D.M. Scher. Donald Molteno Dilizintaba: He-hho-Moves-Mountains (Johannesburg, 1979): M. Hidlane, As
pects of the South Afr ican Liberal T r a d i t i o n ’ in C.R. H i l l and P. Warwick (e a s i , Southern African Research in Progress: Papers given at a conference of the Centre for Southern African Studies, University of York, December 1974 (York, 1975); P. Lewsen, 'Cape Liberal ism in i t s Terminal Phase' tAf ri can Studies I n s t i t u t e (He reaft er AS I ) seminar paper, Wits, 1 980 ): P. Lewsen, Voices of Protest: From Segregation to Apartheid, 1938-1948 (Cape Town, 1938).
1ib e r a l-r a d ic a l debate in South A fric a n h is to rio g ra p h y is f a r less intense these days, th e re are o p p o rtu n itie s f o r more f r u i t f u l exchanges w ith lib e r a l h is t o r ic a l work.
The most system atic and in f lu e n t ia l stu d ies o f lib e ra lis m in post-1910 South A fr ic a have come from M a rtin Legassick and Paul Rich. In a s e rie s o f papers on lib e ra lis m and some o f i t s key p r a c titio n e r s , w r it te n during the 1970s and u n fo rtu n a te ly not published, Legassick has provided th e referen ce p o in t f o r subsequent analyses o f South A fric a n lib e ra lis m . In h is f i r s t paper on th e s u b j e c t , L e g a s s i c k argues th a t th e re was a s ig n if ic a n t s h i f t in lib e r a l thought to ’ lib e r a l segregationism * which became f a i r l y coherent a f t e r 1917. This ’ lib e r a l segregationism ’ was bound up w ith the e v o lu tio n o f an ideology o f seg regation , which is described - somewhat re d u c tiv e ly - as serving th e in te re s ts o f mining c a p it a l. By 1927 an id e a liz e d version o f segregation or ’ d i f f e r e n t i a l development’ in some form or o th e r, and a concern w ith a ’ uniform n a tiv e p o lic y ’ no longer c o n s titu te d th e in te rn a l dynamic o f the lib e ra lis m o f the tim e. The declared opp osition o f th e Johannesburg J o in t Council to Prime M in is te r H e rtzo g ’ s fo u r N a tive B i l l s , e s p e c ia lly th e a b o li
tio n o f th e Cape A fric a n fra n c h is e , was in e f fe c t th e commencement o f a q u a lit a t iv e s h i f t in the ideology o f w hite South A fric a n lib e r a lis m , which was re in te g ra te d w ith i t s Cape antecedents. I t was on t h is reworked version th a t modern South A fric a n lib e ra lis m was based. In the l a t e r 1970s Legassick extended h is a n a ly s is o f lib e ra lis m to inco rp o rate A lth u s s e ria n th e o ry , in p a r t ic u la r the idea o f id e o lo g ic a l s ta te apparatuses, and to exp lore the concept o f s o c ia l c o n tro l:
N ative p o lic y [he w rote] is d is t in c t iv e in i t s o b je c t ra th e r than in i t s con ten t. A ll modern s ta te s , as instrum ents o f dominant classes, shape and e f f e c t p o lic ie s towards those they govern: p o lic ie s o f s o c ia l co n tro l and s o c ia l w e lfa re . Social c o n tro l, the reproduction o f the
in s t it u t io n s and values o f the s o c ie ty , involves both oppressive and
’ hegemonic’ in s t it u t io n s - those th a t re ly on coercion and those th a t
15. Legassick, 'The Rise of Modern South Afr ican Li b e r a l i s m’ .
r e ly on th e in te r n a liz a t io n o f an ideology o f dependence. S o cial wel
fa r e c o n s titu te s those p u b lic measures necessary f o r th e reproduction o f th a t work fo rc e required by s o c ie ty . Any given in s t it u t io n - th e school f o r example - may embrace both w e lfa re and co n tro l aspects, both re
p ressive and hegemonic c o n tro l. Moreover, s o c ia l p o lic y , as d e fin e d , covers a sphere wider than th e o f f i c i a l a c t i v i t i e s o f d ir e c t ly govern
mental agencies per se: churches, foundations, c h a r it ie s , v o lu n ta ry as s o ciatio n s o f p riv a te persons may e g u a lly serve the co n tro l and wel
fa r e in te re s ts o f the dominant c la s s .1”
W hile i t is in s tr u c tiv e to examine the networks o f lib e r a l and p h ila n th ro p ic agencies and in d iv id u a ls and t h e i r lin k s w ith th e c e n tra l and lo c a l a u t h o r itie s , one must also consider the d is c o n tin u itie s and c o n tra d ic tio n s in lib e r a l and p h ila n th ro p ic s tr a te g ie s and t a c t ic s . These re q u ire m a te ria l resources and human e f f o r t to work: funds, conscientious s e c re ta rie s and e x e cu tive committees.
Furtherm ore, to t a l k in terms o f th e ’ in te r n a liz a t io n o f an ideology o f dependence’ seems to overemphasize the e ffic a c y o f the dominant ideology in South A fr ic a . As Goran Therborn argues, ’ id eo lo g ies a c tu a lly operate in a s ta te o f d is o rd e r’ ra th e r than as a u n ita ry phenomenon which pervades a l l aspects o f s o c ia l l i f e , re in fo rc in g th e s ta tu s quo. In a d d itio n , he m aintains th a t fe a r and re s ig n a tio n are c ru c ia l in m ain ta in in g popular consent to an e x p lo it a t iv e s o c ia l o r d e r .17 Anthony Giddens remarks th a t ’ those caught in subordinate p o s itio n s in a s o c ie ty __ may fre q u e n tly be much less c lo s e ly caught w ith in the embrace o f consensual ’ id e o lo g ie s ’ than many w r it e r s , who c e r t a in ly , include M a rx is ts , among o th e rs , assume’ . 18
In his d o c to ra l th e s is Rich uses s o c ia l c o n tro l as a c e n tra l concept, though more lo o sely than L e g a s s ic k .1® In t h is work, lib e r a l p ra c tic e s and w ritin g s are seen as m otivated by o r f a c i l i t a t i n g s o c ia l co n tro l s tra te g ie s
16. M. Legassick, ’C.T. Lorain and South African "Native Policy', 1 920-1929' iunpublisned paper, c.1 9791. 17. G. Therborn, The Ideology of Power and the Power of Ideology (London, 1980).
18. A. Giddens, A Contemporary Critique of Historical Materialise vol I iLondon, 19611, c<\
19. Rich, 'The Dilemmas', 337-357.
v is - a - v is A fric an s in both urban and ru ra l areas. In subsequent w o rk,20 Rich has moved to an approach which emphasizes more the in te rp la y o f ideas and the ways in which these ideas and i n i t i a t i v e s have accommodated or f a c i l i t a t e d , ra th e r than subverted, the development o f s e g re g a tio n is t and a p a rth e id p o li
c ie s . Rich and Legassick in attem p tin g to t h e o r e t ic a lly lo c a te lib e r a lis m , have not taken s u f f ic ie n t cognizance o f i t s c o m p lexities and c o n tra d ic tio n s . The recent p u b lic a tio n o f a s e t o f essays on h is to r ia n and s o c ia l c r i t i c , W.M. M a cm illan ,21 has served an im portant purpose in t h is regard, in d e p ic tin g
in some d e t a il an o s te n s ib ly lib e r a l s o c ia l a c to r who cannot be e a s ily com
p a rtm e n ta lize d .
A fu r th e r shortcoming in th e analyses o f Legassick and Rich is th a t they have continued to neg lect the presence and a c t i v i t i e s o f women. Studies by Debbie G a its k e ll and Shula Marks provide some redress o f t h is imbalance, though th e re is s t i l l much research to be done. G a its k e ll has examined in some d e ta il th e c u ltu r a l in te rv e n tio n s among A fric a n s by w hite women p h ila n th r o p is ts and lib e r a ls , e s p e c ia lly in the W itwatersrand a r e a .22 She reveals the questionable moral ism and s e x -s p e c ific impact o f ventures such as h ostels f o r s in g le A fric a n women, and the A fric a n G ir l W ayfarer movement (a black
’ v a r ia n t ’ o f the G ir l Guide movement). These ventures and t h e i r organ iza
tio n a l h ierarch y were bound up w ith the j o i n t c o u n c ils , e s p e c ia lly in the 1920s. Marks’ s e d itin g o f the correspondence o f Mabel Palmer, a Durban-based l i b e r a l , and two black women, L ily Moya, a Transkei s c h o o lg ir l, and S ib u s i-
20. In p a r t i c u l a r his book Liberal Conscience.
21. H. Macmillan and S. Marks, Africa and Empire: K.M. Macmillan, Historian and Social Critic uondcn, 19 8 91. 22. D. G a i t s k e l l . ’ Female Mission I n i t i a t i v e s : Black and White women in Three witwatersrand Churches, 1909- 1939’ , (PhD thesi s, London Uni v e r s i t y , 1981); D. G a i t s k e l l , Chri st i an Compounas ror G i r l s : Cnurcn hostels for African Women in Johannesburg, 1907-1970'. Journal of Southern African Studies, v I , 2, 1979: D. G a i t s k e l l ,
’ "Upward All and Play the Game- : The Gi r l Wayfarers’ Association in tne Transvaal 1925-1975’ , in P. kaiiawav (ed). Apartheid and Education: The Education of Black South Africans iJohannesburg, 1984j.
slwe Makhanya, a pioneer s o c ia l worker in N a t a l,23 provides a ’ human’ dimen
sion to our understanding o f b la c k -w h ite re la tio n s h ip s . Marks’ s in tro d u c tio n and the annotated correspondence illu m in a te the co m p lexities o f Palm er’ s p a te r n a lis tic a lly -c o n d itio n e d humanitarianism and th e ’ separate w o rld s ’ th a t th e p ro ta g o n is ts occupy. I t brings home the d i f f i c u l t i e s o f in te rp e rs o n a l re la tio n s h ip s between whites and the educated A fric a n e l i t e - a s itu a tio n th a t also emerges in the proceedings and experiences o f th e various j o i n t c o u n c ils .
The second h a lf o f th e 1980s saw something o f a s e lf-c o n s c io u s resur
gence o f lib e r a l sch olarship in South A fr ic a and a commensurate in te r e s t in , and re -e v a lu a tio n o f the h is to ry o f lib e ra lis m . A s e rie s o f essays on lib e r alism by Charles Simkins is symptomatic in t h is re g a rd .24 He suggests, in t e r a l i a , th a t c r i t i c s o f South A fric a n lib e ra lis m need to develop more s o p h is ti
cated c o n c e p tu a liza tio n s o f the phenomenon, and take more s e rio u s ly the good f a i t h o f many lib e r a ls . H is t o r ic a lly , lib e r a ls have worked as m is s io n a rie s , educators and p h ila n th ro p is ts in th e in te rfa c e between w hite and A fric a n s o c ie tie s , not because they ’ could fin d scope f o r indulgence o f the d e s ire to dom inate’ , but because o f a ’ p re d is p o s itio n ’ f o r t h is kind o f work. And in the course o f such work lib e r a ls can and do gain a more progressive under
standing o f the meaning o f s o c ia l co n d itio n s and processes. This e x p la in s , he says, ’ why th e re is a long and honourable t r a d it io n o f lib e r a l analyses o f race r e la tio n s and c o n d itio n s ’ . 25 Although Simkins does not appear to give s u f f ic ie n t co n sid eratio n to the d is ju n c tio n between the in te n tio n s and e ffe c ts o f l ib e r a l a c tio n s , he o b lig e s one to th in k more s e rio u s ly about th e repro
duction and m o d ific a tio n o f lib e r a l p ra c tic e and th e o ry .
Richard Elphick takes a more p e s s im is tic view o f the South A fric an
23. S. Harks l e d i , Not Ei t he r an Experinental Dol l : The Separate Worlds of Three South Af ri can Women tPi eter ma
r i t z b u r g , 1987).
24. C.E.W. Simkins, ’ Lectures on South African l i b e r a l i s m ' (Cape Town, 19851. 25. I b i d . , Lecture One: Why Bother?, 8.
lib e r a l t r a d it i o n . In a recent study he m aintains th a t c e n tra l to an under
standing o f th e lib e ra lis m o f th e tw e n tie s and t h i r t i e s is an a p p re c ia tio n o f th e way in which th e small group o f lib e r a ls o f the tim e locked in to a vast network - ’ a benevolent em pire’ o f lo cal and in te rn a tio n a l C h ris tia n and mission i n s t it u t io n s . 26 And a strong C h ris tia n component blunted the c r i t i c a l edge o f t h is lib e ra lis m : ’ C h ris tia n lib e ra lis m was strong on p r a c tic a l p ro je c ts and on personal d e d ic a tio n , weak in i t s understanding o f s o c ie ty and on C h ris tia n teachings about sin and judgm ent.’ 27 Elphick overstresses the homogeneity o f C h ris tia n lib e r a ls . One th in k s , f o r instan ce, o f C h ris tia n lib e r a l a c t iv is t s such as Rev. Gordon W ilburn and C lare G oodlatte (who turned to re v o lu tio n a ry so c ialism in the e a r ly 1930s). However, Elphick r ig h t ly emphasizes the importance o f the networks underpinning lib e r a l and C h ris tia n so c ia l reformism. These networks were s ig n ific a n t m a te ria l resources in co n d itio n in g the p ra c tic e o f lib e ra lis m .
There is a tendency in th e h is to rio g ra p h y o f lib e ra lis m to d e fin e the l a t t e r e s s e n tia lly in terms o f ’ race r e la t io n s ’ , th a t is , to see lib e r a ls as (w h ite ) agents d* lia is o n between the w hite ru lin g classes and the subordi
nated black m a jo rity . T h is , as Alan Cobley argues, is the major fla w o f Legassick’ s w ork,26 and by im p lic a tio n R ich ’ s as w e ll. Yet how does one account f o r the seeming dominance o f whites in lib e r a l ventures? A way past t h is dilemma is suggested in S tan ley T ra p id o ’ s study o f Cape lib e ra lis m in the
26. R. Elphick, ’ Mission C h r i s t i a n i t y and Interwar L i be r a l i s m’ , in But l er, Elphick and we 1s n. Deuocratic Li b e r - alisa, 69.
27. Ibid., 79.
28. A. Cobley, ’ Class, Colour and Culture: Black Liberals in South A f r i c a , 1932-1 950’ I ICS seminar oaoer, London Uni v e r s i t y , 1982).
la t e r 19th and e a r ly 20th c e n tu r ie s .29 Trapido argues th a t Cape lib e ra lis m was in e f f e c t composed o f a ’ g r e a t’ and ’ s m a ll’ t r a d it i o n . Based m ainly in Cape Town, lib e r a ls o f th e g reat t r a d it io n were drawn from the leading fin a n c ia l and commercial e n te rp ris e s , the government opp o sitio n o f the day, C h ris
t ia n m is sio n arie s and the major newspapers o f th e colony. The ’ s m a ll’ t r a d i tio n was ’ pragm atic’ in n a tu re, e s s e n tia lly a product o f the eastern Cape and conditio ned by re la tio n s h ip s o f in te r e s t entered in to by c e r ta in w h ites and A fric a n s in the re g io n .30 A d m itted ly post-1910 lib e ra lis m is a d if f e r e n t c re a tu re . N e vertheless, one can d e p ic t lib e ra lis m p a r tly in terms o f r e la tio n s h ip s between w hites and b lacks. Instead o f seeing th e lib e r a l s o c ia l a c to r as a w hite agent d* lia is o n between th e w h ite r u lin g classes and the subordinate black m a jo rity , one can see t h is s o c ia l category as occupied by both w hites and blacks, w ith the former ap p aren tly predominant. These sets o f re la tio n s h ip s in te ra c te d w ith or were informed by broader c u rre n ts o f
lib e r a l thought and p ra c tic e both domestic and m e tro p o lita n .
We are s t i l l a w aitin g a study o f lib e ra lis m in South A fr ic a w ith a s u f f ic i e n t l y broad canvas, as can be found in Tim Rowse’ s a n a ly s is o f l i b e r a l ism and ’ n a tio n a l c h a ra c te r’ in A u s tr a lia between 1920-1970. Rowse stresses
’ the protean in flu e n c e o f lib e r a l concepts and id e a s ’ and contends th a t l ib e r alism is a discourse capable o f much f l e x i b i l i t y and p o l i t i c a l nuances w ith in a ’ c o n s tra in in g conceptual framework’ . 31 In a d d itio n , lib e ra lis m is a hegemon
ic id eo lo g y, in th a t i t produces theory and le g itim iz e s the p ra c tic e o f a p a r t ic u la r ord erin g o f s o c ie ty , and the dominance by a ru lin g class over subordinate and d ivid ed so c ial classes. He emphasizes the need to take i n t e l
29. S. Trapido, 'Li be ral i sm in the Cape in the 19th and 20th Centuries' (ICS seminar paper, London U ni v e r s i ty, 1972); S. Trapido, ’ "The Friends of the Nati ves": Merchants. Peasants and the P o l i t i c a l and Ideol ogi cal Struct ur e of Liberalism in the Cape. 1854-1910’ in S. Marks and A. Atmore ( e d s I , Economy and Society in Pre- I n d u s t r i a l South A f r i c a (London, 1980).
30. Trapido, ’ Friends of the N a t i v e s ’ .
31. T. Rowse, Aust ral i an Liberal ism and National Character (Melbourne, 1978), 6.
le c tu a ls s e rio u s ly and to t r e a t them ’ as ideologues involved in class s tru g g le o f a d is t in c t iv e k i n d ’ .32
For Rowse, a c e n tra l fe a tu re o f lib e ra lis m as ideology is th a t s o c ie ty is conceived as a c o lle c tio n o f a to m is tic in d iv id u a ls and th e s t a t e ’ s actions are presumed to be th e p u rs u it o f the ’ c o lle c t iv e in t e r e s t ’ o f th e so c ial ensemble o f in d iv id u a ls . Any in d iv id u a l’ s membership o f any s o c ia l grouping o r class is taken as secondary to h is /h e r membership o f the t o t a l s o c ie t y .33 The prim ary a lle g ia n c e o f th e in d iv id u a l is supposedly the s ta te ra th e r than any s o c ia l grouping or class w ith in s o c ie ty . This sep aration o f the fo rm a lly fre e in d iv id u a l from h is o r her class p o s itio n leads a l l lib e r a l s o c ia l theory and exp lan atio n s back to concepts about in d iv id u a ls and th e nature o f t h e ir s u b je c tiv ity .
L ib e ra lis m works as ideology through a ’ d is c u rs iv e o rd erin g o f a large number o f concrete experiences in l i b e r a l - c a p i t a l i s t s o c ie ty ’ . 34 By using c e rta in fundamental concepts, the presence o f which is not made e x p l i c i t , lib e r a l s o c ia l theory is q u ite successful in p roviding us w ith a convincing p ic tu re o f how the s o c ia l world works. I t d e p ic ts th e s ta te as th e n eu tral a r b it e r o f s o c ia l c o n flic ts and e x p lain s these c o n flic ts by r e fe r r in g to the nature and in te n tio n s o f in d iv id u a ls .
There are obvious d i f f i c u l t i e s in d ir e c tin g t h is form of a n a ly s is to South A fric a n s o c ie ty . Rowse’ s work is nevertheless suggestive in in d ic a tin g how lib e ra lis m , even in a d efensive s tru c tu ra l p o s itio n , can in flu e n c e or shape seemingly n o n -lib e ra l p ra c tic e s and in s t it u t io n s . However, Rowse’ s in s is te n c e on th e e s s e n tia lly s e lf-c o n ta in e d nature o f lib e r a l ideology and discourse is problem atic. Are the parameters o f lib e r a l and a u th e n tic ra d ic a l
32. I b i d . , 6-7.
33. I b i d . , 15.
34. I b i d . , 16,
s o c ia l a n a ly s is n e c e s s a rily so d is tin c t? Ernesto Laclau and Chantal M o u ffe’ s recent work suggests n o t .3® As Alan G ilb e r t argues, the d iffe re n c e s between Marxian and lib e r a l th e o rie s o f democracy ’ are broadly e m p iric a l and s o c ia l- th e o r e tic a l ra th e r than clashes o f u nd erlying moral prem ises’ . 36 Furtherm ore, in South A fr ic a lib e r a l notions and w ritin g s have been app ro p riated from above (th e s ta te and the ru lin g p o l it i c a l e l i t e s ) and below (th e la r g e ly b la c k , subordinated c la s s e s ). The in s t it u t io n a liz a t io n o f the wage c o n tra c t - which Rowse appears to see as le g itim iz in g the apparatus o f th e lib e r a l dem ocratic s ta te in A u s tr a lia 3^ - has, according to Giddens, h i s t o r ic a ll y f a c i l i t a t e d th e r is e o f organized labour in advanced c a p it a l is t s o c ie t ie s .38 In zeroing in on 1ib e ra lis m -a s -id e o lo g y , we run th e r is k o f overlooking how th e production o f lib e r a l s o c ia l theory is located in the reproduction o f s o c ie ty and the economy, and o f d e p ic tin g lib e ra lis m as e s s e n tia lly some form o f epiphenome
non. As Raymond W illiam s has argued, we should see c u ltu r a l processes (and t h is includes lib e r a l theory and mythology) as p a rt o f the process o f produc
tio n as a w h o le .3^
An emerging body o f work d e a lin g w ith the A fric a n p e tty bou rg eoisie c o n s titu te s a c ru c ia l p o in t o f referen ce to th is th e s is . For one, th e re is Brian W illa n ’ s in f lu e n t ia l 1976 a r t i c l e on Sol P la a tje which questioned a tendency in previous ra d ic a l analyses to dismiss A fric a n p e tty bourgeois groups and in d iv id u a ls as c o lla b o ra to rs o r id e o lo g ic a lly colonized a c t o r s .40
35. E. Laclau and C. Mouffe, Hegemony and S o c i a l i s t Str ategi es: Towards Radical Democratic P o l i t i c s I London, 1985); E. Laclau and C. Mouffe, ’ Post-Marxism without Apologies’ , New Le f t Review, 166, 1987.
36. A. G i l b e r t , 'Democracy and I n d i v i d u a l i t y ' , Social Philosophy and Policy, 3:2, 1986. 19.
37. Rowse, Aust ral i an Liber alism, 16.
38. Giddens, C r i t i q u e , 10.
39. R. Williams, Culture (Glasgow, 1981).
40. B. Wil l an, ’ Sol P l a a t j e , De Beers and an Old Tram Shed: Class Relati ons and Social Control in a South A f r i can Town, 1918-1919’ , Journal of Southern Afri can Studies, IV, 2, 1978.
W illa n ’ s f in e biography o f P la a tje i m p li c it l y re in fo rc e s h is p o in t .41 Second
ly , in a s e rie s o f studies o f prominent A fric a n leaders in N a ta l, Shula Marks shows how th e A fric a n p o l it i c a l e l i t e had l i t t l e option in a h ig h ly oppressive and r a c i a l ly d ivid ed s o c ie ty but to use ambiguous modes o f expression and a c tio n to su rvive p o l i t i c a l l y . 42 What als o emerges from her work is th a t the kind o f c a lc u la tio n s the p e tty bourgeoisie make and the t a c t ic s they adopt are in a sense th e r e f le c tio n o f t h e i r id e n t it y as p a rt o f a s t r u c t u r a lly fr a g mented and ambiguous c la s s .
A 1980 essay by P h il Bonner on the Transvaal A fric a n Congress, 1917- 1920, was one o f the f i r s t attem pts to provide a t h e o r e t ic a lly e x p l i c i t model to account f o r th e co m p lexities and d iv is io n s w ith in the A fric a n p e tty bour
g e o is ie .43 R e fle c tin g the increased in te r e s t in t h is ’ uneasy s tra tu m ’ 44 by new M a rx is t th e o r is ts , and drawing p a r t ic u la r ly from the work o f Poulantzas and Laclau, Bonner depicted the A fric a n p e tty bourgeoisie as p a r t ic u la r ly prone to id e o lo g ic a l in flu e n c e s and as a q u a lit a t iv e ly d if f e r e n t phenomenon to p e tty bourgeoisie in advanced c a p it a l is t s o c ie tie s . He argued th a t th e ’ p e tty b o u rg eo is ie, ly in g between the two dominant r e la tio n s o f produ ction, tended to swing according to the pressures exercised on i t by the two contending c la s s e s ’ . 45 Though the notion o f the p e tty bourgeoisie as a kind o f ’ uneasy s tra tu m ’ is a h e lp fu l d e s c rip tiv e and exp lan ato ry d evice, i t is questionable whether i t should be taken as axio m atic . The metaphor o f a class in a p e r-
41. 0. n i l lan, Sol Plaatje: A Biography I Johannesburg. 19841.
42. S. Harks, The Ambiguities of Dependence in South Africa: Class, Nationalism, and the State in Twentieth- Century Natal (Johannesburg, 1986).
43. P. Bonner, ’ The Transvaal Native Congress, 1917-1920: The Raoi c a l i z a t i on of the Black Petty Bourgeoisie on the Rand’ (ASI seminar paper, K i t s , 1980).
44. F. Bechhofter and B. E l i o t (eds) , The Petite Bourgeoisie: Comparative Studies in the Uneasy Stratum (Lon
don, 1981).
45. Bonner, ’ The Transvaal Native Congress’ . The essay has been published in Marks and Rathbone, Industrialisa
tion and Social Change in South Africa.
p e tu a lly unstable s ta te w ith l i t t l e su b stan tive v o lit io n o f i t s own can lead to an o v e rre lia n c e on ideology as a means o f e x p la n a tio n .
In a d e ta ile d a n a ly s is o f the s o c ia l nature o f the lead ersh ip o f th e In d u s tr ia l and Commercial Workers’ Union (ICU) during th e 1920s, Helen Brad
fo rd develops themes which provide us w ith a s u b tle and e m p ir ic a lly ric h p ic tu re o f th e A fric a n p e tty bourgeoisie in t h is period and a f t e r . 46 She argues th a t by the 1920s, the upper ranks o f the middle class had become p a r t ic u la r ly d i f f i c u l t to e n te r, and th a t low er-m iddle class A fric a n s were being forced fu r th e r from th e w hite bourgeoisie towards the A fric a n masses. This was happening a t a l l le v e ls : economic, p o l i t i c a l , s o c ia l, c u ltu r a l and id e o lo g i
c a l. Class boundaries were f r a g i l e and th e re was ’ no Manichean d is ju n c tu r e ’ between the masses and the lower stratum o f the p e tty b o u rg e o is ie .4 ^
The most d e ta ile d treatm en t o f th e A fric a n p e tty bourgeoisie is Alan Cobley’ s recent doctoral t h e s is .48 Cobley develops the id ea, f i r s t raised by W illa n , o f th e ’ h is t o r ic a l agency’ o f the p e tty b o u rg eo isie. He argues th a t
in response to in creasin g economic pressures and s ta te rep ressio n , the A f r i can p e tty bourgeoisie had by the 1930s developed and deployed a range o f c la s s -s p e c ific s o c ia l and c u ltu r a l networks and p ra c tic e s as a means o f r e in fo rc in g and reproducing i t s class p o s itio n . This enabled them ’ to d ic t a te the fundamental p r i o r i t i e s and d ir e c tio n o f the A fric a n n a t io n a lis t s tru g g le before and a f t e r 1950’ . 49 Although t h is approach is somewhat more sanguine than th a t o f B rad fo rd ’ s, th e re is considerable s i m il a r it y in t h e i r re s p e c tiv e to p o lo g ies o f the p e tty b o u rg eo is ie. Cobley, fo r in stan ce, also t a lk s in
46. H. Bradford, ’ Mass Movements and the Petty Bourgeoisie: The Social Origins of the ICU Leadership, 1924 1929’ , Journal of Afri can Hi st or y, XXV, 3, 1984, 295-310.
47. I b i d . , 310.
48. A. Cobley, ’ "On the Shoulders of Giants": The Black Petty Bourgeoisie in P o l i t i c s and Society in South Afri ca, 1924-1950’ , (PhD thesi s, London U n i v e r s i t y , 1986). This thesis is about to be published as a book.
49. I b i d . , 315.
terms o f a small upper stratum which was g e n e ra lly econom ically secure, in co n tra s t to a decidedly la rg e r lower stratum v u ln e ra b le to p r o le ta r ia n iz a tio n and sub ject to freq u en t interchanges o f members o f th e ’ under c la s s e s ’ . 50
Bradford tends to r e ly more h e a v ily than Cobley on th e c r i t e r i a o f economic p r iv ile g e in id e n tify in g th e occupiers o f the A fric a n ’ upper m iddle c la s s ’ , o f which lawyers, doctors and w ealthy cane farm ers were c ru c ia l compo
n e n ts .51 This s t i l l leaves the problem o f those p e tty bourgeoisie who would see themselves as p a rt o f the upper middle class s t r a t a , through education or as p a rt o f th e p o l it i c a l estab lish m en t, but whose economic s itu a tio n was not a l l th a t secure. Frank Pendla, a member o f the P o rt E liz a b e th J o in t Council and lo cal advisory board in the 1930s and a f t e r , as w e ll as p re sid en t o f the Cape A fric a n Congress in the e a r ly 1940s, did not have a very s ta b le economic l i f e . He worked v a rio u s ly as a cou rt in t e r p r e t e r , postm aster, c le rk and re s ta u ra n t p r o p r ie t o r .52 And his experience was by no means unique.
E.O. W rig h t’ s re th in k in g o f M a rx is t class c a te g o rie s has some a p p lic a tio n here. He argues f o r a move from dom ination-centred to e x p lo it a tio n - centred concepts o f c la s s . Such a s h i f t , he m ain ta in s , would be p a r t ic u la r ly useful in re th in k in g the ’ problem’ o f the middle classes. The ownership o f s k i l l assets - p a r t ic u la r ly when in s t it u t io n a liz e d in th e form o f c re d e n tia ls - is not s o le ly a basis f o r e x p lo ita tio n ; i t is also a basis f o r class r e la tio n . Thus the produ ctive assets th a t classes c o n tro l, lead them to pursue c e rta in s tra te g ie s w ith in exchange r e la tio n s , and thereby shape the
50. I b i d . . 2.
51. H. Bradford, ’ The I ndu s t r i a l and Commercial Workers’ Union of Africa in the South Afr ican Countryside. 1924 1930’ (PhD thesi s, Wits, 1985). chapter 2. This PhD has subsequently been published as a book: A Taste of Freedom: The ICU in Rural South A f r i c a , 1924-1930 (Johannesburg, 1988): Bradford, 'Mass Movements and the Petty Bourgeoisie’ , 296; Cobley, ’ On the Shoulders of Gi a n t s ’ , 32.
52. T.D. Karis and G.M. Carter (eds) , From Prot est to Challenge: A Documentary Hi st or y of African P o l i t i c s i South A f r i c a , 1882-1964, Vol IV (St anfor d, 1977), 126.
outcome o f those market tra n s a c tio n s .53 W right fin d s t h is approach p a rtic u l a r ly h e lp fu l in c o n cep tu alizin g ’ middle c la s s ’ lo c a tio n s .
Thus th e middle class are s itu a te d w ith in cla s s re la tio n s :
by the nature o f t h e i r m a te ria l o p tim izin g s tr a te g ie s given the s p e c ific kinds o f assets they own o r c o n tro l. T h e ir s p e c ific class lo c a tio n helps to s p e c ify t h e i r in te re s ts both w ith in th e e x is tin g c a p it a l is t s o c ie ty and w ith respect to various kinds o f a lte r n a tiv e games (s o c ie t i e s ) to which they may want to w ith d ra w .5*
In d iv id u a ls in middle c lass lo c a tio n s have fo u r options in r e la tio n s to class s tru g g le : they can attem pt to gain e n try through e x p lo itin g t h e i r s k i l l assets; th ey can attem pt to gain e n try as in d iv id u a ls in to th e dominant ex
p lo it in g class i t s e l f ; they can t r y to secure an a llia n c e w ith the dominant e x p lo itin g c la s s ; or they can fo rg e some kind o f a llia n c e w ith th e p r in c ip le e x p lo ite d c la s s . E s p e c ia lly in co n d itio n s where the p e tty bou rg eoisie are being subjected to a process o f ’ d e g ra d a tio n ’ , people in c o n tra d ic to ry loca
tio n s may see the balance o f t h e i r in te re s ts as being more in lin e w ith the working classes. This scenario is not u n lik e B rad fo rd ’ s d e p ic tio n o f ’ down
ward class m o b ility * among the A fric a n p e tty b o u rg eo is ie. W rig h t’ s o v e ra ll schema is complicated but i t does provide conceptual space f o r the question o f human agency.
The whole problem o f in d iv id u a l and group agency is a vexing one and has not been given s u f f ic ie n t a tte n tio n in South A fric a n h is to rio g ra p h y . W illa n and Marks’ s re sp e ctive studies o f P la a tje and the A fric a n p o l i t i c a l e l i t e are in d ic a tiv e o f a more s e lf-c o n s c io u s approach, both t h e o r e t ic a lly and e m p iri
c a lly to t h is question. T h e ir a p p re c ia tio n o f the am b ig u ities and c a lc u la tio n s o f t h e i r subjects has y e t to be d u p licated in stu d ies o f w hite l ib e r a ls .
t
Apart from the above-mentioned s tu d ie s , Giddens’ s theory o f s tr u c tu r a tio n as w e ll as h is notion o f ( r e l a t i v e l y ) knowledgeable s o c ia l acto rs is an important
53. E.O. Wright, 'A General Framework for the Analysis of Class S t r u c t u r e ' , Politics and Society, a 1, 4, 391.
54, I b i d . , 403.
1984,
