Finsta or Rinsta; Self-presentation and
strategies on Instagram
Anna Vallianatou
12336416
New Media & Digital Culture
MA Thesis
2
Table of Content
Abstract ... 3
1. Introduction ... 4
1.1 The Finstagram phenomenon ... 5
2. Literature Review ... 9
2.1 Self-Presentation Theory ... 9
2.2 The significance of the imagined audience ... 11
2.3 Possible Selves ... 14
2.4 Authenticity ... 16
3. Contextual Review ... 19
3.1 Digital photography on social media ... 19
3.2 Selfie vs. self-presentation ... 19
3.3 Trends and Aesthetics ... 21
3.4 The presentation of micro-celebrities ... 24
4. Methodology ... 27
4.1 Online questionnaires ... 28
4.1.1 Sample, participants and recruitment process ... 28
4.1.2 Design ... 29
4.2 Individual Interviews ... 30
4.2.1 Sample, participants and recruitment process ... 31
4.2.2 Design – Procedure ... 32
4.2.3 Data collection ... 34
5. Findings ... 35
5.1 Demographic information ... 35
5.2 General use of Instagram ... 36
5.3 Self-presentation and strategies ... 39
5.4 Aesthetics, trends and audience ... 42
5.5 Micro-celebrities ... 43
5.6 Finstagram & interviews ... 45
5.7 Reiss Motivation Profile ... 51
6. Discussion ... 54
6.1 A strategic self-presentation ... 54
6.2 Finstagram as an escape from strategies, idealism and trends on Instagram ... 59
7. Conclusion ... 66
7.1 Limitations and further study ... 69
References ... 71
3
Abstract
Instagram, with more than one billion monthly active users worldwide, is employed as a means of self-expression and self-presentation based on the visual context (Kang and Wei 2). In order to manage their self-presentation, users tend to create two types of accounts on Instagram. On their Rinstagram account (real Instagram) users present their flattering aspects of their selves with a variety of followers whereas on their Finstagram account (fake Instagram) users display unedited and unflattering aspects of selves with a selective audience. The aim of this study was twofold; to explore users’ strategies for self-presentation purposes on Instagram and further unpack users’ motivations for Finstagram accounts. In order to address these two research questions, this study employed online questionnaires and individual interviews in order to unpack users’ strategies for self-presentation practices but also users’ motivations for the creation of Finstagram account. The findings indicated that emerging adults tend to strategically present themselves on Instagram due to the effect of the audience, aesthetics and trends in the platform. In addition, this research observed that users’ main motivations for employing Finstagram account were family, independence and saving. Participants highlight a complexity behind the Finstagram phenomenon: rather than, Finsta accounts cater different needs for every user, at the same time, the majority of participants employ this kind of account as a escape from Instagram’ unwritten rules and as a means for users to freely and genuinely express themselves.
4
1. Introduction
Social media have offered people seamless options to express themselves and interact with others in innovative and meaningful ways (Wiederhold 217). Users’ personal accounts not only create a virtual point for online communication but also provide an avenue for identity expression and self-presentation by sharing content such as photos with their online network (Papacharissi 644). Instagram, in particular, with more than one billion monthly active users worldwide (Statista, Instagram Active Users), is employed as a way to capture, edit and share photos and videos. Based on its visual context, it is also used as a means of self-presentation and formation of self-identity (Kang and Wei 2), where “users come to Instagram to express themselves and share their diverse” (Llewellyn and Ofodu). As Instagram has constantly grown, with more and more users joining the platform so has the unwritten rules on the platform, signifying the creation of seemingly picture-perfect profiles (Shah). The unwritten rules could be considered for some users the presentation of flawless photos, clever captions or even the idea of not posting too much. The interviewees of this study often mentioned examples/cases of unwritten rules, underlining a specific process from which a post has to go through. These rules could possibly nudge users to follow specific tactics in order to fit into trends and aesthetics within the platform, suggesting the employ of a strategic self-presentation.
While more editing features have emerged online, users have hundreds of possibilities to craft and edit their images and employ a positive self-presentation to their audience, making the photo editing as a default mode rather than an option (Van Dijck, Digital Photography 70). Users tend to use specific filters, editing features and aesthetics in order to create more positive and aesthetically pleasing content for their profiles. Several studies have indicated that Instagram users tend to present themselves in a positive light, and upload photos, which portray their lives in a more positive way in order to gain a favorable response from their followers (Djafarova and Trofimenko 4; Kang and Wei 2). In addition, this self-presentation could be linked with users’ tendency to be selective to what content they upload (Walther and Parks 540). This is what Brenda Wiederhold calls the "highlight reel" aspect of social media, where users present only specific aspects and moments of their lives, concealing negative characteristics that do not fit into Instagram culture (215). In this way, users tend to strategically select their uploaded content, by showing highlights, rather than a genuine reflection of their lives.
5
The aim of this research is to shed light on self-presentation and users’ strategies on Instagram. A strategic self-presentation could be also considered the application of specific trends and norms on Instagram, which are used by users in order to feel part of the community. Uski and Lampinen argued that social norms and trends affect strategic self-presentation and online behavior (449). Moreover, a strategic and selective self-presentation could be affected by the presentation of the audience, which could be diverse and hold different expectations. This phenomenon is called “context collapse” where “different groups have been brought together as a homogenous unity” (Marwick and boyd, I tweet honestly 122). In their attempt to achieve greater interactions and engagements, users are prompted to present a public persona that is socially accepted by various groups. Thus, there is an emergence of strategies by users on Instagram in order to portray an ideal self, which is consistent to the expectations of the imagined audience (Duffy and Chan 121), the existing trends and aesthetics (Leaver et al. 4) but also the dominant presence of micro-celebrities in the platform (Khamis 194).
1.1 The Finstagram phenomenon
In users’ attempt to display their self-presentation to their followers on Instagram, a phenomenon has emerged in the platform, where users tend to employ two types of Instagram accounts. They use their main personal account (Rinstagram or real Instagram) but also an additional personal account (Finstagram). Several studies have attempted to examine the concept of Finstagram; Kang and Wei define Finstagram as “a secondary and secret account where users show their unattractive sides ranging from facial imperfections, depression and struggles” (1). In this light, Wiederhold suggests Finsta as “an account for a smaller and more selective circle of friends displaying a comparatively unfiltered view of a person’s life” (215). Thus, Finstagram tend to be an additional, personal and private account where users display their self-presentation with a close group of followers. With the addition of the term in the Urban Dictionary in 2015, Finstagram phenomenon became apparent on the platform, while users started creating these accounts with the use of Finstagram as a word in their username, bio, and hashtags below their photos. Finstagram’s functions display apparent differences from users’ main account with regards to the style of photos, the kind of expression, aesthetics and audience, which are also factors influencing users’ online identity performance (Kang and Wei 2).
6
The Finstagram phenomenon urges users to employ multiple accounts (more than one personal account in one platform), present various aspects of their selves and have a selective audience for each of their accounts. Not only many users complied with the above, but also the platform per se and its interface was adapted in this multiple accounts phenomenon with new affordances. Even if users begun creating an additional personal account within the platform, the latter was not giving the possibility to connect more than one account at the same time and therefore, users had to sign out from one in order to sign in another account. However, in 2016, Instagram prompted users to link two or more accounts under a single menu (Abidin, Calibrated Amateurism). This feature has facilitated the process of users switching their personal accounts without logging out from the main one. One year later, in 2017, Instagram was even more encouraging users to create multiple accounts with the ad: “Share a Different Side of Yourself; create a private account to share photos and videos with a close group of followers” (Abidin, Calibrated Amateurism). Finstagram characteristics like private, pseudonymous accounts with uncurated photos could be a way for users to speak out against Instagram’ aesthetics and lifestyle. What initial studies have demonstrated is that Rinstagram and Finstagram fulfill different needs; Rinstagram as a main account could be more carefully crafted with a variety of different audiences whereas Finstagram tends to be more selective with the audience. In any case, individuals are tactful in how they express their multiple identities in both accounts by displaying a “strategic presentation of the self” (Kang and Wei 2; Duffy and Chan 122).
Building on these earlier discussions, this research aims to shed light on users’ strategies for self-presentation practices in Instagram through the lens of Finstagram phenomenon – which is only one type of the multiple accounts phenomenon- with the aim of revealing a link between these two (self-presentation strategies and Finstagram). By analyzing Finstagram through the scope of self-presentation, new motives may be revealed, suggesting Finstagram as an escape from the strategies, trends, and aesthetics of Instagram. By considering Finstagram as the case study of this paper, a dichotomy between Rinstagram and Finstagram is unraveled, as the latter could be an outlet for posts that may not be consistent with users’ main account/ identity they are trying to present (Abidin, Calibrated Amateurism). Kang and Wei argued in their study that Finstagram could be considered an outlet to engage in diverse self-expression and a “protestation” against Rinstagram’s curated identity, which may not perfectly represent their real and authentic self (3).
7
Although various studies aimed to reveal users’ motivations for using Instagram and also primary attitudes through the platform (Lee et al. 555; Sheldon and Bryant 89), little has been written about users’ motivation to employ Finstagram accounts and how the latter is connected with online self-presentation and strategies. Kang and Wei found that fun daily updates and social bonding with close friends are the main users’ motivations for employing Finstagram (7). However, this study tries to unravel the potential connection of strategic self-presentation with Finstagram accounts, where they could be considered an escape from strategies, aesthetics, and trends on Instagram. While definitions like “fake” or “funny” are said to determine Finstagram (Duffy, Wiederhold 215, Kang and Wei 6), this study will attempt to unfold the complexity behind these accounts, as a getaway from Instagram’s unwritten rules of “the perfect-picture” trends, aesthetics, and strategies (Khamis 194; Abidin, Calibrated Amateurism).
Users’ motivations for employing a Finstagram account could illuminate the current phenomenon of the platform, pointing out significant elements for self-presentation, authenticity, micro-celebrities, current aesthetics and trends on Instagram. This research will contribute to the prominence of strategies that users employ for self-presentation purposes as well as to the emergence of Finstagram accounts as an outlet for users to present different aspects of themselves to different audiences. The foremost aim of this research project is to examine how self-presentation occurs on Instagram through strategies and how it is affected by phenomena like Finstagram accounts. By further analyzing users’ motivations for the construction of Finstagram account, this study would delve into users’ experiences and attitudes and possibly reveal if the Finstagram phenomenon is affected by self-presentation and strategies on Instagram. The potential link between self-presentation strategies and the employment of Finstagram account has attributed the research subject of this study. As such, this study will attempt to contribute to the overall discussion about self-presentation, strategies and Finstagram by addressing the following research questions:
RQs: What strategies do Instagram users employ for self-presentation practices?
How do these practices complicate the Finsta-Rinsta phenomenon?
8
In order to explore these phenomena, this research draws upon several keys theoretical foundations. The chapter of the theoretical framework will be established in order to give the basis for this study and conceptualize relevant areas of studies. Erving Goffman’s theory on self-presentation has offered a fertile ground to examine self-self-presentation as a performance, but also the theory of possible selves by Markus and Nurius has underpinned this research so as to understand the complexity of the self. Further, Anthony Giddens’s theory on authenticity has provided a lens to analyze the significance of authenticity within self-presentation practices. The notion of the audience, current trends and aesthetics on Instagram but also the presentation of micro-celebrities has contributed to further understanding and examination of the topic. Concepts that are inseparably linked to the Instagram platform, such as aesthetics and Instagrammers, will be included in a separate chapter where the contextual analysis will be occurred. The next chapter includes the methodology of this study. The selection of a twofold methodology – online questionnaires and semi-structure individual interviews – locates the user in the center of this research study in order to delve deeper into users’ self-presentation strategies within the platform, but also their motivations for employing a Finstagram account. Last but not least, in the fifth chapter, the findings will be recorded in order to fuel the discussion in the last section of this research paper. In the sixth section, this study will attempt to interpret the findings by merging them with theories and unfold users’ practices in order to strive the knowledge on the motives behind current trends and phenomena, while the final chapter will summarize and reflect on this research but also highlight new areas of interest within social media.
9
2. Literature Review
The premise of this thesis is to observe users’ strategies for self-presentation practices on Instagram. The angle that is selected in examining such is the Finstagram phenomenon, -which referred to the creation of an additional personal account in the platform- in order to track whether a potential strategic self-presentation affect the creation of Finstagram account. The following chapter will first explain the concept of self-presentation by Erving Goffman, borrowing some allegories from his theory and applying them in the case of Rinstagram/Finstagram. Following this, the affect of the imagined audience and the social context on self-presentation, the complexity of the self but also the significance of authenticity will be contextualized by incorporating traditional theories into current social media phenomena. 2.1 Self-Presentation Theory
Classic theories of self are established around the concept that individuals have multiple and possible selves (Markus and Nurius) and they are motivated to present their best one (Goffman). In this study, the concept of self-presentation contributes as a theoretical lens to examine how users present themselves through strategies, users’ motivations and the potential link between these two. While self-presentation refers to how individuals present themselves in order to manage and shape the audience’s impression, it is also associated with identity outcomes, and which features of their selves are projecting (Yang et al. 218). Hence, the theoretical framework is underpinned by Goffman’s self-presentation theory, which, even if it emerged in 1959 and was focused on self-presentation as a performance, it still could be relevant and applicable to phenomena in social media (Papacharissi 644). As sharing personal content online has become a daily activity, users employ accounts on social media for self-presentation and self-expression (Uski and Lampinen 449). In this study, the form of self-presentation is visual due to the nature on Instagram; the visual self-presentation of individuals includes images through which they express themselves (selfies, food, family photos) (Rettberg 1). By uploading, sharing, commenting on photos, users visualize their ideas, personalities and create a space for interaction in the platform. Thank to social media, individuals reflect on different aspects of their lives with a broader and more varied audience. But even though self-presentation as an act of communication tends to be public, it is often designated for a specific and limited audience
10
(Rettberg 2). In this light, taking Instagram as an example, even if users publicly display representations of themselves, they simultaneously decide for their audience and how many followers they have.
Goffman argued that people perform in two different stages in their life, “front stage” and “backstage”. The front stage is a performance that is publicly displayed for an audience, where individuals present their best selves in a strategic way and express specific identity cues in order to distribute the desired impression (Goffman 78; Kang and Wei 2). This stage comprises an “appearance”, which indicates “the interaction role the performer will expect to play in the on-coming situation” (Goffman 15). While the audience evolves, individuals tend to emphasize some aspects of their selves and hide some others (Uski and Lampinen 450). Therefore, performers may conceal some characteristics in order to present a persona that fits into the diversity of the audience and promote the impression that this act is tailor-made and genuine (Goffman 85). This practice could also be applied to Instagram, where users choose which photo to upload, which one to delete, which one to edit or craft. The potential front stage aspects of Instagram can be considered the way how users curate their photos to correct imperfections, or how they use specific filters or themes in their photos in order to have consistency of styles and aesthetics between their posts. A flawless self-presentation on Instagram could be potentially linked with performance in front stage.
On the other hand, backstage is where performers “step out of their character” and unleash their true tendency and all the suppressed characteristics from the front stage (Goffman 70). There, they feel free to express “unperformed” aspects of their behavior and also try to correct some mistakes before performing to their audience in order to give the impression of “infallibility” on stage (Goffman 80). Many times, the way that individuals act backstage may contradict their front stage performance and their identity (Kang and Wei 2). Thus, this “unseen action” is more spontaneous and effortless, away from the audience’s presence. Except for the front stage and backstage, Goffman also distinguishes the character of the performer between a sincere and a cynical one (10). A sincere performer is persuaded that the performance on stage is the reality and attempts to convince the evolved audience that this presentation is genuine whereas a cynical performer is one that constantly alters their performance in order to guide and persuade the
11
audience (11). Even though users tend to consider the presentation of authenticity as one of the main goals of their Instagram profiles (Uski and Lampinen 461), Goffman’s theory of performance can serve as a useful resource for breaking down these online identities, and the strategic representation of the self on Instagram. It is crucial to understand that individuals could tailor their self-presentation based on their audience and the social context. Specific strategies in accordance with social trends and aesthetics guide how users modify their profiles. In this way, identity on Instagram is constructed through visual context - photos, filters, edit, aesthetic and trends-, interactions but also followers. And this process of construction is an ongoing performance that harmonizes the need to present an authentic self but also the maintenance of positive impression and audience expectations (Marwick and boyd, I tweet honestly 124).
José Van Dijck has linked Goffman theory of self-presentation with how users present themselves in platforms such as Linkedin and Facebook (One identity 200). In this way, he adapted the theorization of self-presentation as a performance, and the need for multiple selves, where users tend to present or hide an aspect of themselves based on the social context and the purpose of the online space (One identity 201). In this light, Marwick and boyd, applied Goffmanian theory on their study to observe Twitter as a front-stage identity performance where users try to balance audience’s expectation with authenticity, public and private, front stage and backstage based on their online interactions (I tweet honestly 130). While previous researches have placed the theorization of Goffman’s self-presentation in the context of social media platforms, this study offers a new lens for adapting this theory to Instagram and the Finstagram/Rinstagram phenomenon. The application of self-presentation theory prompts new avenues for this research in order to explore self-presentation and strategies on Instagram. 2.2 The significance of the imagined audience and its effect on self-presentation
In social media, users attempt to develop their online identity with diligence, and their audience possesses a significant role in how they present themselves and which practices they select to display their identity (Duffy and Chan 120). In this light, Brooke Erin Duffy and Keung Chan examined how the audience (in their words imagined surveillance) impacts their self-presentation practices (121). In order to maintain interactions and positive impressions with their audience, users display a “strategic presentation of self”, which allows them to highlight specitic
12
elemets of their identity but also hide some of them. Thus, users tend to be selective with which aspect of themselves will display, influenced by the presence of the audience and the social context. This practice is well known among different platforms; for instance, users present themselves differently on LinkedIn than Snapchat, because in the latter, they are prompted to display their professional aspect while in the former a funnier side of themselves. This is called “platform-specific self-branding”, where users have a different identity in every platform in accordance to its norms and affordances (Duffy and Chan 123). For paltforms like Instagram, this becomes even more complicated with users’ ability to create multiple accounts for different purposes, which has led to phenomena like Finnstagram.
The use of multiple accounts or Finstgram could balance an authentic self-presentation with the digital persona (Duffy and Chan 132). While users mostly present a curated self on their main accounts, at the same time, they share a more realistic version of their life and less filtered in their Finstagram accounts with a select group of friends. Finstagram has emerged in the platform as a mean of protestation against the “culture of perfection” that several aesthetics, social trends and Instagrammers have imposed (Duffy and Chan 131). The expected self-presentation with the use of specific filters, lifestyles and aesthetics could potentially create pressure among users, and this practice is discussed in the next chapters. The concept of selective and strategic self-presentation due to the audience was adopted by various scholars (see, e.g., Rettberg 6). Goffman described how individuals present their selves based on different social context and groups of people, which affect how performers act on front stage and backstage. In his book, he also referred to the “act of scheduling”, where performers present one aspect of a persona in order to segregate different audiences from each other (Goffman 84).
The audience’s influence is a determining factor in how performers will act and present themselves, which is also applicable to self-presentation in social media. Here, in their attempt to manage different audiences, users separate them and often this drives in what Marwick and boyd call “context collapse” (I tweet honestly 122). Finstagram phenomenon could be seen as a way to interpter the “context collapse” practice, where users, in their effort to balance interactions, positive impressions, expections with their personality, create second additional accounts with few followers. Following Goffman’s theory, individuals present themselves based on whom they
13
are talking (audience) and also where the interaction takes place (social context). Based on these, users can perform their self-presentation accordingly, potentially having in mind a particular group of followers, or even one follower when they post on Instagram. Papacharissi argued that an online account is a carefully controlled performance “through which self-presentation is achieved under optimal accounts” (quoted in Marwick and boyd, I tweet honestly 116). Thus, users tend to present themselves in fixed and accepted ways in order to target different kinds of audiences. As it is already argued, multiple accounts could potentially reveal multiple identities, where the most filtered, edited and aesthetically approved ones belong to Rinstagram while the most unflattered and realistic ones belong to Finstagram. Even if privacy settings on the platform allow users to manage and select their followers/following, it is common that their network consists of a mixed audience of friends, family, colleagues and strangers (Senft and Baym 1589). The presence of them could create tension in the attempt to present an idealized but also real identity and that is the reason why users adopt a variety of practices, such as using multiple accounts and pseudonyms (Marwick and boyd, I tweet honestly 122).
The presence of the audience in combination with current online trends and norms could creates pitfalls in how users present themselves and also display an authentic identity. A common perception of Instagram is that users tend to upload professionally crafted photos with vintage filters and features taken in retro spots and brunch places in order to show a certain aspect of themselves, present a positive and ideal self and also foster interactions among their followers. As Rettberg argued “self-representations are rarely about trying to tell the whole truth and nothing but the truth about ourselves. They are as much about constructing a truth or many truths about who we are and could be” (23). Taking into consideration the above concepts, Goffman’s theory on self-presentation could possibly share some connections with the nature of current social phenomena, like Rinstagram and Finstagram, wherein users participate in both forms of stages. Users on their primary account (Rinstagram) - who have a variety of audiences - tend to present an ideal, flattering persona where the presented cues foster the desired self-image (Kang and Wei 2). Elmira Djafarova and Oxana Trofimenko indicated in their study that users tend to upload photos on Instagram, which display their life in a more positive and ideal light in order to obtain positive feedback from their followers and also intensify their self-esteem (7).
14
In such cases, a selective self-presentation has emerged on Instagram, which tends to be positive and self-enhancing in order to embed into the idealized and socially desirable image (Yang et al. 213). This strategic presentation often conceals some features of their personality, for example, some imperfections in the face, in the body and how they wake up in the morning. This presentation on Rinstagram is reminiscent of Goffman's description of the cynical on front stage who modifies several performances in order to persuade the audience. On the contrary, Finstagram could be identified with the backstage and the sincere performer, where individuals do not adopt audience’s expectations, but due to absence of a large audience, they tend to present their true and genuine self. The Finstagram/Rinstagram phenomenon could suggest that users have a front stage life but also a backstage one with hidden aspects and identity, reflecting users’ tension to manage balance expectations with authenticity, but also what is socially accepted with what is personally desired (Uski and Lempinen 457). The emergence of this phenomenon with the presentation of different self-identities reflects the complexity of self per se with individuals having multiple and possible selves.
2.3 Possible Selves
In this light, Markus and Nurius examined the concept of possible selves. The concept of “self-possibility” is the result of social interactions and the way that individuals reflect their possible selves depending on the social context surrounding them (Markus and Nurius 953). Possible selves are capable of revealing the original and inventive nature of the self, but at the same time, they reflect the extent to which self is socially repressed or limited (954). This is linked back to Goffman’s theory of front stage and backstage and an individual’s possibility to select which identity characteristics will be displayed to the audience. However, social media foster the creation of an idealized possible self; various trends and aesthetics determine user’s view of “how I should be” in a specific social environment (Markus and Nurius 956). Thus, especially in cases that visual self-presentation is required, individuals usually activate their positive and ideal possible self to fit to the social circumstances (965). In their study, Markus and Nurius argued whether the concept of possible selves is juxtaposed to the single self as “self is diverse and multifaceted but this does not mean that it is fake. Possible selves are authentic in the sense that they represent the individual’s needs to different social conditions” (965).
15
Markus and Nurius suggested that individuals have possible selves, and each of them could be activated differently by current social situations. Accepting the existence of one self is denying the complexity of self and social surrounds. This argument could justify the practice of multiple accounts on Instagram, where users present different aspects of their selves, based on the social structure of each account and the audience (966). The concept of possible selves is located in many studies around social media, especially on Instagram, where individuals use it as a visual narrative and a tool for self-representation (Van Dijck, One identity 201). Yang et al. integrated in their study this multi-dimension of online self-presentation and applied four dimensions of this phenomenon; breadth (the extent to which personal information is revealed) depth (the intimacy of the information) positivity (the degree of positivity of the image) and authenticity (the degree to which self-representation is genuine and authentic) (213). However, users present a different online persona on every social media platform or they invent virtual life persona different from their real personalities (Papacharissi 658). Theses practices can be linked with that Duffy and Chan call “platform-specific self-branding”, where users display different identity in every platform according to its nature and affordances (123).
On LinkedIn, users introduce a more professional identity; Facebook is for self-expression and connection with friends, while Instagram provides tools for visual representation. Ηere, it can be noted that the way in which a platform is actually used may be opposed to the intended and fundamental uses of the owners. Jeff Bercovici in his article names this practices as “off-label use” ones, where users can reshape platform’s affordances based on their desires and needs, by emphasizing in one function of the application (Bercovici). Social media platforms tend to embrace users’ needs, such as Twitter which identified the large use of # and @ by users, and incorporated them as core platform functions. In this way, users tend to use off-label practices across platforms in ways that may conflict with the basic principles of the platform based on their personal needs and how they want to present themselves according to the social context. Therefore, depending on the social environment, users also project a different aspect of themselves, one aspect of their possible selves. But even if different social media afford different identities, users do not present their real self, but “the idealized portrait of one’s identity” (Van Dijck, One identity 200). Giving the example of LinkedIn, it can be argued that users present an professional identity by showing or highlighting specific skills and hiding others aspects (201).
16
As mentioned above, Goffman argued about multiple levels of identity and considered self-presentation as a performance, through which specific aspects of a personality are revealed (Papacharissi 654). Maintaining multiple personas across platforms could be a strategy for users to “perform” their various possible selves and present them to different audiences. Regarding the latter, Goffman designated the term “audience segregation” as the need to direct one’s self-performance to a specific audience (84). This separation is essential in the sense that it creates a unique relationship between the audience and the performer (Papacharissi 657). User’s tension to balance positive impresssions and audience’s expectations with the presentation of an authentic self fueled this study to explore Finstagram/Rinstagram phenomenon through the notion of authenticity.
2.4 Authenticity
The notion of authenticity is well connected with the history of theorizing self-presentation (Uski and Lempinen 462). Goffman argued about the concept of “real” in self-presentation; “we tend to see real performances as something not purposely put together at all, being an unintentional product of individual’s unselfconscious response to the facts in his situation” (70). Individuals want to be authentic, especially in social networks, where they feel the need to stand out with their personality but at the same time to follow trends, norms and lifestyles. In this light, the contribution of sociologist Anthony Giddens offered to this study the opportunity to incorporate theories of authenticity within the research area of self-presentation. Anthony Giddens argued that the ability to create intimacy and authenticity help individuals to create trust relations in social environments (96). Self-identity is not a passive entity; external influences play a significant role in the construction of the self. Self-exploration around these interactions could potentially create “pure relations”, which depend on mutual trust and intimacy (Giddens 96).
This is why authenticity plays such an important role in identity construction and presentation. While authenticity becomes both a preeminent value and a framework for self-identity construction, at the same time signifies an unpredictable process in social interactions. Adjusting this theory on Instagram, platform’s different aspects and functions make difficult for someone to differentiante what is authentic or not. More specifically, the fact that users apply more and more filters or editing features to their photos, and adopt styles and aesthetics, set by
17
micro-celebrities and trends can blur the context of authenticity, of what is genuine and real online. Social media have offered a variety of new lifestyle options and also a trammel in the “project of the self-construction to remain in control but also to reflect authenticity”(Giddens 225). Sometimes, individuals face difficulties to establish valid boundaries between the self and external trends in their social interactions. On Instagram, where the current trends and norms display through photos, personal preferences blend with social trends and lifestyles and all together influence self-authenticity and self-presentation. Thus, authenticity is worth examining insofar as it affects relationships among users, relationships between users and micro-celebrities but also whether it plays a decisive role in creating Finstagram accounts.
While examining the notion of authenticity, the emergence of brands is worthy of analysis. Since brands are embedded in every aspect of life, there is a sense that “our world is becoming more and more inauthentic” (Banet-Weiser 3). Through brands, individuals try to express their selves but also lifestyles, preferences, income and social backgrounds. The culture of brands has become also the variable to determine individual identity, social interactions but also to offer a sense of authenticity (Banet-Weiser 4). Individuals want to think that they are in an authentic place, that they wear an authentic brand and have an authentic lifestyle. Sarah Banet-Weiser identifies that this brand culture starts “a shift from the authentic culture to the branding of authenticity” where people craft their individual authenticity in accordance with brands (5). The presence of brands on Instagram is even more apparent due to platform’s visual content; users tend to visit the same restaurants, edit their photos with the same filters and incorporate the same aesthetics and styles into their profiles. This can be sen as a result of the broader social need for common attitudes, styles and a harmonized vernacular language (Banet-Weiser 6). In this sense, it can be argued that authenticity per se is branded, especially within social media, where sponsored micro-celebrities and Influencers, as well as hidden advertisements, promote cool aesthetics, lifestyles and products that feel authentic. But how authenticity can be defined? According to Audrezet et al. ,“authenticity involves an individual's engagement in intrinsically motivated behaviors—those that emanate from a person's innate desires and passion” (3). Thus, authenticity comes from the combination of personal interests and how they adapt them to the social environment. Likewise, Marwick and boyd indicated that authenticity is the “ability to
18
assemble a trend that reflects a personal aesthetic” (Marwick and boyd, I tweet honestly 125). Wearing a specific brand of jeans or going to a restaurant that suits someone's personality and identity can be considered as authentic. Others can argue that ignoring specific brands or current trends marks authenticity. Locating authenticity within social media, Uski and Lempinen argued that being real means to present a genuine and authentic self but not necessarily share everything (457). An ideal account on social media is the one that appears more natural, concealing strategies and the amount of profile work needed for the self-presentation with the ultimate goal to present authenticity and a genuine identity (461). As mentioned above, users employ strategies in order to present themselves more positive and more attractive and therefore authenticity becomes a performative strategy, where users through specific filters, trends and aesthetics but at the same time they promote this sense of authenticity, in an incospicuous and efortless way (Abidin, Calibrated Amateurism). In their attempt to maintain a public-facing persona but also present their true selves, their personal authenticity must be balanced with current social trends and audience expectations (Marwick and boyd, I tweet honestly 126). And perhaps users’ difficulties to manage the balance among audience’s expectations, current trends and norms and the presentation of an authentic and genuine self can lead them to create a Finstagram account, in order to control their different needs.
To sum up, the concept of authenticity possess a significant role in an individual’s self-presentation and identity construction, and especially in social media where users present and express themselves through visual content. The plethora of brands, aesthetics and users’ desire to fit into vernacular trends and norms blur the lines of authenticity. Yang et al. found in their study that authenticity is highly connected with self-esteem, only if users focus on their presentation and not worrying about audience’ impressions, expectations and reactions on it (217). It is worth noting that authenticity is not only the inner self but also how this self coexists with other individuals, putting the social influence in the core of it (Banet-Weiser 14). In the next chapter, current trends, norms, and aesthetics on Instagram will be analyzed in order to provide a theoretical framework to examine whether they consider strategies for self-presentation and drive users’ motivations to create Finstagram.
19
3. Contextual Review
In the previous chapter, the concepts of self-presentation, authenticity, the significance of the audience but also the idea of multiple and possible selves were analyzed in order to give a suitable background for this study. These theories offer a fertile ground for understanding online self-presentation and suggesting potential users’ motivations behind Finstagram accounts. The next chapters will introduce the main aesthetics, trends and strategies of Instagram as well as the emergence of micro-celebrities in the platform. In order to gain an understanding of self-presentation on Instagram, it is essential to introduce aesthetics, trends, and users within the platform that potentially affect or even convert self-presentation into strategies.
3.1 Digital photography on social media
In the analogue era, taking photographs was an act of memory, a means of sharing experience but with the emergence of social media and visual content, photography becomes a tool for identity formulation and communication (Van Dijck, Digital photography 58). Since presentation is a major function of photography, it is quite common that users remodel their self-images in order to fit to the related social context. Although, in the digital age, users have a great number of possibilities for curating or retouching their own images (filters, Photoshop) the idea of “self-induced intervention” or “secret-manipulation” on photographs predates platformization and Instagram (Van Dijck, Digital photography 60). In 1980, theorist Roland Barthes introduced different images-repertoires: the mental image (the one that I think I am), the idealized image (the one that I want others to think I am), the photographed image and the public self-image (the one that is published) (discussed in Van Dijck, Digital photography 64). Based on multiple aspects of self-photos, individuals tend to match their photographs to their idealized self-images. This content can also be applied to social media, where users tend to upload flattering, filtered and curated photos so as to present an idealized self. Filters and editing features in combination with the emergence of trends, norms and aesthetics affect self-presentation and further can be considered motivations, driving users to create Finstagram. 3.2 Selfie vs. self-presentation
One of the dominant trends within social media cultures is “selfie”, which forms a lens for this study, through which several trends on the platform will be introduced in order to explore how
20
the presence of these trends and norms may affect users’ self-presentation on Instagram. Photo-sharing platforms like Instagram and the front-facing camera feature reinforced selfie-taking and boosted the popularity of self-portraits as “an online presentation in front of a mixed audience of friends, family and strangers” (Senft and Baym 1589). Selfie-taking has become a daily practice and also a strategy of how users present and share their identities and behaviors. Within the scope of academic research on selfies, Senft and Baym expanded the definition of the selfie as a “social practice” or “social gesture”, which deliberately transmit “different messages to different individuals, communities, groups and audiences” (1589).
The concept of the “selfie” is the most discussed form of visual self-representation in the Instagram platform (Tiidenberg and Whelan 142). However, this study supports that self-presentation and selfie are not synonymous. The selfie is a vehicle for expression, a reproduction of aesthetics and representative of something more than just a mere presence of the face or body (Tiidenberg and Whelan 151). Therefore, selfies allow users to extend the scope of how they want to be perceived by their audience in many ways. In this context, selfies could be considered “a constructed effect of presentation” as Frosh remarked that “a selfie as an index is less the trace of a reality imprinted on the photograph than of an act enacted by a photographer; it exploits indexicality in favour of connective performance rather than semantic reference” (1609). In this light, the selfie should not be analyzed as self-presentation per se as there are also other practices affecting it, including trends and aesthetics, who is taking the selfie, the audience of said selfie, and the social setting are of consequence. In this vein, Theresa Senft and Nancy Baym indicated that selfies can send different messages to different individuals and audiences and that “self-portraits do not only present narcissism, fashion, self-promotion and seek attention but also empower users for self-expression, reflection, purity and free speech” (1593). In this context, Manovich and his team accomplished “Selfiecity”,1 a project where they retrieved selfies from Instagram, in order to investigate the different style of self-portraits in five cities across the world. By analyzing and spotting differences among self-presentation, expression and different styles of photos, this project highlights the significance of living environments and social backgrounds and context, and how this affects self-presentation on the platform.
21
While the selfie is considered a spontaneous, effortless and subconscious practice, users now often emphasize major normative notions of what a proper photo should look like, with deliberate background use and an idealized appearance (Senft and Baym 1592). Thus, Theresa Senft and Nancy Baym explained that there are some unwritten visual rules of what a proper photo needs to look like to be shared today so as to be consistent with social trends online; there must be the right lighting, the proper background and the right angle. It is quite common that selfies are taken again and again in to order to find the most flattering angle but also to apply editing and filters on them (Senft and Baym 1595). Thus, the strategic use of photos in social media emphasizes their significant role in self-presentation. Having presented the concept of the selfie as one of the main aesthetics in the platform, this fuels the discussion to explore further trends and norms of Instagram. By introducing main trends and aesthetics, a closer look will be provided in users’ online behavior in order to track whether these trends can be considered strategies which may also affect the Finstagram phenomenon.
3.3 Trends and Aesthetics
Uski and Lampinen argued that social norms and trends affect strategic self-presentation and online user behavior (449). As Instagram is continuously launching new features and affordances, so platform’s trends are constantly being introduced. These trends could be considered the “unwritten rules” on Instagram, where individuals tend to apply specific filters editing features on their photos or to visit vintage cafes in order to shot “instagrammable” photos and feel part of Instagram community. Instagram norms are connected to established features and affordances on the platform, where users can edit with filters, craft and upload a photo. These practices are dynamic in the environment because they influence how individuals present themselves and behave on the platform (450). Adapting their self-presentation to these trends is a way to feel part of the community and also gain positive feedback from their audiences (461). In this sense, trends, aesthetics and editing features could shape users’ behavior and presentation online and Finstagram could be considered as a protestation to these unwritten social norms, where users do not conform with them.
In the following section, various Instagram trends and aesthetics will be examined, which could potentially affect the way in which users are self-presented online and construct an authentic self.
22
It is commonplace that not only users create trends in social media networks but also the media themselves shape trends and aesthetics through their affordances. With Instagram’s release in 2010, users were introduced to square format photos, warm colours and filters that resembled Polaroid photos (Bartholeyns 51). Default filters like “Moon”, “Crema” and “Rise” induce a nostalgic mood back from a different era. Instagram has adopted the spirit of previous decades and created a “mimetic trend and technology” (Bartholeyns 53). Even if these filters exist in the present, they bear some characteristics from the past, indicating a sense of authenticity. According to the media theorist Baudrillard, “what occurs in the present as having occurred in a former time, hence that which is founded upon itself, is authentic” (discussed in Bartholeyns 54). Instagram, therefore, endorses this vintage and nostalgic sense so as photos could display as authentic, transforming the present into the past and creating this new kind of nostalgia. However, it should be noted that this nostalgic aesthetic is not only applied to Instagram, but this aesthetics was part of a general retro nostalgia, which appeared before Instagram’s release. An example can be “Hipstamatic” 2, a digital photography application, which was released in 2010 and was part of this retro trend in photography.
Since individuals are nostalgic to something when they lived through it, the Instagram aesthetic could be considered a “self-induced nostalgia”, a practice that brings an aesthetic and authentic value to individuals lives (Bartholeyns 55). Thus, users can define themselves as authentic through filtered photos and captions referring to this kind of nostalgia, and attaching more emotional and authentic value to their self-presentation. The emergence of the past as an aesthetic and authentic experience could also be identified in other trending applications like “HujiCam” with the slogan “Be vintage in 1998” where user inserts a photo to the application and it automatically gives the photo a vintage look and even sets the shot date from today back to 1998. An equivalent Instagram trend is Throwback Thursday (TBT) as a common marker to present authenticity but also share the same experiences among users (Bartholeyns 59). TBT is a popular trend where users post nostalgic pictures from their past with the hashtag #tbt in order to share and relive their past experiences with their followers. Even though #throwbackthursday negates the “instant” logic of the platform, users strategically sync the past with present and
23
create an authentic and nostalgic presentation. In this scope, it can be argued that Instagram default filters with the combination of various trends promote a sense that “the present is projected back into the past” and this nostalgic atmosphere allows users to display themselves as more authentic and genuine (Bartholeyns 59).
Since its advent, Instagram was presented to users through nostalgic filters, washed-out colors, and artefacts like scratches and film borders where these retro-specific aesthetic affordances are the key to platform’s logic (Leaver et al. 1). Instagram still affords these retro and vintage filters, somehow normalising and encouraging the idea of editing as a default act before uploading a photo (10). The curation of photos, as well as the nostalgic aesthetic, reflects specific aims for self-presentation and authentic identity online. These filters offer users a fertile ground for new aesthetic possibilities and a different way to visually present themselves. Third-party applications like PhotoWonder, TouchRetouch or Snapseed allow users to curate and intervene in their photos with easy editing features. Also Instagram Stories offer filters and editing options, but they mostly stand out as an “effortless” and entertaining feature on Instagram. There is a variety of filters and editing on Stories, still, they contain fun features like GIFs, animals’ faces, big sunglasses. Even though both posts and Stories afford the same functions (share/upload), their different aesthetic possibilities are apparent, because Stories provide an opportunity to share more spontaneuous content. Thus, it can be argued that different aesthetics, norms and motivations determine whether a photo is worth uploading as a post or a Story, where what gets posted on Instagram is a photo aesthetically curated, with editing and filters. Therefore the emergence of Instagram aesthetics plays a vital role on how users curate their online identity and these aesthetics could extensively affect users’ motivations to create an additional account. It is obvious that Instagram aesthetics emerge from platforms’ affordances but also from current trends and norms. Trends like “Do it for the Gram”, nudge users to upload “instagrammable” photos, thus compulsively promoting aesthetic for aesthetic’s sake. Here, this trend is well connected with the emergence of more and more cafe, restaurant and brunch places which follow this “instagrammability” (Leaver et al. 20). Chayka calls this phenomenon “aesthetic homogeneity”, where everyone goes to a specific cafe to take a photo in pastel palettes and washed-out backgrounds with marble countertop and avocado toast (Welcome to the airspace).
24
Businesses have become aware of these aesthetics, and decorate their spaces in accordance with current trends and norms. In this way, locations become recognizable for their potential to be instagrammable, something that is also promoted by Instagrammers and micro-celebrities. The way in which users present themselves creates specific trends and normalized aesthetics, and vice versa; established aesthetics, options and affordances are assimilated by users and affect self-presentation and expression. Such visual trends go beyond “normal standards” and create an established harmonization of self-presentation on Instagram. It could be assumed that users’ motivation to originate Finstagram accounts could be the resistance to these aesthetics and trends. A pivotal role on the establishment and diffusion of these trends and aesthetics is possessed by micro-celebrities, which will be discussed in the following lines.
3.4 The impact and presentation of micro-celebrities
While trends and norms could shape users’ presentation and identity on Instagram, it can be argued that Instagrammers’ presentation also influences users’ attitudes. As Abidin argued, Instagram is the most increasing and viable medium for micro-celebrities due to its visual environment and the variety of audience (Internet Celebrity 71). On social media, there are users who share opinions, aesthetic judgments but also promote and sponsor products. These online “celebrities” are known as micro-celebrities (Khamis 194; Audrezet et al. 2), which are considered a profitable and effective marketing strategy as they collaborate with brands and are sponsored by them in order to promote their products to their network. Their key is the increasing number of followers in order to achieve social influence and online relations (Djafarova and Trofimenko 4). Nowadays, micro-celebrities were spreading across social media platforms such as Instagram, where the platform’s context is based on visual context (Rettberg 10). Except for their large number of followers, commercial and monetized activities differentiate micro-celebrities from other users as “they use sponsorship to make money in social media, using their online identities to make their message intimate, and using emotions and communication” (Rettberg 11). The presentation of their personal tastes and choices on Instagram creates and shapes specific trends, in the way that how they will upload a photo, which filters and editing features they use, which places they visit. Through promotion, micro-celebrities are nudged to build relationships with their followers, who trust them and are willing to buy the promoted products or replicate their choices (Audrezet et al. 2). Therefore, the way
25
Influencers show up on Instagram and promote trends and products, but also the ways they present their authenticity affect their followers and their own self-presentation online.
Their images have become a part of our day-to-day lives and also a material through which we construct identities and “perform” online (Marwick and boyd, To see and be seen 141). Instagrammers are trying to develop and maintain an audience in order to promote specific products and services and, therefore, their self-presentation is carefully constructed based on strategies so as to please their sponsors and mixed audiences. However, multiple audiences could complicate their self-presentation but also the way they present their identity (143). Micro-celebrities’ strategies involve presenting a seemingly authentic image of their self but, at the same time, they fulfil audiences’ expectations and sponsors’ demands. Although they build the “perfect” profile, they still try to promote a true aspect of themselves so as to bring out a kind of authenticity that can be identified with them. Since authenticity is a social construct (149) it is difficult to define what is authentic or not. Hence, they try to give the impression of spontaneity, almost as though their content is an unfiltered glimpse into their life. Through Instagram stories, replies to their followers and releasing personal information they create a sense of proximity and familiarity with their followers, what Marwick and boyd called “performative intimacy” (To see and be seen 147). Performative intimacy is a strategy involving the presentation of a real identity and an ongoing connection with others. In their attempt to appear authentic to their followers, Influencers seek to create a closer relationship with their audience, covering both their own desires and the companies, brands or products they represent in social media.
It is apparent that self-presentation but also authenticity greatly affects the practices of micro-celebrities. Thus, they attempt to foster trust between products and followers but also generate personalized and genuine communication. In the context of authenticity practices, Influencers like Essena O'Neill or Michelle Phan stopped their job and deleted their social media accounts because they did not manage to maintain their authentic selves. Michelle Phan explained in her last video on Youtube “Why I left”, that “who I was on camera and who I was in real life began to feel like strangers. The life I let online was pictured perfect but in reality, I have carefully curated the identity and life I wanted, not had. In my first videos, I was genuine but then I lost myself, my true self” (Audrezet et al. 9). Taking this example, micro-celebrities also struggle
26
with their authenticity and self-presentation and feel that their online identity is highly curated and perfect and does not represent reality. Their popularity and growing audience allow users to engage with their personal trends and lifestyle but also with the brands that they promote. However, users are often aware that a celebrity’s self-presentation on social media may be an untruthful or inauthentic reflection of their ‘real life’ (Djafarova and Trofimenko 5).
Users often enjoy following and engaging with micro-celebrities’ photos as they display their lifestyles, clothes, trends, favourite brands etc. Djafarova and Trofimenko in their study upon presentation of micro-celebrities indicated that users pay attention to their high-quality photos, interesting and inspirational photos, honest and useful recommendations, although they often realize that is not an exact reflection of offline life (7). Authentic, engaging, positive and friendly content is among the reasons why users follow micro-celebrities. Thus, their seemingly perfect lifestyle could inspire users and their opinions and recommendations could be considered a credible and useful source of information to influence their buying behavior (Djafarova and Trofimenko 10). The presentation of micro-celebrities is significant on Instagram; the ways in which they present themselves, promote brands but also maintain authenticity, affect users’ self-presentation and is worth further exploration within and outside of academic circles.
Having outlined relevant theories and practices, this thesis will draw these notions and apply them to the case study in order to explore users’ strategies for self-presentation on Instagram but also the Finstagram phenomenon. While classical theories on self-presentation, audience and authenticity were discussed in the chapter of the theoretical framework, the focus on this chapter was moved to the contextual analysis of Instagram by exploring main aesthetics, trends and micro-celebrities on the platform. Placing all the above theorizations and practices in the context of social media, this paper attempts to demonstrate users’ online behavior and contribute to the discussion around self-presentation on Instagram. The following chapter will outline the methods employed to examine the research subject of this thesis.
27
4. Methodology
As previously discussed, Duffy and Chan connected the notion of self-presentation with that of an imagined audience through a case study of Finstas with in-depth interviews (119); Kang and Wei conducted an online survey with college students to reveal users’ motivations behind Finstagram (3). Even though the above studies examined Finstagram phenomenon, by linking it to the audience and also revealing users’ motivations behind these accounts, this paper aims to move the research one step further and link user's self-presentation, their strategies but also Finstagram phenomenon in one case study. In this way, it will be possible to fill the research gap in a complicated phenomenon like Finstagram that has not been fully understood but still receives a lot of attention from users but also the press.
The main focus of this study is to examine self-presentation on Instagram and whether online performative strategies affect this presentation. The case study is the emerging phenomenon of Finstagram, where users have their main account on Instagram but they create another one to present a more realistic and authentic aspect of themselves. By further examining users’ motivations for the construction of a Finstagram account, this could shed light on self-presentation online, where performative strategies could drive users to feel that they do not present their true selves and seek a different path for self-expression and self-presentation. As the center of this study is the users and their attitudes, the unit of analysis is the individual. One of the most important aspects of social research is the unit of analysis, namely the specific population or group selected to be investigated. According to Babbie, there are four types of analysis units; individuals, specific groups of people, organizations and social objects but in this study, the research focuses on individuals (106). In this scope, the methodology of this study is twofold and two methods of data collection were used. The first is a quantitative method focused on online questionnaires (N=100), whereas the second one is qualitative with individual interviews (N=6). Due to the nature of the study, quantitative and qualitative methods were utilized in order to (1) examine self-presentation, aesthetics, audience and strategies and (2) delve into users’ motivations for creating a Finstagram account.
28
4.1 Online questionnaires
Firstly, a questionnaire survey was conducted (see Appendix A) to investigate the aforementioned research question about self-presentation and performative strategies on Instagram. Such surveys are among the most popular means to retrieve instant results about the public sense of a particular subject. According to Babbie “survey research is probably the best method available to the social researcher who is interested in collecting original data for describing a population too large to observe directly” (270). Questionnaires are suitable to measure how individuals are connected, or to reveal their opinion on a particular issue (76). A key advantage of conducting questionnaires is to obtain information from a large number of people at relatively low costs and, depending on the design of the research, relatively quickly (292). Thus, questionnaire research is a very effective method since a big sample can be analyzed without a substantial increase in time or cost.
4.1.1. Sample, participants and recruitment process
The majority of participants were aged between 18-35 years old at the time of the data collection. This age group emerged organically, although there was no maximum age restriction and everyone was welcome to respond to the questionnaire. This age group is also consistent with Instagram general age demographics, since 33% of global Instagram users were aged between 25 and 34 years and 32% between 18-24 years old (Statista, Instagram: Age Distribution). This age range enabled the participants in different stages of their adulthood to offer different contributions based on their specific age group. Participants of any nationality and of any country of residence were welcome to complete the questionnaire.
Since this research was designed with an international scope, the questionnaire was written in English so as to have the widest reach of participants. While this study focuses on self-presentation on Instagram, the only criterion for someone to participate was the active use of an Instagram account. Thus, the recruitment process was conducted through social media networks, where the questionnaire inquiries were posted on the personal social media accounts of the researcher (Facebook, Instagram) with a call-to-action for people who use Instagram accounts. The questionnaire portion of the methodology was based on simple random sampling, namely by selecting a random sample of a certain size from the population. Everyone could potentially
