GLOBAL CITIZENSHIP AND INTERNATIONAL EDUCATION: CASE STUDY OF THE AMERICAN INTERNATIONAL SCHOOL OF ZAGREB

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UNIWERSYTET JAGIELLOŃSKI W KRAKOWIE

WYDZIAŁ STUDIÓW MIĘDZYNARODOWYCH I POLITYCZNYCH

INSTYTUT EUROPEISTYKI

Martin Bogdan

Nr albumu: 1141250

KIERUNEK Europeistyka

Specjalizacja Euroculture

GLOBAL CITIZENSHIP AND

INTERNATIONAL EDUCATION:

CASE STUDY OF THE AMERICAN

INTERNATIONAL SCHOOL OF

ZAGREB

Praca magisterska

Promotor: Dr. Kinga Gajda, Dr. Wouter Marchand

Kraków 2018

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Master of Arts Thesis

Euroculture

University of Krakow University of Groningen

June, 2018

Global citizenship and International Education:

Case study of The American International School of

Zagreb

Submitted by:

Martin Bogdan Student number first university: 1141250 Student number second university: S3554309 Contact details: +385989061516 / martinbogda@gmail.com

Supervised by:

Name of supervisor first university: Dr. Kinga Gajda Name of supervisor second university: Dr. Wouter Marchand

Groningen, 1st_{June, 2018}

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MA Programme Euroculture Declaration

I, Martin Bogdan, hereby declare that this thesis, entitled Global Citizenship and International Education: Case study of The American International School of Zagreb, submitted as partial requirement for the MA Programme Euroculture, is my own original work and expressed in my own words. Any use made within this text of works of other authors in any form (e.g. ideas, figures, texts, tables, etc.) are properly acknowledged in the text as well as in the bibliography.

I declare that the written (printed and bound) and the electronic copy of the submitted MA thesis are identical.

I hereby also acknowledge that I was informed about the regulations pertaining to the assessment of the MA thesis Euroculture and about the general completion rules for the Master of Arts Programme Euroculture.

Signed:

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Global Citizenship and International Education:

Case study of The American International School of Zagreb

International education has been constructing cosmopolitan citizenship since the establishment of first international schools during the second half of 19th century. With the increase of global interconnectivity, this process intensified to present day. These transnational channels, sustained by a global cosmopolitan class with access to prestige education, are reinforcing the powers of transnational business and transnational institutions while reducing their connections to nation states. This liberal notion of global citizenry is reinforced through international education with its unified curricula; focus on "global issues" and with a large amount of professional exchange among schools. International education has only minor connections to educational policies, which are considered to be unable to follow the dynamics of the global world. This process is observed through a case study of The American International School of Zagreb, where the implementation of inquiry-based learning is taking place. It is a teaching philosophy based on the input of students, which resembles the needs of the global cosmopolitan class and is providing the students with access into these networks. The narrative of international business also has an impact on educational policies of UNESCO, International Baccalaureate and the EU, which have explicit links to global needs that resemble the narrative coming from global businesses. This narrative is based on the idea of uncertainty, which is presented as an endless range of opportunities. What is an opportunity for the children of global cosmopolitan elites is a social insecurity for the ones whose access to international education and global cosmopolitanism is, to a large extent, restricted due to their social background that cannot afford prestigious education.

Key words: international education, cosmopolitanism, elites, Croatia, International

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List of Abbreviations

AISZ – The American International School of Zagreb IB – International Baccalaureate

IB DP - International Baccalaureate Diploma Program IBO - International Baccalaureate Organization

UNESCO - The United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organization EU – European Union

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1. Introduction

This thesis deals with the political construction of global citizenry in international education through the analysis of the American International School of Zagreb as a case study. In order to answer the question of how is international education related to contemporary global citizenship, the analysis deals with four levels of investigation, where all four are mutually connected: construction of global citizenry, policy in international education, international curriculums and practical implementation in the AISZ.

Global citizenship is the central idea of this thesis. It is a form of social belonging to an abstract humanity, rather than a specific nation state or some other local or regional community. Depending on a specific case, global citizenship either builds upon a specific national citizenship or it neglects it in terms of symbolic identification – some people feel more national while living in a global community, while some tend to identify as "internationals". As Calhoun argues, "cosmopolitan liberals often fail to recognize the social conditions of their own discourse, presenting it as freedom from social belonging rather than a special sort of belonging."1_{This global class operates in}

a widespread web of social contacts that include connections with individuals, organizations and companies whose activities are taking place in multiple places around the world, without being tied to the borders of one country. This class is contesting national citizenship on an opposite basis than Brubaker's idea when the outsiders to whom this access was prohibited contested the belonging to national citizenship.2 In the case of global elites, national citizenship is in many cases obsolete and ignored, as its framework does not fit with the needs of this class.

Global citizenship will be analyzed using a critical discourse analysis where the connections of the language, ideology and power with their implications and effects on the society will be analyzed. The analytical tools I will use are taken from the work of discourse analysis of how remembrance and memory are socially constructed. The method proposed by Schmidt is looking at how are verbal elaborations constructing ideas and expectations in a narrated event and thereby reveal the social context that is

1_{Craig Calhoun, "'Belonging' in the Cosmopolitan Imaginary." Ethnicities 3, no. 4 (2003): 532}

2_{Rogers Brubaker, Citizenship and Nationhood in France and Germany (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard}

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producing them.3 Within this framework, the content of the analysis will be the construction of the future and the global outlook in the narrative of global citizenship. The narrative of global citizenship is vivid in international education, which was developed as a response to two needs: to provide non-national education for the children of European elites and to ensure the education for the children of overseas staff in the colonial territories.4 It developed throughout the 20th century and it exists today in most of the countries in the world, with strongest centers in Southeast Asia. International degrees, such as the International Baccalaureate (IB) became a "golden standard" for both international and a number of public schools worldwide. IB has redefined some of the public education systems, such as Japan or Singapore, while this was not the case in Croatia, where it exists on the margin: IB Diploma Program (IB DP) in two public schools and the AISZ, and Primary and Middle Years Program in one private school.5

In order to understand the political construction of global citizenry in international education, relevant educational policies will be analyzed in order to outline the levels of policy translations among the actors in education that are related to global citizenry, such as UNESCO, IB program and the EU. When it comes to the UNESCO and EU, a great deal of their stances is visible in the degree programs such as the IB, as all of them resemble the language of international business. This will be analyzed through the theory of assemblages, which treats various levels, such as local, national and transnational, in fluidity, rather than as fixed instances. It replaces traditional local-global binaries as organic totalities with a notion of mobile distribution of phenomena within a given network.6

Apart from the policy analysis, this thesis will apply a comparative approach to identify and define the relevance of the case study of the American International School of Zagreb. It will be done with an outline of its position and perception of its staff among other international schools in Europe, Zagreb and Croatian public system.

3_{Siegfried Schmidt, "Memory and Remembrance: A Constructivist Approach" in A Companion to} Cultural Memory Studies, ed. Astrid Erll and Ansgar Nünning (Berlin: De Gruyter, 2010), 193

4_{David G. Scanlon, International Education: A Documentary History (New York: Columbia}

University, Teachers College, 1960), 138

5_{"Croatia," International Baccalaureate, accessed May 30, 2018.}

https://www.ibo.org/about-the-ib/the-ib-by-country/c/croatia/

6_{Manuel De Landa, A New Philosophy of Society: Assemblage Theory and Social Complexity}

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The American International School of Zagreb is a K-12 (from kindergarten to 12th grade) international school, which provides education for children coming from diplomatic, expat, international and local business backgrounds. This school is running an IB DP, which is a standardized curriculum for the last two years of secondary education. It is grounded in the principles of inquiry-based learning, which favors learning based on practical work, self-motivation and collaboration among students rather than traditional lecture-based approach. My data for the analysis consists of the participant observation I have conducted there while doing a teaching internship from August 2017 until January 2018 and seven interviews I have done with the staff and students of the school.

In order to answer the question of how are ideas within this institution related to the wider social context and re-transmitted in both directions, I will use the concepts from theories of ideologies and power as a basis for analysis. These include the processes of self-legitimization of the system that promotes and naturalizes its beliefs to present them as self-evident and apparently inevitable, while at the same time it excludes rival forms of thought.7

In order to connect social tasks of education, its policies and types of citizenry it aims to produce, I will use the work of Eagleton8_{for the general function of ideology and}

Meighan's and Siraj's9_{for the localized ideology within an education institution. With}

awareness about various historical and contemporary usages of this term, I will treat it as a concept through which we can find out more about the beliefs of a certain group, in this case, international education and global citizenry. I will argue that both of them are linked to the liberal internationalism and global cosmopolitanism, sets of ideas that were present in the international education throughout its historical development. It was also linked to the colonial practices with the schools in overseas territories. The methodological apparatus, which will be used to analyze the ideas behind global citizenship, will also be used as a tool for the analysis of the school culture in order to identify the resemblance of the global citizenship and the school culture in the AISZ. This methodology is based on the work of critical discourse analysis that integrates

7_{Terry Eagleton, Ideology: An Introduction (London: Verso, 2007), 5} 8_Ibid.

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the analysis of text, its production, consumption and distribution in order to identify "ideological-discursive formations" related to a group or an institution.10

School culture, a shared sense of ideas about fundamental values and beliefs that define an institution, in my investigation turned out be an important feature in international education. It is used in order to accustom people coming from different backgrounds, to define a sense of direction where the school is going through it mission statement11 and what it needs to produce for its beneficiaries. In this case, these are the needs of the students and they are, at the same time, strongly related to their future access to global corporations and transnational organizations. Besides that, global corporations and transnational organizations are important actors and reference points when it comes to policy development. The focus of international education is largely directed towards business, which is apparent in the language that became part of the international education and an explicit orientation in policies and teaching practice.

Having a shared institutional culture has proved to be crucial with any kind of reform, especially when it deals with the all-round implementation of a new teaching style, which is at the same time both a method and a philosophy. In parallel to the introduction of inquiry-based learning as a foundation for teaching practice, the new school culture is being implemented in AISZ as well. It also strongly resonates with the ideas of global citizenry, inquiry-based learning and educational policies relevant to international education.

The data for the analysis comes from the EU's Strategic Framework for Training and Education, UNESCO's educational policy on Global citizenship, AISZ's policy documents, which resemble the IB's documents and the interviews. All of them tackle the issues of global citizenship on different levels, for different audiences and with different objectives. I will look for patterns in these policies in order to detect the amount of policy translation in an overlapping discourse of the global citizenship education.

Through a content analysis of these documents and my participant observation, I will describe the profile of the institution using the assemblage theory of fluid actors, rather than using the somewhat fixed notions of "local" or "international". These

10_{Norman Fairclough, Critical Discourse Analysis: The Critical Study of Language (Harlow, England:}

Longman, 2010), 23

11_{"Mission, Vision and Beliefs," AISZ, accessed May 31 2018.}

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levels will, however, be addressed as actors as they constitute an important framework within which the institution is positioned in relation to other actors in the field, such as other schooling institutions.

The reputation of the school in international education is crucial for the school as it is financed through tuition fees and is required to attract as many students as possible. Institution's policy and its promotion are tightly linked as the coherence between the two creates a reputation and gives an advantage over the competition.

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2. International Education

The educational process through which global citizenry is, to an extent, created, is the one of international education or, more precisely, international schooling.

Schooling is an institutional addition to education, which is a process of learning that takes place in various life situations, not only in schools, universities, various courses and programs. Schooling is, on the other hand, institutional; it requires a certain institution, material resources, the community and a shared set of beliefs. Schooling requires all sorts of resources, it takes most of the student's time of the day and there are large economic assets poured into educational systems, either through public funds on national levels, or directly from its users in private education.12

By taking up most of the time for, usually, more than ten years of primary and secondary education, schooling produces strong impact on both the individual and, subsequently through its systematic organization and infrastructure, on the society. Schooling was one of the fundamental incentives needed to create a nation state13 and a modern industrial society that has created a globalized world of today and, in parallel, the post-industrial sector that is growing in its size within the economy of the global West.

2.1. HISTORICAL DEVELOPMENT

The growth of world trade and capital flows, which made most of the world's economies financially more integrated than ever before, played a significant role in the construction of global citizenry during second half of the 19th century, the age of "the first globalization".14 Apart from the development of transportation and communications, the economic narrative also changed with the ideas of free market economists such as Adam Smith and David Ricardo15. As they were coming into

12_{Steven G. Brint, Schools and Societies (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1998), 6}

13_{Ernest Gellner, Nations and Nationalism: New Perspectives on the Past, 2}nd_{ed. (Oxford: Blackwell,}

2006), 29

14_{Dani Rodrik, The Globalization Paradox: Why Global Markets, States, and Democracy Can't} Coexist (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2011), 79

15_{Adam Smith, The Wealth of Nations: Books I-III (Harmondsworth: Penguin Books, 1982)}

David Ricardo, On the Principles of Political Economy and Taxation (Harmondsworth: Penguin Books, 1971)

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mainstream, it led to looser governmental restrictions on trade and cancelation of prohibitions. When the gold standard in 1870s became adopted worldwide, there was no fear of arbitrary changes in currencies and the global trade got a solid backbone for its expansion. Therefore, the era was later on called the first great globalization.16 The establishment of the international school in Geneva in 1924 is traditionally believed to be the start of international education. However, there were institutions with an international outlook established back in the second half of the 19th century in England, France and Germany. This took place in parallel with the development of public education and with a need to serve educational needs of international business class, and in opposition to public systems that were focused on education of the masses. The opposition of international to national systems was created because the initiators of international education in Europe wanted to educate students for a transnational context, whereas national systems of education were perceived as rigid, conservative and outdated for the needs of the emerging globalization.17

The Spring Grove College, the first international school in England, was established a decade after essay competitions on the theme "The advantages of educating together children of different nationalities" took place at the Paris exhibition in 1855. This activity was not proven to be related to the Spring Grove College, but it nevertheless shows the complementary motivations in Western European countries for establishing international schools.18

Like most of the social processes of that time, international education was strongly linked to technological development of the industrial revolution. It is remarkable how the rhetoric of international education during the first era of globalization resembles the language of the international education a century later.19 I.e. all of my informants from the AISZ were emphasizing the progressiveness of international education as opposed to the conservatism of public system.

International education was developed within a 19th century's bourgeois class as a response to the booming national education, which directed the loyalty of its students towards a specific nation state. Instead, the initiators of Spring Grove College proposed a loyalty to mankind. This appeal, which is today considered a typical part

16_{Ibid., 80}

17_{David G. Scanlon, International Education: A Documentary History, 11}

18_{Bob Sylvester, "The First "International" School" in International Education in Practice:} Dimensions for National & International Schools, ed. Mary Hayden, Jeff Thompson and George

Walker (London: Kogan Page, 2002), 16

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of the jargon, was perceived as radical, visionary and utopian when it emerged.20 If we follow Scanlon's line, the motives for creating international education were merely idealistic, driven by the belief that education should create a universal brotherhood of all men, as it was imagined by the male elites of the United Kingdom, center of the largest colonial empire during that time. There was an economical reasoning behind that idealism.

The example of the first Victorian international school, the International College at Spring Grove, London in 1866, suggests: their mission was to create international ambassadors, based on three premises: free trade, international arbitration and disarmament.21 Similar schools were established throughout Western Europe in the following decades, with some setbacks during WW1 and other political crises.22 The idea was to have a unified curriculum, based on a "liberal general education, to acquire thoroughly several modern languages and so that the arrangement would be established in such a way so that the pupils in passing from one nation and language to another, would find no notable change in the course of study."23 All three of the school's guiding principles are directly related to international trade, which was suffering from war conflicts, national regulations and customs, where national citizenry was an implicit obstacle for their activities. This pattern is also present in contemporary international education.

It is no surprise that this took place in Great Britain, the center of the greatest empire of the time, which controlled most of the worlds trade.24 Great Britain was one of the few colonial centers that required international perspectives for its citizens, as it needed to enable them to operate throughout the empire, but also to cooperate with other businesses and states in that era.

There was an important difference between education in schools related to embassies and international schools that were not related to a particular embassy. Schools related to the embassies were conducting national curriculums in overseas territories and, therefore, served as a colonial extension and reinforcement of the national system.

20_{David G. Scanlon, International Education: A Documentary History} 21_{Bob Sylvester, "The First "International" School"", 15}

22_Ibid. 23_Ibid.

24_{Emily S. Rosenberg, A World Connecting, 1870-1945: A History of the World. (Cambridge Mass.:}

Belknap Press of Harvard University Press, 2012), 45

Peter Mathias and John A Davis, International Trade and British Economic Growth: From the

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International schools were, on the other hand, usually established in the centers of the colonial empires and had a different approach to what schooling should be which was, to a large extent, in opposition to national education.

2.2. CONTEMPORARY INTERNATIONAL EDUCATION

In the contemporary post-industrial and post-colonial West, where the power of nation states is in decline25, international education kept its function of a service provider for global citizenry. It shapes and disciplines future citizens in terms of what knowledge and skills it provides them with and what sort of ideas about the society are transmitted and which ones are overlooked or tabooed.

The difference of contemporary international education and public education is twofold: international education follows policies, which do not come from the nation state and its students have opportunities that are global in perspective, rather than national.

International education is traditionally linked to private initiatives, as part of the process of globalization, which favors private domain over public due to its increased dynamics, as opposed to the a public education, a bigger system with a large number of beneficiaries and a slower pace of change.26

The function of international secondary education is to provide education to children coming from expat communities, diplomacy, international and local business. All of these groups have a high financial, social and cultural capital. Profiles of their professions and, in most cases, their personal backgrounds, are international, multilingual and marked by frequent migration. Since these positions usually require reputable education, and since the goal is to have children reach the status of their parents, the expectations of international schooling are high, as well as its price. The main objective that international education needs to deliver to its beneficiaries, namely its students and parents, is, with exceptions, successful enrolment to the university. In order to reach this goal, standard "hard skills" need to be acquired in a range of subjects in order to pass the exams, usually external examinations. "Soft

25_{Martin L. Van Creveld, The Rise and Decline of the State (Cambridge England: Cambridge}

University Press, 1999), 336

26_{Peter Leuner and Mike Woolf, "Public, Private and Globalised International Education" in Public or} Private Education?: Lessons from History. ed. Richard Aldrich (London: Woburn Press, 2004), 153

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skills" include the abilities of intercultural awareness, critical thinking, creativity, social and emotional intelligence, etc. Therefore, "hard skills" have a lot of commonalities with the public education systems (math, languages, etc.) but the focus on "soft skills" is generally more strongly emphasized in international education than in public systems.

The form in which international education is delivered to its beneficiaries is directly linked to the external measurements that are accepted in the universities worldwide. The IB DP is considered as "the golden standard" of international education, and it introduced common grading standards in schools that subscribe to it around the world. It facilitates global mobility where

a new pedagogical approach was needed to promote international understanding, an approach that would cut through stereotypes and prejudices: critical inquiry coupled with an open mind willing to question established beliefs, willing to withdraw from conventional positions in the light of new evidence and experiences, willing to accept that being different does not mean being wrong. This was quite a change from the emphasis at the time on accumulating knowledge as fact by memorization... Thus, the IB Diploma Programme came about for ideological, utilitarian and pedagogical reasons: to provide a perspective that would promote international understanding, prepare students for world citizenship and promote peace; to provide a school-leaving diploma that would be recognized for university entrance around the world with common curriculum and examinations; and to promote critical thinking skills (rather than an emphasis on encyclopedic knowledge) via a balanced programme in the humanities, the experimental sciences and experiential learning.27

What Hill lists in his, perhaps, over-romanticized outline of the IB diploma scheme are the ideas that can be found in most of educational reforms today: terms such as critical thinking as opposed to memorizing facts and international understanding. World citizenship and peace promotion were already known to the international education by 1962 when the program was established28. What Hill fails to mention is the social effect of such practices and their link to global citizenry.

As the objective of national education was to create a "good citizen" of the nation state, objective of international education has a broader perspective as it does not have a single nation as a point of reference. Its scope is global and it refers to a global

27_{Ian Hill, "The History of International Education: an International Baccalaureate Perspective" in} International Education in Practice: Dimensions for National & International Schools, ed. Mary

Hayden, Jeff Thompson and George Walker (London: Kogan Page, 2002), 24

28_{Aline M. Stomfay-Stitz, Peace Education in America, 1828-1990: Sourcebook for Education and} Research (Metuchen, N.J.: Scarecrow Press, 1993), 5

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community, which is not linked to a specific territory such as a nation state but rather to a cluster of dispersed territories, in most cases, "global" cities. Thereby, future citizens that are supposed to come out of international education have a tendency to refer to global rather than national concepts of citizenship. This, however, does not exclude national citizenship; it is relevant for practical necessities, like documents – passport and ID, but in terms of symbolical identification and social contacts, nation state became obsolete for the global cosmopolitan class. The line of exclusion is hereby, to a large degree, drawn with the access to education which, to a large extent, opens the door for future social status. This access is not limited to the children of communities involved in global business and diplomacy, but they make a large deal of the student population in international education. The factor of exclusion is the financial capacity required to enter these schools, which are not available for children coming from lower and middle income families.29

29_{Julia Resnik, "The Denationalization of Education and the Expansion of the International}

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3. Policies in International Education

The policy in international education will be analyzed in order to understand the production and distribution of international education and thereby, the construction of global citizenry. The focus will be on policy translation and policy mobility. The actors who are producing those policies come from public level (EU), transnational organization (UNESCO) and professional organization in education (International Baccalaureate Organization - IBO).

In the recent decades, the discursive and organizational structures that deal with educational policies have gradually moved from national to a global level and the discussion about education policies includes the global dimension more than ever before for a number of reasons.

The global interdependence of national actors, local economies and businesses is increasing as more and more actors are joining this system. The wider context is influencing local levels and generating global modes of interchangeability and awareness of this interdependence.30 This supra-national environment creates a force, which became somewhat a central reference in the educational policy area. The general goals are hereby shared: economic and social progress where education is as a mean for accomplishing them.31

This global interdependence works as a soft power. It has no monopoly on violence or an imperative authority such as the nation state. The EU is no exception here as it functions merely as a pale imitation of a state.32 The efforts, which come to be effective in global policy transfer, therefore exist in the power of soft laws, common rankings, etc.:

These tend to be organized around the authority of actual or putative scientific knowledge, rather than the constitutional dominance of a state. They tend to be justified by normative global standards like human rights, the environment, or transparency, rather than historical, religious, racial, or dynastic state agendas. In this sort of stateless but culturally integrated system, world standards articulated in international conferences and organizations constitute an influential form of governance without government. In this system, education becomes a central motor through which world standards are to be

30_{Francisco Ramirez, John Meyer and Julia Lerch, "World Society and the Globalization of}

Educational Policy" in The Handbook of Global Education Policy. ed. Karen Mundy, Andy Green, Bob Lingard and Antoni Verger (Chichester, UK: Wiley Blackwell, 2016), 43

31_Ibid. 32_{Ibid., 44}

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attained; education is thought to operate both to promote egalitarian norms and to foster rational progress.33

Policy transfer is crucial for international education. There is a large amount of practice that is shared between different institutions and it has a direct effect on the reputation of a school.

The increased scope of policy transfer happens all over the field of public policy-making, whereas, due to its historical interconnectivity, the international education stood at the forefront of that process. Policy transfer is defined as “a theory of policy development that seeks to make sense of a process or set of processes in which knowledge about institutions, policies or delivery systems at one sector or level of governance is used in the development of institutions, policies or delivery systems at another sector or level of governance."34

This concept of policy transfer will be observed through the theory of assemblages where the policy itself becomes fragmented and used only partially, depending on the need. There are three typical processes of transfer: voluntary transfer or lesson-drawing, negotiated transfer, and direct coercive transfer.35

Voluntary transfer is the action-oriented approach as it deals either with a consequence of poor performance or an upgrade to an existing institutional framework to satisfy the new needs of the organization. Negotiated transfer and direct transfer involve some degree of coercion coming, in the case of international education, from an actor involved around the school, such as the school's board. The multi-level approaches, which combine macro, meso and micro levels of policy analysis, will enable tackling of the actors and the actants of the assemblages involved in international education.

The other way of using the assemblages in policy analysis will be used to look at the institution as an intersection constructed out of different objects – documents, expert testimonies, policy models, etc. This creates a "mutation" of a traveling policy, which is analyzed in terms of how particular policy lessons are constructed, used, adapted, rejected and reworked.36

33_Ibid.

34_{Mark Evans, Policy Transfer in Global Perspective (Farnham, UK: Ashgate Publishing, 2004), 41} 35_{Ibid. 43}

36_{Russell Prince, "Local or Global Policy? Thinking About Policy Mobility with Assemblage and}

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Through the assemblage theory, I also wanted to find out how a certain territory is constructed through this intersection of various policies and in what ways it changes through different relations with other actors in the assemblage network. The territory has an importance in the field of international education, as the actors within this network are not deterritorialized entities, but rather exist in a specific intersection of both local and international contexts.

3.1. POLICY ANALYSIS – THEORY OF ASSEMBLAGES

Through a policy analysis I wish to find out who shares the discourse and language of these policies and how is that related to the wider social context of global cosmopolitanism. There are three basic questions I want to answer regarding the connection between European educational policy and international education: Which ideas and worldviews is education policy based upon, what are the preferred choices, for whom, in what context, and for what purposes?

The framework for the analysis of the effectiveness of the education policy will be the assemblage theory, which I see the most fittest to grasp the active construction of network and pipelines of policy knowledge across space, linking distant places and creating the conditions for certain kinds of policies to move between them, while revealing the ways that these traveling policies mutate as they move and territorialize in different places.37

The ongoing dynamics of the relationship between the parts of the network is defined as the one between actors and actants – actors being the ones who are, at a given moment, producing influence, and the actants as the ones who are receiving it on the other end. The role of the actor and the actant can shift between the parts of the network.38

"European" and "international" will, therefore, be tackled as actors and actants – dynamic parts within the process of policy transmission rather than fixed "levels" in which certain process takes place.

37_{Eugene McCann and Kevin Ward "Policy Assemblages, Mobilities and Mutations: Toward a}

Multidisciplinary Conversation," Political Studies Review 10, no. 3 (2012): 325-332, doi:10.1111/j.1478-9302.2012.00276.x. 328

38_{Tara Fenwick and Richard Edwards, Researching Education Through Actor-Network Theory (West}

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I will use the concept of assemblages in the policy analysis as an alternative to the organic totalities since the assemblages are wholes characterized by relations of exteriority39 and their connections to the other parts of the network which in this case, presents a suitable methodological approach for the impact of educational policies in international education. I will look at the implementation of the policy as "a mobile distribution of phenomena, each of which maintains these features of multiplicity."40 In the assemblage theory, the natures of the power relations are crucial to understand how a certain policy gets adopted in a particular locality. Also, if the broadly similar policies are adopted in a variety of localities, that suggests that they commit to global policy networks and processes.41 This argument might imply that the globalized policy is taking place in a vague, deterritorialized abstraction, while it is necessary to pinpoint the localities from which a certain policy comes from and from where it spreads its network.

This is where the traditional local-global binaries are replaced with a more complex concept of space, which highlights the interconnectivity of the constitutive aspects of policy mobility. Topological conception of space here replaces the topographical, as space and locality are observed in a constant flux, under continuous reformations rather than as stable factory under the single-way influence of global forces.

The assemblages, which exist within certain localities, "never fully cohere: they remain blurry around the edges, and different parts can overlap with other assemblages (...) assemblages are in a constant need of recomposition if they are to maintain their stability."42

Thus, assemblages will be used with a methodological orientation to the policy, not as "local" or "global" but as actively constructed in a place out of the various objects – documents, policy models, etc., circulating across the networks that intersect in that place.43

The interpretative strategy for the effectiveness of policies will use the multiplicities as a mean to understand the polyvalent, adaptive and politically alloyed quality of

39_{Manuel De Landa, A New Philosophy of Society: Assemblage Theory and Social Complexity, 10} 40_{Chris Beighton, "Assessing the Mess: Challenges to Assemblage Theory and Teacher Education,"} International Journal of Qualitative Studies in Education 26, no. 10 (2013): 1296,

doi:10.1080/09518398.2012.731539., 1296

41_{Russell Prince, "Local or Global Policy? Thinking About Policy Mobility with Assemblage and}

Topology," 335

42_{Ibid. 336} 43_Ibid.

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policy-making and implementation.44 More specifically, it focuses firstly on revealing the labors that produce and maintain assemblages and on "the processes through which assemblages come into and out of being lends itself to careful genealogical tracing of how past alignments and associations have informed the present and how contemporary conditions and actants are crystalizing new conditions of possibility."45 Furthermore, what I am interested to find out about the networks of international education are its effects in the following categories: agency, power, identity and knowledge.46

These four categories will be the analytical framework for the comparative analysis of the position of the AISZ in education, where the actors are both local and international. By placing the results from the interviews in those categories, I plan to use them in the discourse analysis of the global citizenry and the school system as ideology, where the comparative policy analysis will be used as one of the grounding parts of the argument.

3.2. COMPARATIVE ANALYSIS

The comparative method will be used in order to define a relation between the AISZ and other international school as well as the AISZ and schools in Croatia, public and international. Defining this relation is necessary to have a clear picture of the relevance of this example. Identifying unique phenomena in these institutions will be valuable, but I am more interested in the overlaps and commonalities with other institutions of the same character.

These comparisons will be made on two levels: globally and in Croatia. I will outline the contexts such as Japan and Singapore and the local level of the AISZ, as the decision to enroll in a specific school depends on the availability of schools in a specific place where the family of a student is currently residing. Both Japan and Singapore have a higher degree of interconnectivity of public education and the IB, unlike Croatia. This will provide both global and local contextualization, their impact

44_{Tom Baker and Pauline McGuirk, "Assemblage Thinking As Methodology: Commitments and}

Practices for Critical Policy Research" Territory, Politics, Governance 5, no. 4 (2017): 431

45_Ibid.

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on the individuals and their communities and a starting point for further analysis of the institution.

The justification for an international comparison is the connection among schools that produce global citizenry in different places around the world. This will enable us to see whether this global citizenry is a unified concept, similar in all international school, or if there are some differences or unique traces.

The ideas of global citizenry will be hereby analyzed to see "how schooling is not only a tool for educating individual students, but also for community and national development. And, it shows how the broader contextual character can shape the agenda that drives or guides education worldwide."47

I will use the following instruments of comparison to identify the relationship between the AISZ and other local and international schools. The ones that emphasize commonalities are called equivalences, as it is assumed that they share basic foundations with other national and international schools with which they will be compared: cultural equivalence, contextual equivalence and structural equivalence. Cultural equivalence will test the impact of the institution's culture on the overall success, attractiveness and the reputation of the AISZ, contextual equivalence will test the importance of the local context on schooling and structural equivalence will test how the local economic power is able to contribute to the school's culture.48

The analysis of the gathered results from the interviews and policy documents will be presented in a descriptive and interpretative way to pinpoint the equivalences of the AISZ and the precise differences (variables) which could have an impact on the school's culture and, thereby, on the question of global citizenry.

In the analysis, differences will be isolated in order to analyze their variables, which will be used to develop a hypothesis. This hypothesis will than be recontextualized in a general explanation of the relationship of the AISZ and other local and international schools.

The assumption is that the international school will share variables with AISZ in terms of cultural and structural equivalence – increased international perspective and stronger economic background of its community, while the national ones might share

47_{Alexander Wiseman and Nikolay Popov, Comparative Sciences: Interdisciplinary Approaches}

(Bingley, England: Emerald, 2015), 10

48_{David Philips and Michele Schweisfurth, Comparative and International Education: An Introduction} to Theory, Method and Practice (London: Bloomsbury, 2014), 117

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the contextual equivalence – being part of the same local context whose significance will be questioned in the interviews.

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4. Global citizenship

There are multiple approaches on how to define the global citizenship. For example, the multicultural citizenship49 does not fit to the scope of this paper as it aims to include the Others into a shared space of political citizenship, while the social group that is relevant to international education is not excluded from the national citizenship in any way. On the contrary, the elite members of international education have international networks of operation which extend beyond borders of nation states and are part of the community which is often bounded by this very nation state to whose protection and the recognition the Others, excluded ones, are looking for.

As the central inquiry of this paper is how global citizenry is shaped and constructed through schooling, I am curious to find out what kind of citizenship are the schools preparing the youth for and what are the predictions, expectations and oversights for the future in policy levels and institutions.

4.1. TYPES OF POLITICAL MEMBERSHIPS

By all of the defining characteristics of a group that has an access to citizenship, such as national, cultural, religious, etc., most of them are conceived as "ineradicably political" – as a membership in a political community.50 The notion of the political I will stick to is the "human production of social order"51 through a membership in a political community. This idea of order, born out of fear of violence, constitutes its own sphere, the political one, which became the "most intensive and extreme form of human association"52 that can be reached from any other sphere – economic, cultural, etc. as it provides them a elementary security and protection.53

This idea of citizenship is linked to state membership and it is most tangible through possession of formal documents issued by the state or worldwide protection through

49_{Will Kymlicka, Multicultural Citizenship: A Liberal Theory of Minority Rights (Oxford: Clarendon}

Press, 1996)

Nick Stevenson, Cultural Citizenship: Cosmopolitan Questions (Maidenhead, Berkshire: Open University Press, 2003)

50_{Christian Joppke, Citizenship and Immigration (Cambridge: Polity Press, 2010), 1} 51_Ibid.

52_{Ibid., 16} 53_{Ibid., 3}

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embassies. The liberal conception of an abstract global society is the perspective which I will analyze, as it is a prevailing one in the context of international education and the one which is lenient to the global conception of citizenships due to its supra-national scope.

Other forms of citizenship can be added, for example, the ones that deal with practices and symbolic notions of belonging. I take Brubaker's idea on the national citizenship of the French revolution, which has automatically constructed a foreigner by drawing a line between of the community and, thereby, created the Other.54 The Other was in this case not permitted to join the political community and was left on the other side of its territorial and political borders.

While talking about the contemporary global citizenship, I would like to revert this idea and shift the focus from the foreigner as the Other towards the foreigner as a member of a cosmopolitan community who possesses a national citizenship in terms of its tangible documents, while, at the same time, shows stronger identification with the global, rather than the national society.

Brubaker's exclusive dimension of citizenship is, in this case, turning towards the members of a nation state who are now excluded from global cosmopolitanism, locked into their nationalism, blinded by the belief in a political relict of the late 19th

century and with a limited access to the flows of the global economy, its networks, sub groups and the proximity of decision making levels, which are provided to global citizens.

Postnational membership55 is a concept that adjusted national citizenship to the growing migrations, due to an increased demand for labor during the post-WW2 recovery. These migrations took place within Western Europe and from other countries, mainly Turkey and Yugoslavia to Western Europe. Global migration questioned the traditional concept of citizenship from the perspective of guest workers that required protection of the receiving country while living there. This theory focuses on the politics of migrant labor, an important element for the community related with the international education.

The significant difference between these two groups arises from the reasons of their migrations - the migrant laborers tackled by the post-national membership migrated in

54_{Rogers Brubaker, Citizenship and Nationhood in France and Germany, 35}

55_{Yasemin Nuhoğlu Soysal, Limits of Citizenship: Migrants and Postnational Membership in Europe}

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search for a job while people from international diplomacy and business do not migrate, but "travel" as an inherited part of their activities.

4.2. SUPPRESSION OF IDEOLOGY

The umbrella term "global" I am using has been associated with many meanings and understandings, usually related to an interdependent and interconnected world where the information flow is bigger and faster than ever in history. On the opposite side of the globalization narrative are calls about increased inequalities, north-south and east-west divides, first, second and third worlds. These contradictions of diversity and change are tackled in international education, which is reinforcing the narrative of global cosmopolitanism.

In practice, what set of values can be taught to a diverse group of students coming from different backgrounds? The fact that students in international education come from different national backgrounds makes them a diverse group, but, at the same time, a part of a group with unified characteristics.

This group, the transnational capitalist class, which is dominating the politics of globalization and it makes capitalist globalization the dominant form of globalization,56 can be conceptualized in four fractions: corporate fraction - those who own and control major transnational companies and their local affiliates, state fractions - globalizing state bureaucrats and politicians, technical fractions – globalizing professionals and consumerist fractions – merchants and media.57 All of these fractions are sustaining global hegemony and they largely overlap with the social background of students coming out of international education. Hegemony is here seen in a classical Gramscian way as a dominant power in the discourse58. The importance of this class arises from its influence in the global society – mainly through its connections with the international business and its influence on democratic decision-making and politics worldwide.

56_{Leslie Sklair, "The Transnational Capitalist Class and the Politics of Capitalist Globalization" in} Politics of Globalization. ed. Samir Dasgupta and Jan Nederveen Pieterse (Los Angeles: SAGE, 2009),

83

57_{Ibid., 85}

58_{Mark C. J. Stoddart, "Ideology, Hegemony, Discourse: A Critical Review of Theories of Knowledge}

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Central claim of the liberal narrative on globalization is that democratic decision-making is not possible without a free economy. The practice was regularly different from the theories and the clash between hyperglobalization and politics has appeared from the beginnings of the first globalization and it is still present today.59 The nation state is often standing in the way of the interests of global capital but also, when the crisis happens, nation states are the ones called to save the banks and adjust the legislation in order to prevent the fall of the ones who are "too big to bankrupt." This doesn't prove that the power of the nation state is greater than the global capital but the contrary, it is serving it and adjusting itself according to the needs of the actors in transnational business.

Rodrik proposes a trilemma between hyperglobalization, nation state sovereignty and democratic politics, where he claims only the two of them (any two), are possible to achieve in practice:

We can restrict democracy in the interest of minimizing international transaction costs, disregarding the economic and social whiplash that the global economy occasionally produces. We can limit globalization, in the hope of building democratic legitimacy at home. Or we can globalize democracy, at the cost of national sovereignty. This gives us a menu of options for reconstructing the world economy.60

What Rodrick is proposing as "a menu of options for reconstructing the world economy", I will take as a framework for the analysis of interconnectivity of global identification and national belonging, democratic citizenship and economic liberalism. Economic liberalism is hereby probably the strongest actor in the game as an economic doctrine that combines global and national governance without a pinpointed center that could be called for responsibility.

The dominant idea, which came out of the rapid increase of global trade from the 19th century and the dominant worldview today is liberal internationalism, an economic based on identification with global cosmopolitanism.61

It is an economic and political doctrine, which was adopted in 19th century by colonial powers and, later on, all countries of what is called the West. Its fundamental idea is to reduce the border regimes in order to support international trade, and subsequently to move the economy away from the nation state, which was to insure the conditions

59_{Dani Rodrik, The Globalization Paradox: Why Global Markets, States, and Democracy Can't} Coexist, 392

60_{Ibid., 418}

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for private economy to operate. As there is a whole variety of liberal theories in the fields of international relations62, political science63 and economy64, so is the practice divergent throughout its historical development and geographical spread. Regardless of its variety, their fundamentals are closely linked to the global outlook of free trade and peaceful coexistence of different nation states, as these are the requirements for international economy to foster.

The contemporary Western aversion to the term "ideology" can be traced to the end of the World War Two when it started to be used to describe the atrocities of fascism and Stalinism, whereas the other, western, side of the Iron curtain became "post-ideological".

The useful way of analyzing the ideology in this sense is not how it directly constructs or applauds the power of a dominant social group or class, but how it legitimizes it by serving its relations of dominations. As Eagleton puts it:

A dominant power may legitimize itself by promoting beliefs and values contingent to it, naturalizing and universalizing such beliefs so as to render them self-evident and apparently inevitable; denigrating ideas which might challenge it; excluding rival forms of thought, perhaps by some unspoken but systematic logic; and obscuring social reality in way convenient to itself.65 According to Foucault, the primary tool of ideological act is in this case the language that is "used as an pervasive, intangible network of force which waves itself into our slightest gestures and most intimate utterances."66 This is the reason why Foucault replaced the term ideology with discourse, as the power is moved from arms and guns towards the language and institutions.

62_{Michael Howard, War and the Liberal Conscience (London: C Hurst & Co Publishers Ltd., 2008)}

John MacMillan, On Liberal Peace: Democracy, War, and the International Order (London: Tauris Academic Studies, 1998)

63_{John Rawls, Political Liberalism (New York: Columbia University Press, 2005)}

Horacio Spector, Autonomy and Rights: The Moral Foundations of Liberalism (Oxford: Clarendon, 1992)

Lucas Swaine, The Liberal Conscience: Politics and Principle in a World of Religious Pluralism (New York: Columbia University Press, 2006)

Ludvig Von Mises and Bettina Bien Greaves, Liberalism: The Classical Tradition (Indianapolis: Liberty Fund, 2005)

64_{Milton Friedman and Rose Friedman, Capitalism and Freedom (Chicago: University of Chicago}

Press, 1962)

Friedrich A. Von. Hayek, The Road to Serfdom (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1945)

65_{Terry Eagleton, Ideology: An Introduction, 5}

66_{Michel Foucault, Discipline and Punish: The Birth of the Prison (New York: Pantheon Books, 1977)}

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4.3. SCHOOL CULTURE AND IDEOLOGY

In order to provide a comprehensive answer to the research question, I will look into the symbolic construction of ideas, attitudes and expectations of the AISZ. This will be done through the concept of ideology that will link the beliefs and the ideas of the institution with the wider social and historical context.

The concept of ideology covers a great deal of ambiguities, ranging from historical science of ideas as a philosophical concept, revolutionary thinking and false consciousness.67 My understanding of it, for the sake of this thesis, will be the one that partially covers all of those meanings, but it also goes beyond them and creates a combination of discourse and context, which acts as a unifying element.

This idea of ideology requires unpacking of its constructive elements; in this case, the social and economic context, scientific and professional knowledge and practice from which it draws upon. Ideology is here the taken-for-granted way of making sense of the world by a specific group, "the way things really are."68

This consciousness is neither false nor correct; it is a product of certain thinking and comes out of material conditions. It will be investigated in terms of how it functions in international education and who are its actors. As there are various competing belief systems, by comparing them and analyzing how their discourses are constructed, it is able to pinpoint their construction when groups of attitudes are related, social position, its reproduction through symbols and rituals, implicit and intertextual meanings through the alternative patterns of ideas that coexist and compete for acceptance.69

The impact of this will primarily be seen when it is aimed towards a group rather than an individual as in the case of education, it takes place in an institutional environment and it is directed towards a structured group with a range of internal ambiguities. The connection of an individual consciousness and the social world will thereby be seen as cultural formation in its inherent social context, in this case, the schooling institution. People and individuals have beliefs and opinions while organized groups of people have ideologies.70

67_{Roland Meighan and Iram Siraj, A Sociology of Educating,185} 68_{Ibid., 186}

69_Ibid. 70_{Ibid., 187}

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The problem with the understanding of an ideology as "false consciousness" is that it would mean there is a "correct consciousness" on the other side, the one from the person who speaks about it. This would mean it becomes a matter of political faith rather than a conclusive argument.71 Describing ideology as "false consciousness" would also imply that it is an imposed illusion, which can be deconstructed by showing it the "real", true reality. However, the ideology is more than an imposed illusion and it needs to "communicate its inconsistencies to their subjects by presenting them a version of social reality which is real and recognizable enough not to be simply rejected out of hand."72

In this paper, I will use the notion ideology as the ideology of knowledge rather than ideology of politics73, which means the construction of knowledge about a given phenomenon, in this case education in an international school in its social context. Even though, it might seem inflexible, the ideology I will use in this writing is a very stretched term, capable of bending its scope both in theory and practice, depending on a situational usage, where it is never directly addressed, but is rather visible in the background.

The discussion about the ideology of an institution needs to be somewhat adjusted and distinguished from the general notions of the ideology of a political system. The ideology of educating focuses less on the grand narrative for the society, and more on the approach and methods for its application in a specific institution. At the same time, this institution is connecting the understanding of a society with the culture of an institution.

This can happen on two levels. Firstly, as a symbolic and practical legitimization of a school's idea, direction and belief in terms of devotion and belonging. Secondly, on the level of classroom and school's organization, which is an extension of the former belief as it is materialized in practice inside and outside of the classroom and within and outside of the school.

It is also necessary to sketch the historical development of the ideas behind international education and how they evolve through time into what can be recognized today as the ideology of international education. The actors producing international schooling ideology can be traced to the Western bourgeois classes of the

71_{Terry Eagleton, Ideology: An Introduction, 12} 72_{Ibid., 15}

73_{Giovanni Sartori, "Politics, Ideology, and Belief Systems," The American Political Science Review}

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early 19th century. Historically involved around the institutions such as Glove College, International school of Geneva and, also very importantly, the schools located overseas, namely in former colonies. Those have traditionally been the avant-gardes in the international education, having the largest resources, best results and the highest prestige. The social background of those actors can be roughly defined as diplomatic, business and global upper class, members of which feel more comfortable leading their professional and private lives in an international scope rather than being confined to local assemblages.

4.4. DISCOURSE ANALYSIS

The analysis of the "global" as a key term in this narrative will be paired with the analysis of the ideology in order to link those two aspects together. The ideas, attitudes, beliefs and the perceptions about the institution will be analyzed using the methods of critical discourse analysis.

I will be dealing with the connections of the language, ideology and power, where the critical discourse analysis integrates "analysis of text, analysis of process of text production, consumption and distribution and sociocultural analysis of the discursive event as a whole."74 What is considered to be background knowledge will be analyzed as naturalized implicit propositions of an ideological character that contributes to the positioning of people as social subjects. These propositions are implicit as people are generally unaware of them and of how they are subjected by and to them.75

The social institutions contain diverse "ideological-discursive formations" related to different groups within the institution, where one of them is dominant and represents the speech of the community. The objective of the critical discourse analysis I will use is to denaturalize the dominant speech. The analysis will show how "the social structures determine properties of discourse, and how discourse in turn determines the social structures"76 within a certain institution, in this case the AISZ in relation to international education.

74_{Norman Fairclough, Critical Discourse Analysis: The Critical Study of Language, 23} 75_Ibid.

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This analysis will be partially based on the principles set for an analysis of the remembrance and memory as a construction of the past, which is framed, constructed and presented in a way that resembles the current condition of an individual or a group which is narrating it.

I will thereby analyze how verbal elaborations construct ideas and expectations of the future that are, to a high degree, culturally determined77. What Schmidt is proposing to be an order of a narrated event as an essential function of a narration of the past78, I will reflect in the direction of the construction of the narrative of the future, as I will align will the idea that the cultural, and also social and economical conditions determine the ways in which an individual, institution or a group will perceive the future and act accordingly.

The institutional and personal identification requires a wider social context in order to function within its framework. In memory studies, this is called social memory.79 Schmidt proposes two complementary parts in the model of analysis: world model as a framework within which the cultural model is operating. World models are characterized as "long-term semantic arrangements, which orient the cognitions, communications, and interactions of the members of a society."80_{As the interactions}

among members are holding the models together, performativity of the members is required to give them legitimacy and approval through their successful communicating. "They become socially efficient through their implementation in the individual's actors mind during the socialization process."81 Hereby, the process of socialization enables individuals with the expectation that most of the members of the society have the same or similar knowledge to theirs.

Within this common framework, individual desires and expectations of the future are able to arise. This is what Schmidt adds to this world model as a culture program. It is a "program of socially obligatory semantic instantiations of world models, together with an emotional charge and a normative evaluation of possible references."82 It is a content added to the world models and creates a sense and meaning within them, as they are constructed as natural and self-evident.

77_{Siegfried Schmidt, "Memory and Remembrance: A Constructivist Approach", 193} 78_Ibid.

79_{Paul Connerton, How Societies Remember (Cambridge, England: Cambridge University Press,}

1989), 6

80_{Siegfried Schmidt, "Memory and Remembrance: A Constructivist Approach", 194} 81_{Ibid., 195}