Visualisation of Kurdayetî : thediscursive construction of a Kurdish cultural and political identity in the visual arts

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Visualisation of Kurdayetî -

The discursive construction of a Kurdish cultural and political identity in the

visual arts.

Gizem Toprak Student ID: 12272787

Submitted to the University of Amsterdam 15 August 2019 Master’s Thesis for Department of Sociology

Track: Migration and Ethnic Studies Supervisor: Mw. Dr. Sonja Fransen

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complicated thesis period and patiently listening to my many confusing ideas. I’d also like to thank my second reader for his time and knowledge. Many thanks to my peers in my thesis group for the countless times they gave me feedback and allowed me to articulate my abstract thoughts, until I finally found my footing with my thesis topic.

I would like to thank my sister Didem for being the embodiment of love and support through my whole master’s experience. Thank you for believing in me!

Last but most importantly, I present my gratitude for the Kurdish diaspora for engaging me with their art, inspiring and encouraging me to go ahead with this thesis. I couldn’t have written this paper without their creative contributions. Additionally, I express my eternal love and appreciation to all of those who have lost their lives and freedom in the struggle for Kurdish rights. We, as the Kurdish population, are here today because of your efforts. Gelek spas.

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4 Abstract

This thesis aims to address the question: “In which ways are Kurdish culture and politics discursively constructed in the visual arts?” by assessing the role of Kurdish nationalism in the construction of a Kurdish identity. Nationality and national identities are often framed in a political discourse, despite this I will aim to demonstrate that these concepts will also benefit being studied from a sociological perspective. The Kurds exist as a stateless nation in the Middle East, and their lack of an independent state has created an interesting situation where elements of the Kurdish identity, including Kurdish culture, have become heavily politicised; thus, likening an ethic identity with a political one. This situation is examined through visual arts consisting of photographs, drawings and paintings and approached with literature on theories of nationalism and identity. More specifically, it will look at the ways that Kurdish nationalism acts as a positive instrument in constructing and keeping alive a

Kurdish identity. Visual arts shed light on how the Kurdish community represents itself from their own perspective, thus creating a more authentic portrayal of Kurdish culture and politics.

Introduction

The aim of this thesis is to understand how Kurdish people express their Kurdish identity in visual arts. But as this research progressed, it became clearer that identity is not a straightforward concept to interpret, this is also true to a group like the Kurds because of the multiple factors that influence and shape the formation of a Kurdish identity. One determinant being the statelessness of the Kurdish people, this lack of an official state has created an interesting situation where the politicised version of a Kurdish identity has become the dominant way of expressing “Kurdishness”. Hence, to understand this occurrence, close attention should be bestowed upon the historical processes that have created this heavily politicised situation. These processes, as will be thoroughly discusses in this thesis, have revealed that nationalism has played a significant role in the construction of this so-called politicised identity. To understand the development of Kurdish nationalism and the influence it has had on the building of a Kurdish identity, this thesis will approach the question “What is the role of Kurdish nationalism in the construction of a Kurdish identity as depicted in visual arts?”

The sociological and theoretical relevance of my work is that nationalism is predominantly

approached in the context of far right movements and the detrimental consequences nationalism has, however, I will be contributing towards literature on how nationalism can be used in a “good” way and how the Kurds have used this to keep their Kurdish identity alive amidst the bombardments of Arab, Turkish and Persian nationalism and oppression they have faced.

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5 A brief historical background of the Kurds

In this thesis, the use of the term “Kurd” is in reference to ethnically Kurdish people who inhabit Kurdistan. There are many other ethnic groups who live in Kurdistan, but this thesis is exclusively focused on Kurds. Kurds number at an estimated at 30 – 40 million, yet the amount of information available on this group of people remains relatively modest (McDowall, 2004). The displacement of Kurdish people, whether as Internally Displaced Persons (IDPs), forced migrants or refugees, is deeply rooted in history. Kurdish peoples’ migration is a unique example because Kurdistan is divided into four major parts, occupied by Turkey, Iraq, Iran, and Syria (McDowall, 2004). Therefore, their lack of an official nation state has triggered their migration within the borders of said countries as well as internationally. Hence, studying Kurds as forced migrants helps with understanding identity, politics and culture development among forced migrants.

The end of the First World War saw the collapse of empires and the construction of new nation-states. The French and British had a stronghold over the Middle East, and with the fall of the Ottoman Empire these two nations played a huge decisive role in the formation of new nation-states in the Middle East (Bajalan, 2019). During this period, the Kurds, very briefly, had an opportunity for statehood however this brief opportunity was quickly annihilated. There were two main treaties that played a momentous part in the downfall of the chance of a Kurdish nation in the Middle East. The first treaty, the Treaty of Sevres, was signed in 1920 and it marked the beginning of the division of the Ottoman Empire (Kaya, 2012). However, the treaty incited feelings of hostility among Turks because they were not pleased with the agreed upon division of the territories. Consequently, the Turkish nationalist movements resisted the previously agreed division arrangement which were devised in the Treaty of Sevres, and this resistance ensured that the Turkish statehood was achieved as an undivided nation-state (Bajalan, 2019).

The Treaty of Sevres also contained articles referring to the future of Kurds in the region, specifically suggesting a plan for Kurdish independence and separation from Turkey (Bajalan, 2019). Albeit, the official recognition of a possible Kurdish statehood as outlined in the Sevres Treaty, this did not develop into anything since the treaty was replaced by the Treaty of Lausanne (Brown, 1924). The second treaty, the Treaty of Lausanne (signed 1923), was essentially a peace treaty in which Turkey surrendered claim to all the remainder of the Ottoman Empire in return for the Allies to recognise the Turkish sovereignty with its new borders. The many Kurdish revolts during the nineteenth century showed that Kurds did not want to be a part of Turkey, but during the peace negotiations the Turkish government could not abandon the opportunity of sovereignty over the disputed territory (i.e., Kurdistan) (Ali, 1997; 522). Thus, the official modern borders of the Republic of Turkey were formulated in 1923 and the new nation-state replaced what remained of the old system from the

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6 Ottoman Empire. And so, the geographical map of the Middle East, despite all the conflicts in the region, has remained relatively constant since the end of World War 1 (Halliday, 2005). Even though “Kurdistan” has never officially existed as a state, many Kurdish nationalist refer to a specific geographical region as Kurdistan and the official country of the Kurds (as shown in Figure 1).

Figure 1 - Map depicting geographical borders of Kurdistan

Although the Kurds are not a culturally homogenous group of people, for instance they speak several different dialects of Kurdish and do not adhere to the same religion; living divided among these different states means living under and being assimilated into different cultures, languages and nationalist ideologies (Bruinessen, 1998). Despite the many rebellions and revolts by Kurds against oppressive governments, lacking a nation state while being ruled by superpowers in the Middle East, makes it extremely difficult for the free expression and existence of a Kurdish identity. Consequently, the Kurdish ethnic identity emerges as a response to the exclusion Kurds face in a heavily Arabised, Turkified and Persianised political and social environment. Thus, it is crucial for Kurdish nationalism and its development to be understood in the historical and political context that caused it to come about. Particularly because Kurdish nationalism is the main driving force that motivates the

advancement of a Kurdish identity. Identity formation is a complex process and many elements such as social, cultural, historical and political factors shape and influence lived experiences and identity

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7 formation. Historically in Kurdish culture, collective feelings and traumas about the conflict and uprooting Kurdish people have faced has been expressed in songs, films and literature (Khayati, 2008). Therefore, is difficult to examine Kurdish visual arts independently of the wider historical and political context of which they are a part of (Atlas, 2018).

These historical and political developments are very important because Kurdish nationalism transcends beyond borders and dictates how Kurds living in the diaspora develop their sense of a Kurdish identity. Migration has created conditions in which the Kurdish diaspora can engage

transnationally with their country of origin, for instance through political, economic and socio-cultural ways (Mugge, 2016). Thus, through these transnational engagements Kurds in the diaspora stay in touch with the political events going on in Kurdistan, or political events that directly affect Kurds in Turkey, Iraq, Iran or Syria. For instance, the Kurdish diaspora in Europe is notorious for transnational diaspora lobbying in order to influence politics in their homeland or put pressure on European states regarding their relationship with Turkey (Berkowitz & Mugge, 2014).

This thesis looks at the way Kurdish nationalism has shaped the formation of a Kurdish identity, with great consideration to the historical and political context in which it emerged. These are concepts that have had focus from the international relations or politics disciple, generally framing the identity related issues in the context of politics. Although this is important and valuable, studying these issues from a sociological (especially a cultural sociology) perspective can shed light on identity formation and migrant groups in a way that other disciplines cannot. It can also aid with understanding how stateless groups, like the Kurds, preserve their heritage, culture and history despite all the attempts at assimilating them into a homogeneous nationality. Given the longstanding persecution, repression, and denial of all matters regarding Kurds, Kurdishness (be it as an identity, or a culture) has

inherently and inescapably become political (Shafers, 2015). The politicisation of Kurdish culture and identity has created a political state of existence, thus any cultural or artistic production in this

political terrain will inherently be political.

However, for some Kurdish people, living in a conflict zone where politics is always the topic of discussion can often create disdain towards politics (Schafers, 2015). They also advocate for the separation of politics from culture, cultural heritage and art but this is a very arduous process. This attitude towards a shift from the politicised nature of Kurdishness is presented in the book Dawn, by the jailed co-leader of the Peoples’ Democratic Party (HDP) Selahattin Demirtas. He states “We have the capability to create a new language around the concepts of peace, democracy, and human rights, and the values inherent to each. But to do so, political activism alone is not enough: We must also engage intellectually and artistically” (Demirtas, 2019). Unfortunately, and as this thesis discusses, Kurdish history, heritage and culture have become highly politicised due to the Kurds being a nation

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8 without an independent country and the discrimination they have faced for being Kurdish. So even if people a increasingly growing detached or disdainful towards politics, politics is still at the core of the Kurdish identity.

Nonetheless, it can be suggested that art in this context acts as a common ground, as a language that unites people through shared experiences and symbols; art as a creation is forms symbolic of human feeling (Margolis, 1974). Arguably then, works of art are linguistic in the way that they portray meaning, experiences, feelings and stories. This is significant because Kurds are not homogenous and speak multiple dialects, and this usually serves as a barrier between the different groups of Kurds inhabiting each country. Therefore, art performs the role as one of the common ways that Kurdish people can share their experiences with one another and with the rest of the world. Historically art has been used by other minority and oppressed groups of people as a new vocabulary or language, used to raise awareness of the struggles faced by these oppressed groups. A much acclaimed example of this is Black art; art (especially as political activism) represents the society and culture from which it emerges. Therefore, Black art focuses on the experiences of racism by Black people in the United States and the United Kingdom. With rising racial tensions in British society, many Black artists felt that their art helped them combat the isolation they were feeling but they still struggled with accessing mainstream institutions to practice their art due to racism (Arya, 2017). Using art as a way to expose the racism faced in these societies became the common language and new vocabulary that brought about togetherness among the minority groups facing racism and discrimination. The politicisation of Black consciousness was described as described as ‘syntax of rebellion’ by the British Sociologist Stuart Hall (Arya, 2017). Therefore, during periods of high political tensions art becomes a form of release and expression, as well as a platform in which the individual, artist or community can engage through political activism.

This paper will include a chapter on visual arts created in the diaspora, and although this research paper will not delve into the experiences of the Kurdish diaspora, it will still demonstrate the role of Kurdish nationalism in creating a Kurdish identity beyond Kurdish borders. This diaspora is

particularly interesting because despite originating from Kurdistan, this country of origin has never formally existed as an official state, nor have those in the diaspora (especially the second generation) have ever lived in Kurdistan; yet many of those in the diaspora identify as Kurdish and push for the self determination of the Kurdish people. Additionally, the Kurdish diaspora engages with Kurdish history, lived experiences, identity, culture and politics through the arts. One major factor that sets diaspora art apart is the aesthetics of diaspora art, this will be discussed in further detail in the

discussion chapter. One form of visual art that has dominated the visual medium scene in the diaspora is Kurdish cinema. Kurdish cinema is a largely growing industry and has been used to explore and expressed these factors relating to identity (Kocer, 2014). Nonetheless, there is little to no research on

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9 how other forms of art, particularly visual arts are used to explore, and express identity related issues Kurdish people experience.

Literature review:

The late Stuart Hall described art as “a way of feeling and a way of looking, but it’s also a kind of thinking” (Jordan, 2016). Art, in its many forms, creates a picture of the world that we live in and artists use their lived experiences and knowledge to depict certain truths and realities (Shiff, 1978). Exploring and creating a cultural identity is an important and intricate process, and art gives individuals the opportunity to go through this process. Thus, visual arts have become increasingly popular among oppressed and minority groups as a way to explore and express identity (Caruso, 2005).

Oppressed groups can also create politically motivated pieces to raise awareness surrounding social and political issues, as well as using their art as an act of resistance. For instance, this can be seen in the works of Korean migrant women in the United States, who express their migrant experiences in the US as well as challenging gender roles in Korean societies (Caruso, 2005). A more renowned example of resistance art is that by Black artists who have used their art as a way to raise awareness surrounding racism, especially lived experiences of racism and discrimination in the United States and in Britain (Arya, 2017). The Black Panther Party artist Emory Douglas created art work which carried visual messages mirroring the social issues Black people in the US were facing post-civil Rights era (Gaiter, 2018). Other forms of artistic resistance are noticeable in countries where conflict is

prevalent. This is exemplified in the book “Syria Speaks: Art and Culture from the Frontline”, which is an anthology of artwork and poetry that captures the violence of the Syrian war (Halasa et al., 2014). Another example of this is the graffiti art work displayed on the walls built by the Israeli state around Palestinian territories. The graffiti on the segregating wall depict the violence that the state of Israel has committed towards the Palestinian people (Parry, 2010). The famous and elusive street artist Banksy’s work can also be found on the wall. The aim of his work on the controversial wall was to challenge the Israeli narrative regarding the Israeli – Palestinian political situation, as well as to raise awareness among his Western audience and communicate the reality of the daily struggles Palestinians face under Israeli occupation (Parry, 2010).

However, for Kurdish people the main form of visual art that has been used to explore and document the multifaceted issues faced by the Kurdish people is film. Although, Kurdish music and literature are important in understanding Kurdish identity and politics, I will focus on Kurdish cinema since there is a richer body of literature available on it. Film is a well distinguished platform that has been used to exhibit the experiences of migrants and refugees. This is also the case for Kurdish cinema

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10 because many Kurdish filmmakers have used film and cinema to convey their lived experiences. The attention and efforts bestowed upon film production can be observed both in the diaspora and in Kurdistan however, before gaining national presence, Kurdish films were gaining international recognition and circulation. In 1982 the Kurdish filmmaker Yilmaz Guney won a Palme d’Or at the Cannes Film Festival, after that in the early 2000s the Kurdish director Bahman Ghobadi won a Camera D’Or award at the Cannes Film Festival for one of his films (Kocer, 2014).

Thus, although Kurdish films were often banned by the Turkish, Iranian and Arab states, Kurdish filmmakers were able to gain international recognition for their films. Yilmaz Guney’s film “Yol” (1982) touched upon the social and political issues Kurdish people were facing in Turkey during the 80s. Even though this is not an explicitly political film, Yol was still banned and outlawed in Turkey. The film contains a scene in which for a few seconds the word “Kurdistan” appears on screen, and due to this vignette the film was not screened in Turkey. During the 1980s the political climate in Turkey was intensely repressive and the reason for the ban was that along with the Kurdish language, words like “Kurdistan” and “Kurd” was banned in Turkey (Ferreira & Santiago, 2018). Therefore, this film, and this period of Kurdish cinema made statements regarding cultural and linguistic identity. Exilic and diaspora cinema that is created outside of Kurdistan or countries that Kurds reside in are generally characterised by themes of displacement, movement, space, mobility and immobility, the ambivalence of ‘home’ and migrant experiences in country of destination (Bayraktar, 2016). For example, the Kurdish - German director Ayse Polat’s short film Grafin Sophia Hatun (Countess Sophia Hatun) revolves around two exilic characters that both experience confinement for different reasons (Bayraktar, 2016; 24). Kurdish cinema is referred to as cinema under oppression or cinema of diaspora (Sonboli, 2017). Despite being called this, diasporic cinema has played an instrumental role in identity development within the diaspora, as well as brining Kurdish representation to a more social and public domain (Gundogdu, 2010).

For minority groups, notably those living in diaspora, searching for their cultural identity and establishing a self-identity is an important process. Hence, projects like the London Kurdish Film Festival allows for the construction and understanding of Kurdish identity through film. Therefore, by organising cultural projects Kurdish people in the diaspora have both created spaces in which the Kurdish cultural and political identity can develop, as well as raising awareness of immigrant people living in the West (Gundogdu, 2010). Being a stateless nation already creates an erasure of the Kurdish identity, so migrating to the West adds to this erasure because in many cases people have not heard of a “Kurd” and are not aware of the political situation that has caused the forced migration of these people. Kurdish cinema acts as the connective bridge that allows the diaspora to access elements of their culture and to develop a political identity through cinema. Since diasporic cinema tackles themes like displacement and migrant experiences, it can also aid the newer generations to understand

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11 the migration of the first generation; thus, creating intergenerational understanding and empathy. Visual arts provide a platform for individuals to have their voices and lived experiences seen and heard. The words used, the images produced, the emotions associated with visual arts, how themes are conceptualised and the value placed upon them all contribute to the meaning given to something (Hall, 1997). Hence, visual arts are a good way to present how individuals or groups of people give meaning to identity in the ways that they represent themselves.

Ideologies like nationalism have historically been spread and distributed with the ease and help of mass media (like radios and newspapers). Anderson has demonstrated the crucial function of the printing press in allowing nationalism to form imagined communities among people who otherwise wouldn’t know of each other (Mohammadpur, 2017, pp. 168; Anderson, 1991). For instance, satellite broadcasting transcends the borders that divide Kurdish lands and with the potential to spread

information en masse it gave the Kurdish people a chance to establish a strong mode of

communication (Hassanpour, 1998; Mohammadpur, 2017). The late 1990s saw the emergence of Kurdish broadcasting channels (like ‘Kurdistan TV’ and ‘Kurdsat’), these channels created a necessary space for the proclamation of Kurdish culture, identity and politics. The aim of Kurdish satellite broadcasting was to promote a national identity, and importantly since satellite broadcasting transcends borders, it meant that those living in the diaspora could also access these channels and be subject to the content that is being displayed. Hence, communicative media promoted a Kurdish national identity as well as giving a marginalised group of people their own space to contest the grand narrative imposed by the oppressive nation states that occupy Kurdistan (Castells, 2010;

Mohammadpur, 2017).

Similarly, visual arts, like film, are important in the function they serve to promote and spread

Kurdish nationalism and identity. Although not all Kurdish films are political in nature, for a majority of them the political climate in which they are created undoubtedly results in political messages and symbolism to be embedded. Kurdish visual arts, which I will aim to demonstrate with this thesis, unavoidably have some symbolism which relates to Kurdish culture and politics. So, in order to understand how Kurdish culture and politics are constructed and portrayed, one must examine the role of nationalism. Particularly the instrumental ways that Kurdish nationalism has constructed a Kurdish identity. Accordingly, it is necessary to note there are “good” and “bad” ways that nationalism can materialise and be manipulated.

For the Kurdish people, nationalism has been more good than bad in terms of aiding with constructing an identity and ensuring the survival of the Kurdish identity in a time where Kurdish people have no state of their own. An interview between Barzoo Eliassi and Craig Calhoun, Calhoun highlights the role of Kurdish nationalism in relation to their statelessness (Eliassi, 2014). Something significant that Calhoun points out is that nationalism can be used to create unity and resistance. Benedict Anderson

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12 (1991) emphasises on the significance of the historical development of nationalism and nations, and how at different points in history they have had different meanings and uses. In the situation of the Kurdish people, it is also important to understand Kurdish nationalism in its historical context, particularly because Kurdish nationalism developed in opposition to Turkish, Persian and Arab nationalism.

The end of World War One saw the development of nation-states in the Middle East, and with this development consequently each state imposed a unified national identity. This meant that ethnic and religious minorities living in these states could not practise freedom (Bruinessen, 1998). When a condition in which there is no room for coherence is created, a resistant reaction towards the state is inevitable. For Kurds, it is important understand the purposes and mechanisms through which identity and nationalism are formed (Castells, 2010). The Kurdish people, divided mainly among four

countries in the Middle East, are not a culturally homogeneous people. They speak multiple dialects and do not all adhere to the same religion and previous to the establishment of states, Kurds often were loyal to their tribes or religion (Bruinessen, 1998). But, on account of these historical

developments, Kurdish nationalism emerged as a reaction to Arab, Turkish and Persian domination, as well as the search for an independent nation – state for the Kurds (Eliassi, 2014). The reactionary development of Kurdish nationalism was to resist the attempts of assimilation that were imposed upon the Kurds. In Turkey, Kurds had to resist the coercive and aggressive assimilation tactics imposed by Ataturk, while in Iraq they resisted the Ba’athist Arab nationalism regimes (Tezcur, 2009; Tezcur & Asadzade, 2018). Despite not being a culturally homogeneous group, Kurdish nationalism has enabled unity in the imagined communities that have been created; it has ensured the survival of

“Kurdishness”. The longing for statehood has created a commonality among Kurdish people in Kurdistan and in the diaspora, sharing similar feelings towards independence and freedom has brought closeness among them even if they are divided by borders.

The eminent role of Kurdish nationalism in identity construction is apparent. An individual’s identity generally is not comprised of singular factors such as politics, or a national identity. Identities are multifaceted and the different elements that make up one’s identity intersect and interact with one another. However, when politics and the quest for independence are at the forefront of the Kurdish identity it does not leave room for individual’s to prioritise other elements to their identity. For example gender issues, the struggles faced by the LGBTQ community and classism are not given the consideration they deserve. For this reason this research paper will also include visual arts created in the diaspora to demonstrate that there is not singular way to be Kurdish.

The denouement of this literature review shows that the body of literature surrounding migrant cinema is abundant, this is inclusive of Kurdish cinema. Literature on Kurdish cinema is rich and in depth, it demonstrates how film acts as a medium for Kurdish representation. By representation I

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13 mean the political and social issues Kurdish people face, whether it is in Kurdistan or in the diaspora. It also acts as voice to communicate to the international world, since it allows for Kurdish filmmakers to access spaces (like the Cannes Film Festival) that they wouldn’t usually be able to. Moving images, like film, paired with dialogue can portray a clearer message and can be more straightforward to analyse. Therefore, with this thesis I want to approach Kurdish identity, specifically in the ways that Kurdish culture and politics (both essential elements to a Kurdish identity) are constructed in the visual arts, on still images.

With this thesis I want to contribute to the body of literature on Kurdish culture, politics and art. Kurdish migrants are not a largely researched area within sociology or migrations studies, despite the complexities and interdisciplinary

With the use of visual arts I would like to be able to demonstrate how individuals, through their art, construct their Kurdish identity and then present it to the rest of the world. I want to understand how statelessness dictates the intensity of Kurdish nationalism and the role of symbolism in still images to stipulate the Kurdish identity.

Conceptualisation of Statelessness

The information and discourse on statelessness are regulated by the United Nations High

Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR), which goes according to the legal definition of a stateless person according to Article 1 of the 1954 Convention. The Convention states the following definition “the term “stateless person” means a person who is not considered as a national by any State under the operation of its law” (UNHCR, 2014). Thusly, the consensus surrounding the remedying of

individuals as being legally stateless is noticeably focused on citizenship. When studying stateless people, definitions can either hinder or aid with the migration and integration of these groups. Stateless individuals are recognised in two main ways, those who have no nationality (de jure

stateless) or those whose nationality is not effective because they do not benefit from the protection of any state (de facto stateless) (Tas, 2016).These internationally recognised definitions do not

necessarily capture the experiences of statelessness accurately since some groups and individuals do not fall under these definitions. Therefore, Tas (2016) argues for an extended definition of the international laws of a stateless person, thus proposing a third category of “socially stateless” people. For those who fit this third definition, being stateless is a social fact and a collective problem. This extended definition helps explain the loose citizenship relations that some communities have with a state as well as the weak connection they have with their host country, even when they have legal documents or citizenship (Tas, 2016, p: 49).

Kurdish people can hold a Turkish, Iraqi, Iranian or Syrian citizenship, but this comes with the heavy cost of the suppression of a Kurdish existence (Eliassi, 2014). They can even hold dual citizenship,

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14 and this applies mostly for those living in the diaspora. Even so, granted that Kurdish individuals residing in any country are not stateless legally (according to the 1945 Convention), or as lacking citizenship, their legal status is nonetheless pitted against their Kurdish ethnic identity. For example, the Turkish state in particular is notorious for the extreme methods it has taken to suppress the identity of its Kurdish inhabitants, one very important incident being the ban on the Kurdish language

(Ferreira & Santiago, 2018). Experiences as such reinforce notions surrounding who is included and excluded as a citizen, who fits the state’s idea of an ideal citizen. Kurds in these former countries face violation of human rights, discrimination and isolation. Due to the multi-layered complexity of the Kurdish situation in these countries, classism, sexism and ethnic discrimination go hand in hand. The materialisation of class becomes another way by which both the state and the ruling class can

maintain their position of power. The process of occupation of the Kurdish borders actively reduces people, it dehumanised them and placed them in classification in order to turn the colonised into less than human beings (Lugones, 2010). The way social class materialises and is constructed in other parts of the country differs because the dominant ethnic groups do not face language barriers,

violation of human rights or ethnic discrimination therefore they do not experience the same obstacles that restrict Kurdish people from moving up on the socio-economic ladder. Thus, this social

reproduction of inequality places Kurds into the lowest strata within their working-class socio-economic background (Smith et al., 2015).

Hence, this highlights several problems with using citizenship as a solution to statelessness. Firstly, it presents the very states that oppress and violate human rights as the emancipator actor. By

understanding the relationship between citizenship and nationhood, especially in the context of the Kurds living in the main four Middle Eastern states, one can see that the acquisition of a citizenship is not synonymous with the legal rights and status associated with a citizenship (Skold, 2019).

Additionally, states can manipulate its Kurdish citizens and politicise their citizenship to their own advantage. In Turkey, Kurds with Turkish citizenship have long been perceived as “prospective Turks” and so have been subject to arduous assimilation tactics along with discriminatory practices of citizenship (Yegen, 2009). In Syria, the Syrian government toyed with the idea those deserving and undeserving of a citizenship. In 1962 Kurds in Syria were deprived of a Syrian citizenship due to a discriminatory census that targeted the Kurdish majority governorate of Hasakeh; consequently, rendering the Kurdish population as stateless (according to the 1954 Convention definition) (McGee, 2014; Tas, 2016). In this situation Kurds were not only without a country, they were also without nationality papers with coinciding civil rights in Syria. Eventually, the Syrian government gave the Kurds the option to acquire a Syrian citizenship as a systematic tool to deter anti-government protests (McGee, 2014).

These two examples demonstrate the highly political nature of citizenship acquisition for Kurdish people. States can bend and manipulate the rules according to their own gains. When convenient

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15 Kurds are Arab, Turkish or Persian and when inconvenient they are the “Kurdish problem” faced by the state. Secondly, citizenship, even dual citizenship, does not ease or alleviate the feelings

associated with lacking an independent nation state (Tas, 2016). These feelings are shared commonly among people in the diaspora and those living away from their country of origin, where the feelings of being stateless or “socially stateless” intensify. For some living in the diaspora, not being able to visit their country of origin due to threat of arrest upon arrival for political activism, or to avoid facing financial marginalisation or simply feeling detached from their country of origin for living abroad for many years adds to feelings of not belonging and living in a constant state or social statelessness. This brief conceptualisation of statelessness, in relation to Kurds, demonstrates that legislation often focuses on individual experiences of statelessness when it proposes the acquisition of a citizenship as the solution or remedy to statelessness. Yet this does not guarantee protection or full rights that other citizens have, it also does not work as an effective solution to the rest of the community who feel as de facto or “socially stateless”. Understanding the statelessness of Kurds and the experiences they face as citizens of the countries they inhabit is a crucial part of the historical and political processes which contribute to the creation of Kurdish nationalism as a tool for establishing a Kurdish identity. Regardless of citizenship status, Kurds face discrimination and othering and are often reminded of their position as a “pseudo citizen” (Yegen, 2009). Notions of “Turkishness” in Turkey are viewed as being Turkish through citizenship and “Turks as such”, these clarifications were felt necessary to be made since the state saw that there is Turkishness beyond citizenship (Yegen, 2009). This suggests that ethnic and religious minorities in Turkey are regarded as different and not Turkish enough. The Iraqi, Turkish, Iranian and Syrian states continue with pursuing a homogenous, monolingual and mono-religious community within their borders; under these hostile conditions which continue to alienate and other Kurds, it is unrealistic for states to expect citizenship acquisition to be a remedy to the enmity felt by Kurds towards the state.

Theoretical and Conceptual Framework

Identity is ambiguous and complex, it not necessarily tangible yet it is something that is present in all aspects of everyday life (Malesevic, 2006). We live in a time where great importance and attention is placed upon identity and through the different traits we attribute to our identity we come to

understand ourselves and others. Although identity has become an important concept that has been intensively explored within social sciences, there has been little attention dedicated to the impact migration has on identity formation (La Barbera, 2015). The Kurdish people are among the largest group of people globally to not have a state, due to the historical and political conditions of their statelessness it has triggered years of migration and internal displacement. As a result, the population

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16 is divided and scattered around the world. Identity formation for migrant groups involves many complex factors and processes which shape individual and group identities. For instance, host country, levels of integration, feelings of belonging or detachment to country of origin or to host country, class, ethnicity and gender (Jones & Mielants, 2009). With migrant groups their identity can influence the degree of belonging or exclusion in certain groups (Yuval-Davis, 2006).

Conflict Model:

Migration can be broadly understood as a permanent or temporary change of residence, and no matter the distance or strenuous journey, migration involves an origin, a destination and a variety of obstacle (Lee, 1966). In other words, migration is a process with a complicated set of factors and interactions which influence its course. Although there are many reasons why people may choose to migrate, the trigger for Kurdish people is often to escape conflict. Conflict and the perception of insecurity created by a hostile political environment have been drivers for migration and more commonly forced

migration and displacement among Kurds in Iraq, Iran, Syria and Turkey.

Sirkeci & Cohen have created a conflict model which is based on the assumptions that conflicts are the crucial drivers of mobility, and conflicts drive mobility as they lead to a perception of insecurity (Sirkeci & Cohen, 2016). Major conflicts and tensions tend to set off mass migration, whereas less intense conflicts may take longer to induce mass movements. In their research, Sirkeci and Cohen examined two main migration corridors and found that during times of increased violence, there was also a high flow of movement outside of the country. Thus, there is a correlation between conflict and the dynamic nature of migration flows. This model is helpful to demonstrate the mass movement of Kurdish people, whether as refugees or as internally displaced people as a result of conflict and political unrest. Due to the Kurdish people’s statelessness and constant state of political unrest and conflict in the Middle East, according to this model it is safe to assume that there will be consistent movement of Kurdish people either across borders or internally displaced. Although this model can be helpful to demonstrate the relationship between conflict and migration (especially in relation to Kurdish populations in Iraq, Iran, Syria and Turkey), it doesn’t tell us much about what happens after mass movement caused by conflict.

Anderson’s Imagined Communities:

The word Nation derives from the Latin word natio, meaning a social grouping based on a common birth or race (Rejai & Enloe, 1969; p.141). Moving forward to the 17th and 18th centuries, the definition of a nation expanded to encompass commonalities such as territory, culture, language and history that is shared amongst a group of people Rejai & Enloe, 1969; p.14). Some scholars such as

Karl W. Deutsch consider features such as language and communication as imperative features of nations. He considers paintings, writings and symbol-language as mediums that constitute the basis of

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17 nations, cultures and societies (Rejai & Enloe, 1969). States, on the other hand, is defined as a

political concept rather than a psycho-cultural concept, like nations (Rejai & Enloe, 1969). A state is an autonomous framework that resides over a specific territory; it has an established legal system that maintains order. After having defined nations and states, it is important to make a distinction between the two as they are not mutually exclusive. States and nations can exist independently of one another; a state can exist without a nation the same way a nation can exist without a state.

To understand Kurdish nationalism and how it contributes towards a Kurdish national identity, a multi-disciplinary approach must be adopted. Theories of nationalism, particularly from a politics or international relations disciplinary approach tend to focus on the state, therefore historical and sociological theories and analyses need to be applied to case study of the stateless Kurdish people. A multi-disciplinary approach will capture how nationalism works without an official state, and how identity is formed and expressed for these sub-state groups (Kaya, 2012).

So, how do we understand how forced migrant groups hold onto or lose their ethnic identity after having to migrate due to conflict? Therefore, to further understand what happens to Kurdish people’s identity (and other similar, stateless migrant groups) after their displacement, theories of nationalism need to be applied to understandings of identity formation. Much of existing literature indicates that Kurdish nationalism has played an instrumental role in the construction and upkeeping of a Kurdish identity. Despite living outside of Kurdistan for many years, there is a strong sense of a political identity expressed through the diaspora and passed down to the generations born in the diaspora. As the data sample used in this thesis also indicates, there is a large use and repetition of political symbols to demonstrate a strong political identity which has overtime become synonymous with a Kurdish identity.

The age of modernisation is also the age of contemporary nationalism, expressed in the efforts to establish modern nation-states and the (re)construction of nationality-based identity (Castells, 2010). Nationalism is traditionally associated with states and state-building however, nationalism is still present among nations that have not experienced modern day statehood. The nationalist developments occurring during this age were so effective that nations that were unable to reach modern nation-statehood, like Kurdistan, Palestine, Catalonia and a few others, still display a strong cultural and territorial identity that is expressed as a national character (Castells, 2010). Kurdish nationalism can be traced back to at least the 1920s, post-World War 1 and post-collapse of the Ottoman Empire, before the 1920s elements of Kurdish nationalism were more linked to religion or tribes

(Godamoradpoer,2016). Expressions of a longing for a sovereign Kurdish state can be seen in events such as the Republic of Mahabad, although the Republic was short lived it was a self-governed Kurdish state in Iran. Other events in the past that indicate a Kurdish national identity or

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18 before the Turkish state committed the Dersim genocide (McDowall, 2004). This is an example of nationalism being present in the Kurdish struggle, even in the absence of an established state. Despite Kurdish nationalism being around for so many years, there is little understanding of how it emerged and which kinds of purposes it serves.

Nations and nationalism belong to a modern age, they are constructs of this modern epoch therefore it is not nations that make states per se, but states that can contribute to the construction of nationalist ideologies (Godamoradpoer,2016). The strong political nature of Kurdish identity and nationalism is the outcome of the historical mechanisms in which Kurdish nationalism emerged, by this I mean that Kurdish nationalism developed as a reaction to Turkish, Arab and Persian nationalism that was emerging in Kurdistan’s occupying states (Bruinessen,1998). Nationalism has not always been an attractive ideology, history points to many incidents where certain nationalistic ideologies have been used to discriminate, marginalise and commit genocides (Eliassi, 2014). Nonetheless, nationalism can in some cases work as a force for good; therefore, while discussing Kurdish nationalism, I will do so in a way that suggests that Kurdish nationalism is “good” nationalism, meaning that it has been used by an oppressed group of people for survival and not to discriminate or marginalise others. Kurdish nationalism has created a unification among Kurds who are divided and scattered among many other nations. Kurdish nationalism in its current form is concentrated with politics and is often associated with the Kurdistan Workers’ Party (PKK) or the Peshmerga forces, because they represent liberation. Although perceived as reactive, Kurdish nationalism should not be reduced to a reactionary creating responding to Turkish, Arab and Persian nationalism because it’s far more important than just a reactionary manifestation. Kurdish nationalism, and a Kurdish political identity have a plural nature and are not simply reactionary (Tezcur, 2009). As well as it is in defence of a sovereign Kurdish state, Kurdish nationalism has also become cultural in the sense of defending an already establish Kurdish culture identity.

These types of developments create, as coined by Anderson, “imagined communities” (Anderson, 1991). The data for this research was accumulated from artists and individuals from all around the world, however the images all have things in common: an expression of Kurdishness, either

politically or culturally. Anderson defines a nation as “an imagined political community”, he says that it is imagined because the members of even the smallest nation will never know most of their fellow members, will never meet them, yet in their minds lives the image of a togetherness, a community (Anderson, 1991). He says that the nation is imagined as a community because the nation is always apprehended as deep comradeship. This definition fits perfectly with Kurdish people because in their minds all Kurdish people live in a liberated Kurdistan as neighbours and kin, often the romanticised idea of a free homeland is based upon glorified ideals. With that said, it is these feelings and thoughts that have kept Kurdish people determined to continue their struggle for human rights and push for independence. It is the fact that Kurdish people have imagined their nation as a community and have

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19 advanced towards independence, that has made so many people die for Kurdistan in their fight against oppressive states.

How does a stateless nation develop and distribute its nationalist ideology? Well, ideologies like nationalism have historically been spread and distributed with the ease and help of mass media (like radios and newspapers). Anderson has demonstrated the crucial function of the printing press in allowing nationalism to form imagined communities among people who otherwise wouldn’t know of each other (Mohammadpur et al., 2017, pp. 168; Anderson, 1991). For instance, satellite broadcasting transcends the borders that divide Kurdish lands and with the potential to spread information en masse it gave the Kurdish people a chance to establish a strong mode of communication (Hassanpour, 1998; Mohammadpur et al., 2017). The late 1990s saw the emergence of Kurdish broadcasting channels (like ‘Kurdistan TV’ and ‘Kurdsat’), these channels created a necessary space for the proclamation of Kurdish culture, identity and politics. The aim of Kurdish satellite broadcasting was to promote a national identity, and importantly since satellite broadcasting transcends borders, it meant that those living in the diaspora could also access these channels and be subject to the content that is being displayed. Hence, communicative media promoted a Kurdish national identity as well as giving a marginalised group of people their own space to contest the grand narrative imposed by the

oppressive nation states that occupy Kurdistan (Castells, 2010; Mohammadpur et al., 2017). With this, communicative media produces meanings and distributes ideological content and prescribes certain attributes to Kurdish nationalism by equating it to a resistant identity.

The Kurdish Diaspora

Within migration studies, migrant identities have mainly been understood and researched through diasporas and transnationalism (Brettell, 2006). Within my data sample I aim to include visual arts created within the diaspora in order to demonstrate the ways that Kurdish culture and politics are expressed by individuals and groups who live outside of their homeland and the symbolic processes involved in identity formation when your country of origin is not an independent state. When using the term “diaspora” the definition that I think best captures the Kurdish diaspora has the following characteristics: the dispersal from an original homeland to two or more foreign regions (Cohen, 1996), an unsettled relationship with host country or its society, feeling a lack of acceptance and belonging (Cohen, 1996), a strong ethnic group consciousness and self awareness of the group’s identity (Cohen, 1996; Butler, 2001) and a retention of a collective memory, vision or myth about their original

homeland (Safran, 1991). In structuring their communities and trying to adapt to their host land, for the Kurdish people the diaspora has become a place of cultural creation. Their creations still contain Kurdish ethno-symbols, customs, traditions, and narratives related to the homeland (Kurdistan). Diasporas undergo changes over time and there are clear differences particularly between the generations within the diaspora. However, there are some things that remain constant and these

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20 include the need and search for a home(land), identity and sense of belonging (Alinia & Barzoo, 2014). I am interested to see how nationalism, culture, politics and home(land) are depicted and portrayed by individuals through visual arts and whether these individual expressions also represent a group or shared identity among Kurds.

The Kurdish people are among the largest group of people globally to not have a state, due to the historical and political conditions of their statelessness it has triggered years of migration and internal displacement. As a result, the population is divided and scattered around the world. Identity formation for migrant groups involves many complex factors and processes which shape individual and group identities. For instance, host country, levels of integration, feelings of belonging or detachment to country of origin or to host country, class, ethnicity and gender (Jones & Mielants, 2009). With migrant groups their identity can influence the degree of belonging or exclusion in certain groups (Yuval-Davis, 2006).

There are different ways that individuals or groups of people can engage transnationally with their country of origin, for example through political, economical (through remittances) and socio-cultural participation (Mugge, 2016). The Kurdish diaspora in Europe is notorious for transnational diaspora lobbying in order to influence politics in their homeland or put pressure on European states regarding their relationship with Turkey (Berkowitz & Mugge, 2014). Although in this thesis I do not aim to measure whether being a transnational diaspora inhibits or aids with integration, it does pose the questions of: how does belonging to a political transnational diaspora shape one’s construction of a political identity? Since migrating out of ‘Kurdistan’ much of the conditions that triggered the force migration have not been resolved, nor has independence been achieved. So for most of these migrants (all generations) there will always be a transnational political involvement or connection because of these conditions.

Identity forming theories, particularly ones that emphasise on how interactions between people shapes and forms their identities (for instance social constructivism or symbolic interactionism) are best suited for this thesis because I aim to research how identity is expressed, be it individual or shared identity. Symbolic interactionism suggests that an individual’s interactions with the others, so the interaction of self with society, is one of reciprocation in which they both shape one another (Smith & Bugni, 2006). For Kurdish people living in Iraq, Syria, Turkey or Iran their Kurdish identity is shaped by the interactions that take place within the societies of those countries. Generally, these four states act as structural constraints and repress any form of Kurdish identity. Migration changes the relation between territory and cultural identity. For Kurds, being stateless plays a large role in shaping cultural, social and political identities of individuals and as a collective. Existing literature on the Kurds, particularly on the Kurdish diaspora, has typically focused on statelessness, citizenship, or political belonging (Eliassi, 2016). With my thesis I aim to shed light on (Kurdish) migrant identities

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21 through an approach that shows exchanges of symbols, ideologies and interactions as the basis for the construction of a cultural identity among this population.

Within this thesis, the term “Kurdishness” will be used to describe Kurdish identity, or rather “how Kurdish one is”, in Kurdish the term Kurdayetî is used to indicate Kurdish nationalism and Kurdish

unity.

Critical Discourse Analysis & Discourse-Historical Approach:

The analytic strategy that will be used to interpret the data in this thesis is Critical Discourse Analysis (CDA), it was developed by Norman Fairclough in 1989 following the work of the Critical Linguists (Wang, 2014). CDA is commonly used to interpret ideology and power in verbal discourses, and although the data sample for this research paper consists of images and not verbal discourse, CDA can still be applied to examine underlying messages. Therefore, this analytic strategy will allow me to examine the ways ideology and power are expressed in visual arts. Visual arts that represent Kurdish politics can be multimodal in order to communicate and display a political message or instigate international awareness and support for Kurdish people. CDA will provide the analytical tools for an in-depth exploration of how power relations and political messages are communicated through language and images, this is supported by Fairclough’s suggestion that CDA works as a framework to understand the relations between language and power, hence with CDA the different ways that the artists have incorporated and communicated political and cultural themes can be examined

(Fairclough, 1989).

This thesis explores topics such as politics, statelessness, citizenship and nationalism, and as with language, images also communicate meanings (Gee, 2012). Thus, the visual artwork in the sample used in this paper exhibit an overuse of political symbols to signify the concepts of a political identity and to capture a Kurdish culture. Although this meaning is mostly contextual and leaves what is “unsaid” to be filled by people’s knowledge and opinions, it still carries value. CDA also provides the opportunity to decode how semiotics and messages in visual art works together to create situated discourses and knowledge (Wang, 2014). Discourse is crucial in the construction of identity, the words used to describe Kurdish people or Kurdistan immensely influences how Kurds are perceived from the outside world and how Kurdish people perceive themselves in relation to their Kurdish identity.

The detrimental, yet extremely effective assimilation methods employed by Turks, Arabs and Persians has largely shaped the way Kurdish people are framed discursively. For instance, Turkey’s ban on the Kurdish language has taken away the basic right of one’s ability to speak their mother tongue, so you can find many Kurds who make comments such as “I am Kurdish, but I only speak Turkish”. The erasure all non-Turkish identities in Turkey (the Turkification process) has been a central aspect of

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22 nation-building in Turkey. Consequently, as one of the main factors that set Turks and Kurds in Turkey apart weakened, narratives about Kurds being “actual Turks” who have forgotten their origins and being labelled as “Mountain Turks” erased Kurdish identity and history, and became dominant in mainstream discourse (Demir, 2017). Another way that dominant discourse about Kurds has isolated and marginalised Kurdish people in Turkey is through the discourse of backwardness. Kurds living in the South-East of Turkey were pitted as uneducated and backwards compared to the western and progressiveness of Turks, this dominant discourse was then reproduced in governmental propaganda, books, the media and in schools (Demir, 2017).

CDA should be viewed as a heterogenous school of critical analysis, and one alternative form of critical approach that has some general understandings and similarities with other CDA approaches is Discourse-Historical Approach (DHA). DHA, although with slight differences to CDA is a form of critical approach to the study of discourse, specifically fixated on the historical analysis of linguistic manifestation (Forchtner, 2011). DHA has a three-dimensional approach to critique: Immanent Critique, Sociodiagnostic critique and Prognostic/retrospective critique (Forchtner, 2011).

Sociodiagnostic critique aims to demystify propagandist and dominant discursive practices, and the third dimension (prognostic/retrospective critique) proposes the transformation of the current state of discourse by referring to principles such as human rights. On that account, a brief mention of DHA felt necessary because after CDA, DHA seems like the way to dismantle and deconstruct harmful and discriminative discourses about Kurds. Additionally, this critical approach to language will map out the history and processes behind the popular discourse on Kurdish people and Kurdistan. DHA, especially the prognostic/retrospective critique dimension, also serves a framework for Kurdish people to deconstruct and contest harmful and wrongful discourses that warp the truth about Kurdish history and culture.

Methods and Methodology

To best answer my question: “In which ways are Kurdish culture and politics discursively constructed in the visual arts?” I will use and analyse a sample consisting of Kurdish visual arts, and with each piece I will be measuring the ways that Kurdish culture and politics are presented. The unit of analysis will be drawings, paintings and photographs, and I will stick to these 3 types of visual arts and not include videos or films due to the limited time available to carry out this research. We live in a time where visual data sources are produced in large numbers without the efforts or influences of researchers (for example website content, social media content and artwork) (Pauwels, 2010). I initially became aware of Kurdish arts through social media therefore, I will make use of the social media platforms Instagram, Twitter and Facebook to gather my sample.

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23 To refine the search, I will use certain hash-tags and key words (such as #KurdishArt,

#KurdishCulture, #KurdishPolitics) on the three predominant social media platforms. I have already tried out this method and have come across thousands of posts, but in order to narrow down the numbers to roughly n=30 (15 images that represent Kurdish culture and 15 that represent Kurdish politics) I will select data that fits the following definitions. For the sake of this thesis I will define Kurdish culture as consisting of traditional clothing, landscape representing Kurdish land, traditions like the Kurdish New Year (Newroz), music and food. Therefore, I will include the drawings, photographs or paintings that depict any of these elements. Kurdish politics will be represented by visual arts that show political party symbols, depictions of Kurdish fighters and photographs from demonstrations. Additionally, if the artist themselves have used these hash-tags it indicates that this is the individual’s perception of what Kurdish culture and politics is. I will use the programme Atlas.ti because it has the option of storing and analysing different forms of data including images, so I will use this programme to organise, store and analyse my data. With the key words I use on Atlas.ti to decipher and simplify the artworks, I can then with ease be able to group similar themes and words since it will all be visually laid out on the software.

Visual materials in social research introduces some complexities, one of which is that images are not appreciated or regarded as valid data for research in some disciplines (Banks, 2001). Nonetheless, visual sociology is grounded in the idea that a valid insight into society can be acquired by analysing, observing and theorising the visual manifestations (Pauwels, 2010). Visual methods provide some advantages over other traditional forms of qualitative data collection methods, exploring the social world can be done in ways other than asking people questions (Holgate et al., 2012). For example, in an experiment carried out by Holgate et al. (2012), the method used was participatory photography to understand the issues that Kurdish diasporic workers in London experience. Initially they aimed to use a photographer of their own to take pictures of people at work or of Kurdish owned businesses, however, during the experiment they found that getting the participants involved and allowing them to photograph their own surroundings contributed to the research by demonstrating the potential visual material has to academia when researching notions of identity, community and belonging among migrant workers (Hogate et al., 2012).

With my research I too would like to shift away from traditional approaches in academia to topics such as culture, identity and politics. Therefore, by using visual data I want to show how people create and dictate their own stories by means of a creative outlet. Although I will not use participant

involvement, using art and photography is an ‘enabling method’ because the individual’s expressions through their art was produced in a way where research or researchers did not influence it, thus they had control over how they communicated their own thoughts and feelings (Holgate et al., 2012). With this method I am hoping to capture an authentic representation and the essence of Kurdish culture and politics as created by the artists.

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24 I will then use critical discourse analysis (CDA) to interpret the results. This analytic strategy will allow me to examine the ways ideology and power are expressed in visual arts. I expect that the visual arts that represent Kurdish politics will be multimodal in order to communicate and display a political message or instigate international awareness and support for Kurdish people. CDA will provide the analytical tools for an in-depth exploration of how power relations and political messages are communicated through language and images, this is supported by Fairclough’s suggestion that CDA works as a framework to understand the relations between language and power, hence I will be able to examine the ways that the artists have incorporated this into their work (Fairclough, 1989). Since I will study politics, statelessness and nationalism I expect that there will be political symbolism and that for many individuals being stateless shapes their political identity because as with language, images also communicate meanings (Gee, 2012). Although this meaning is mostly contextual and leaves what is “unsaid” to be filled by people’s knowledge and opinions, it still carries value. It will also give me the chance to see how semiotics and messages in visual art works together to create situated discourses and knowledge (Wang, 2014)

Findings

I have stated in the methods section that in order to reduce the overall data to n=30 (15 images that represent Kurdish culture and 15 that represent Kurdish politics), that I will select data that fits the specific definitions I have listed, I found that in many situations it was difficult to differentiate between what is clearly political in nature and what is undoubtedly culture. This obstacle arose from the fact that Kurdish culture has been extremely politicised, so it is not as clear cut as I initially assumed it would be. Through the method of data gathering, I found that visual arts displaying political symbolism and images were more abundant than visual arts that display Kurdish culture. Thus, the final sample consists of 32 images that are visual arts that depict or represent Kurdish culture and politics. 12 of these represent Kurdish culture according to the definition I have noted in the methods section; I will consider Kurdish culture as consisting of traditional clothing, landscape representing Kurdish land, traditions like the Kurdish New Year (Newroz), music and food. The remaining 20 pieces of visual arts from the sample represent Kurdish politics according to the

interpretation that Kurdish politics will be represented by visual arts that show political party symbols, depictions of Kurdish fighters and photographs from demonstrations.

General findings

17 of the art work out of a total of 32 include political symbols, consisting of the Kurdish flag, YPG (People’s Protection Units) and YPJ (Women’s Protection Units) flag, khaki clothes worn by the guerrilla fighters, weapons consisting mostly of the distinguished AK-47 gun used by the fighters which has become associated with the Kurdish guerrilla or militia groups. The pieces that depict the fighters, or martyrs, seem to be of the female fighters (see Appendix 1). With the constant repetition

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25 of certain symbols, certain messages are reinforced. The most strikingly obvious one being that when the YPG/J patches and flag are repeatedly painted it is indicative of the Rojava Revolution going on in Northern Syria. This repetition not only tells the viewer the political organisation to which these fighters belong, it also indicates the time period of the events that inspired the creation of these artworks.

12 out of the 32 images depict a Kurdish female fighter, again with an AK-47 and dressed in some form of khaki clothing representing the uniforms the fighters wear in the battlefield (see Appendix 2). This attention towards the female fighters can be attributed to the role Kurdish women have played in the PKK (Kurdistan Workers’ Party) and more recently the media attention on the female fighters who fought ISIS in Syria.

The paintings (n=21) in the data sample depict a somewhat romanticised version of reality, almost creating a hyper-reality constructed from real experiences and events. The photographs (n= 11) on the other hand, are more raw and capturing of a natural state of people. For example, in the photos that were taken during the Kurdish New Year at the Kurdish Community Centre in London you can see people in their natural state partaking in a cultural event. Similarly, the photograph from the Newroz celebrations shows the Kurdish diaspora in Istanbul continuing with this cultural and political activity as an act of resistance. Contrarily, in a painting of Kurdish people at a traditional style wedding that was celebrated in this style more in the past creates a romanticised idea of the past and certain cultural practices.

8 out of the total sample depict some form of nature, most commonly being the mountainous regions in Kurdistan. The quest for an independent statehood for the Kurdish people still lingers in their hearts and minds. Kurds, in many cases, would seek shelter among the mountains of Kurdistan to protect themselves from the outside forces, hence the infamous phrase “no friends but the mountains” was created to show that Kurds can only trust their land and nature to keep them protected and hidden from bombs and oppressors.

Photography by Ciwan Veysel of the Kurdish LGBTQ community during the Newroz celebrations in the Kurdish city of Diyarbakir, along with the photograph of The Queer Insurrection and Liberation Army pictured in Rojava raise attention to the long excluded discussion surrounding sexuality and LGBTQ rights in Kurdistan and Kurdish communities. These pieces of visual art fit the definition of Kurdish politics as described in the methodology section, especially because along with symbols of LGBTQ flags there are also other elements of political symbols. For instance, in Veysel’s

photography, the LGBTQ group are surrounded by the flags of the party HDP (Peoples’ Democratic Party) (see Appendix 3). Thus, emphasising on the point that for Kurdish individuals ‘identity’ is formulated by an array of factors but the politicisation of each factor still being at the forefront of their identity construction.

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26 Kurdish Culture Findings

As mentioned earlier, it was extremely challenging to find visual art that were apolitical and only characteristic of Kurdish culture.

Three paintings that were painted by the same artist, whose name was not identifiable, but the work was found on Twitter through the hash-tag ‘#KurdishArt’, all portray a rural and village lifestyle (See Appendix 4). In the first painting there is two women making traditional Kurdish bread outdoors on a ‘saç’ (pronounced sajch) which is a concave iron cooking plate. Making bread in this way is very common, but very specific to a rural lifestyle since those living in cities or towns will purchase their bread from bakeries. The second painting (Appendix 4) is a colourful and vibrant painting of a traditional village wedding. The small, flat topped houses resemble those emblematic to a mountainous region in Kurdistan called Hawraman. Hawraman is located in the Iraqi and Iranian occupied regions of Kurdistan and from this painting you can tell it is this region based on the clothing the men are wearing, this style of traditional clothing is distinct to Kurds in the South and Eastern Kurdistan. In the background of the painting there are green mountains and on top of the houses we can see faintly painted figures of people, mostly looking like children. The centre of the painting bursts with colour mainly from the traditional Kurdish dresses the women are wearing. Men and women gather around the bride and groom and dance and applaud. The bride sits propped up on a white horse that has been decorated with decorative streamers, while the bride has a red veil draped over her head and face. There are two men playing percussion instruments, one appears to be a Daf drum that is popularly used in Kurdish music. The third painting by this artist illustrates a barn with sheep and goat. There is an older woman with a unique Hawri scarf wrapped on her head, and she appears to be milking a goat while a younger female watches over her and holds the goat still by one of its curved horns. Again, this painting portrays a rural lifestyle that many Kurds experience. The next two pieces are by a Kurdish female artist Beizar Aradini. Aradini’s work largely consists of pieces she has weaved and embroidered, she explores the issues of being a refugee and the

experiences of being an immigrant. Using textiles is a way for her to connect with her heritage and ancestors, thus making her feel closer to her Kurdish identity. The first piece by Aradini is a woven piece of a photograph that shows an elderly couple standing side by side in their Kurdish clothing. The caption under this post on Instagram reads “Growing up we never had family portraits hanging around the house; I’m not sure if it was a Kurdish thing or also the fact that my parents brought the bare minimal to America when forced to leave their homes.” I chose to include this image in the culture group of the data sample simply because the image itself has no political connotations (even if the caption does), the image simply shows two people in Kurdish clothing. The second image by Aradini is an image of a woman sitting in her burgundy and white Kurdish dress and weaving wool

Visualisation of Kurdayetî : thediscursive construction of a Kurdish cultural and political identity in the visual arts