Participation, Power, Priestesses Women and Agency in Religion During the Roman Republic

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Participation, Power, Priestesses

Women and Agency in Religion During the Roman Republic

Author: Roelof Meijer

Date of Submission: 05-06-2020

University of Enrollment: University of Amsterdam Student Number: 10891226

Department: ACASA Programme: Ancient Studies

Supervisor: M. K. Termeer Second Reader: E. A. Hemelrijk

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Introduction

It is known that the society of the Roman Republic was a very heavily male-dominated society. As a result of this, female members of society were regarded as being second-rate. Women were excluded from participation in politics and forbidden from being bankers (Barboş, 2011 pp. 90). Furthermore, a woman was legally bound to the nearest male person in their lives, whether this was the woman’s husband or a relative (Culham, 2014 pp. 139). This did not mean, however, that a woman was completely without agency.

An important aspect of female agency in the Roman Republic can be found within the religious sphere. Some of the more obvious examples of this agency can be found among the priestesses in the Roman Republic. However, even women without such an official position were of vital importance to proper religious conduct, such as the involvement of women in recurring public festivals, such as the Matralia and the Lupercalia (Schultz, 2007 pp. 93; Holland, 2012 pp. 21). Women were also important in more one-off religious activities such as the expiation of prodigies. A variety of examples of the involvement of women is known (Schultz, 2006 pp. 28), and some will be discussed in a later chapter.

Since the aim of this thesis is to look at the agency of women in a religious context, it is important to clarify exactly what is meant by agency in the first place. For the purposes of this thesis, agency refers to one’s capacity to exert power or influence. This exertion of power can either be done directly on the intended target, or through more indirect means. Regardless of the exact means, the point is that one can influence a target in a way which is desirable to the influencer. The subject of agency is a varied one, on which several schools of thought exist, whether people should be considered as individuals, or whether they are embedded within the social systems and circumstances of their societies. The agency of women being yet another specific sub subject within the wider topic of agency, particularly the relationship between women and men (Montenach & Simonton, 2013 pp. 3-4). Although not discussed in depth, the relationship between women and men is a very important background for the subject of this thesis.

The leading question of this thesis is How does the apparent religious necessity of women in the Roman

Republic shape the status of women in the Republic overall? This was inspired by the work of Schultz (2006

pp. 149). She claims that the participation of women in religious activity was necessary to be able to properly maintain the Pax Deorum. In the ritual based religion of the Roman Republic, the rituals of women were in the end just as important as the rituals of men, as well as those rituals which involved both women and men. Although a lot of research has been done regarding the position of women during Imperial times, such as the work of Beard, Hemelrijk and others, less attention has been given to their Republican counterparts. Still, research on this topic has been done, such as by Schultz and DiLuzio and these have been of great value for this thesis. However, this thesis aims to frame the discussion of women in religion within the context of agency. Furthermore, women will be discussed in a more general sense, as opposed to looking at one specific group of women.

The aim of this thesis is to give a general overview of the topic. The entirety of the Roman Republic will be discussed in a general manner. Developments over time will not be considered, although further inquiries into this topic could certainly gain further insights through looking into the developments of the position of women throughout the Republic. However, the scope of this thesis does not allow for an in-depth analysis of all these developments.

To be able to look at this subject it is important to consider primary sources. However, although there exist a variety of relevant primary sources, they are often not contemporary with the period which is described in them. Whether this discrepancy is a late republic author writing about the early republic, or an imperial author writing about the Republic. As a result of such temporary discrepancies, not all the

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information contained within the primary sources is necessarily accurate for what they are describing. Still, these primary sources contain insights about how people viewed these earlier periods, and in many cases their writings are based on the works of other, more contemporaneous authors. Therefore, these sources will still be considered within the context of this subject.

The structure of this thesis follows a descending structure with regards to detail. Starting off in the first chapter with a short examination of the position of women in the Roman Republic in general, providing a base upon which the more specific religious explorations of the following chapters can be built.

The second chapter focuses on the role of the women of the Roman Republic within the religious sphere. This involves examining the manner of religious activities which these women were involved in. In this chapter women from different social classes will be discussed, although the available information means that more attention will be given to the women of the elite. Female involvement in both public and private religious activities will be considered.

In the third chapter a first attempt at zooming in on a specific group of women within religion will be made, namely, the priestesses. Given the scope of this thesis, the aim of the chapter is not to give an exhaustive discussion of the topic. Therefore, only specific examples of priestesses will be discussed within the chapter. One of the things which will be looked at is the ritual portfolio of a priestess, which refers to the total of her religious activities. The religious involvement of a priestess was grander and more public than that of most other women, even her fellow elite women. This relationship with power for a priestess position was a two-way street. The position of a priestess granted a woman, and her family, power and influence, but in turn priestesses were generally already powerful and influential women to begin with. The relationship between a priestess and her influence will be explored in this chapter.

The next chapter will then focus on an even more specific set of priestesses, the Vestal Virgins. As far as positions of power for women went in the Roman Republic, the Vestal Virgins were probably amongst the highest, officially attainable, positions. This directly played into their role as being guarantors of the continuation of Rome. This great responsibility also came, quite (in)famously, with great risks (Takács, 2008 pp. 87-88). Another interesting aspect of the vestal virgins was their social status. Vestal Virgins had a specific suite of privileges which set them apart from other Roman citizens (Culham, 2014 pp. 130-131; Holland, 2012 pp. 209; Takács, 2008 pp. 81-83). This chapter will explore how this very specific social status influenced the power of the Vestal Virgins and the ways in which said power might have been expressed.

The following sub- questions are used to help structure the different chapters.

1) Which roles did women fulfil in religious activities?

2) How did women of different socio-economic layers engage in religion?

3) In what ways could women use religious involvement as an instrument of power?

These three questions are not directly reflected in the structure of this thesis. Instead, these questions are meant to provide a framework to which the findings in each of the chapters can be applied to, covering a baseline which allows for further expansion. First, to be able to discuss the status of women regarding religion it is necessary to look at the role of women in religious activity. This question will weave through the entire thesis as a red thread, since it provides relevant information for every single chapter. The differences in religious participation between women of differing socio-economic status is important. Socio-economic status had an important impact on the kinds of ritual activities which were available to a woman. Socio-economic status also influenced the degree of agency which a woman might possess outside of her religious participation, also linking this sub question to the next sub question. Much like the subject of the manner of participation, the subject of power as well as the usage of power is a red thread throughout this thesis. Ultimately, the ways in which women used and took power from religious participation is a key point in determining how the religious influence of women affected their overall social status.

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1: Women in the Roman Republic: An overview

To begin this thesis and to serve as a foundation for the rest of the thesis, a general overview will be given of the position of women in the Roman Republic. This overview will span the entire duration of the Republic, as far as sources allow for this. Of course, given the scope of this thesis, the overview cannot be exhaustive, a variety of relevant issues will be touched upon. Although later in the thesis the attention will the primarily on religious matters, the overview will be concerned with a wider range of themes, including the social, legal, and political spheres, as to provide a foundation on which the rest of the thesis can be based. However, since religion was deeply intertwined in the rest of the Republic society, these different themes will also be present later in the thesis. As opposed to this chapter, however, in the following chapters these themes will be discussed more so in the context of religion.

This chapter is not so much a part of the actual analysis on which the thesis overall is based. Rather, it provides background information and serves as a foundation upon which the rest of the thesis can be built.

Restrictions on women in the Roman Republic

Since the purpose of this thesis is to look at the agency of women in the Roman Republic, first an example of agency will be discussed. This example concerns the lex oppia, or rather the repealing of the lex

oppia. In 215 BCE the lex oppia was passed, this law forbade women from wearing more than small

amounts of jewellery or purple clothes, among other things. This was meant to foster a spirit of unity under hardship, since around this time Rome was caught up in the Second Punic War (Culham, 2014 pp. 134). As the ongoing war meant an absence of men in the city of Rome there was more possibility for women to be around in public, taking up some of the vacancies which had been left by men (Culham, 2014 pp. 135; Plin.,

NH 7.120; Val. Max. 8.15.12). Of course, the specific edicts mostly affected elite women, and it was with

them who the story eventually culminates. Some years later, in 195 BCE a movement began to repeal the

lex oppia. The Second Punic War was over, and the hardships which had inspired the lex oppia to begin with

were no longer around. En masse, women from the city and the surrounding countryside arrived, blocking the Forum, and assaulting the houses of tribunes who were in favour of the law. It is important to note here, that these women would not have been able to arrive in such huge numbers, however, if their male relatives would have had particularly strong misgivings about these women leaving (Culham, 2014 pp. 136; Livy, 34.8.1-4). Still, the lex oppia was indeed repealed in the end. It is unknown just how much of the accounts of these protests is entirely truthful, since the available accounts which have been written up about the situation around the lex oppia are not contemporary to this situation. Therefore, it is uncertain how much of these accounts is accurate, or at least, truthful. Still, it provides an example of how women, collectively, were able to exert influence.

As stated earlier, the society of the Roman Republic was heavily dominated by men. Examples of this could be seen in the way women were prohibited from participating in certain spheres of activities, such as politics, which, along with warfare would be the primary domains of men. Women could, however, stand trial, although they were not allowed to be involved in the trials of people besides themselves. Even in this case, it was still considered proper for the woman to be represented by someone else (Barboş, 2011 pp. 87-88).

Furthermore, a woman was not allowed to be a banker, nor was she allowed to conduct financial affairs on behalf of others, although she could provide loans (Barboş, 2011 pp. 90). Women were not blocked from all financial activities, however. A restriction which was applied to women, as well as minors, was the requirement that actions, such as the writing of a will and disposing of property was overseen by a tutor (Culham, 2014 pp. 130). Despite the existence of this manner of control, the control exerted by a tutor might not have been very strict, meaning that a woman likely had decent control over her financial assets (Culham, 2014 pp. 139). As such, the existence of the institution of tutors caused confusion amongst later

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Roman jurists, therefore it is possible that the measure was more of a show of male power than anything else (Culham, 2014 pp. 140).

Marriage in the Roman Republic

Marriage was a very important part of the life of Roman women, it was essentially, what their lives revolved around. Due to the way in which marriage functioned, it was also another example of the way in which Roman society was dominated by men. Women tended to marry rather young, from their mid-teens to their early twenties, depending on their social status, with a higher social status generally leading to a younger marriage (D’Ambra, 2007 pp. 73). Their husbands however, tended to marry later, in their mid to late twenties at the earliest, although older was also very much possible (Scheidel, 2007 pp. 395-396). This age gap provided a power dynamic in favour of the husband. Although women who had remained married to only a single man were lauded for this as univira (one man women), it was not at all unusual for a woman to remarry if her husband had died, whether because of age, illness or because he became a casualty of war.

When talking about marriage in the Roman Republic, especially earlier on, it is important to consider that there were two different kinds of marriage, with manus (hand) and without manus (D’Ambra, 2007 pp. 46). There were several distinctions between these types of marriage, but the main point is that marriage with manus meant that a woman became legally part of her husband’s familia while marriage without

manus meant the woman stayed a part of the familia of her father. Over the course of the republic the

marriage without out manus became the standard, while marriage with manus happened only rarely in the case of some elite families (D’Ambra, 2007 pp. 46; Petravska & Jovanović, 2014 pp. 114-115). Of course, when considering marriage, it is also important what could be considered the goal of marriage, namely the bearing and raising of children. This was related to on the one hand, the desire to produce male heirs and on the other hand to the high rates of infant and child mortality. The desired high rate of pregnancy also came with a risk to the woman herself, with death in childbirth not being an uncommon cause of death (D’Ambra, 2007 pp. 84).

Furthermore, when discussing the topic of marriage, the dissolution of a marriage should also be considered. Divorce was very much a reality within the Roman Republic, despite the importance of marriage as a part of life. Given the nature of marriages as a family affair, divorces were also often settled between the involved families. The reasons for a divorce were often related to the women as the party at fault, whether this fault was, for example, drunkenness or adultery (Dixon, 1985 pp. 357). As such, the supposedly first recorded case of a divorce being brought to court in 230 BCE was a rather unusual one. Spurius Carvillius Ruga wanted to divorce because, while not guilty of any divorce worthy action, his wife was sterile. This he found to be a reason for divorce because in the end he had married his wife with the purpose of begetting children. Still, this was not deemed to be a convincing argument and he was tried for this because he had not presented a convincing argument for divorce to the family of his wife. What compounded the situation was that he had not returned the dowry (Dixon, 1985 pp. 357; Dion. Hal. Ant.

Rom. 2.25.7). Although it would be possible that this was indeed the first case of a divorce ever in the

Roman Republic, this would likely not have been the case. The unusual rationale behind the divorce means that it would also be likely that there were other cases, but the particular nature of the story meant that it stuck around longer in the collective memory as opposed to most more mundane cases of divorce which might have happened earlier.

When considering agency divorce was not a topic on which women had much say legally. Initiating a divorce was entirely left in the hands of the husband (Grubbs, 2002 pp. 187). If is, of course, entirely possible that divorces happened on the instigation of the wife, but the legal proceedings were up to the husband.

The concept of divorce also brings us back to the univira. Since it was often deemed that the woman was at fault with regards to divorces, this was by far the worst way to lose her once married status. Authors

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complaining about how Rome was morally declining was a common theme in Roman literature, and the increase in divorces over the period of the Republic was seen as one of the indicators of this decline. One of the causes which was mentioned for this was the increase in wealth in the Roman Republic. Their increased wealth was supposed to make women more liable to debauchery, as opposed to the poorer women of earlier times who were more faithful and decent. While not necessarily agreeing with the moral decline theory, Dixon (1985 pp. 359) states that the increased wealth changed the Roman attitude towards divorce. This change in attitude was likely related to dowries. It is important to note here that in the case of a marriage with manus, a dowry was, in a sense, a replacement for her inheritance, which she could no longer obtain since she was no longer a part of her father’s familia. This, however, also meant that larger sums of a family’s wealth were lost to the husband’s familia. As such, as stated earlier, marriage without

manus became increasingly popular over the course of the Republic. Because of this, it also became less

unappealing to divorce since a part of the wealth of a family was not lost upon the dissolution of a marriage.

Conclusion

Although there is a lot more which could be said on the topic of women in the Roman Republic, for the purposes of this thesis the above will have to suffice. It shows that, overall, women did not have much inherent agency from the ways in which society functioned. A lot of power was in the hands of men, whether he was husband, father or had another relationship to the woman.

This was not to say that an individual woman had no agency of her own. Depending on the circumstances many women in the Roman Republic likely have made their own decisions and exerted influence over others, even if they had no specific legal basis for said power. The nature of tutors as somewhat of a formality shows that women did always not just fall under men. Then again, men certainly would have used their legal position of influence over women.

2: Women in religion

Having looked at women in the Roman Republic in a more general sense, in this chapter the focus shall be on women in the context of religion. Of course, as stated in the previous chapter religion was present in just about any aspect of Roman society. Therefore, a true separation of ‘religion’ and ‘not religion’ is not possible and social factors will be relevant in the discussion of women in relation to religion. However, in this chapter religion will be used as a starting point for the analysis as opposed to being just one factor amongst many others.

Regarding the three sub questions which have been defined earlier on, their purpose in this chapter will now be addressed. Firstly, the roles of women in religious activities. This chapter will provide an insight into how both elite and common women partook in religious activities. The elite women terminology here does not solely refer to women of the Roman nobility, but to any women of high economic and social status. The term common women then refers to any freeborn woman who does not fit the definition of elite. With regards to participation, attention will be given both to the kinds of religious activities women took part in, as well as the roles which these women took in said religious activities.

For the second sub question, regarding the differences in participation between women of differing socio-economic status, this chapter will look at the religious activities of women of a variety of social status positions. Depending on the particulars of a woman’s socio-economic status her religious activities could differ wildly from another woman, even if both women were a part of the elite (D’Ambra, 2007 pp. 16-17). This is, of course, not considering the changes in religious participation over time, although the lack of sources makes these changes harder to ascertain, particularly regarding the early Republic.

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Finally, the use of religious involvement as a source of power. To be able to consider this it is first necessary to have considered the previous two questions. After all, to be able to understand how religious participation could be used as an instrument of power, it is first necessary to know which possibilities were available to a woman. To be able to turn religious involvement into opportunities for agency it is necessary to have such opportunities in the first place. However, such opportunities were certainly available as will become clear throughout this chapter.

Women in public ritual

As stated earlier, the religious experiences which were available to a woman in the Republic were heavily dependent on her status. This was not restricted to just a woman’s social status. For example, a woman’s marital status also affected which forms of public ritual were available to her (Schultz, 2007 pp. 93-94).

A prime example of a ritual which was specific to elite married women, was a specific part of the December rituals honouring Bona Dea. The ritual consisted of a sacrifice of a pig by Vestal Virgins, in the presence of elite matronae, it also took place in the houses of one of these elite matronae (Takács, 2008 pp. 109-110). Still, despite the segregated character of the facilities, the ritual was stated to be held for the good of the people of Rome (pro populo Romano) (Cic. Att. 1.12.3; Culham, 2014 pp. 133). This public nature of the ritual can be discerned from the presence of Vestal Virgins. The reasoning for this will be expanded upon in a later chapter. The ritual itself was as much a social gathering as it was a religious festival. It provided an opportunity for these elite women to enjoy themselves in company of each other. Importantly, it allowed them to do so without the presence of men, who otherwise often would be at social gatherings as well. The women also had a symbolic function, however. They represented the continued growth of Rome, as well as fertility (Takács, 2008 pp. 110). It is because of this religious significance that the attendees were allowed to drink a specific kind of undiluted wine called temetum, which was normally reserved for men and gods.

The nature of this ritual as part religious activity, part social gathering means that the ritual was likely well known. Amongst the senatorial elite, at the very least, it can be assumed that people were well aware, since it were the women from these circles who would be in attendance. Cicero certainly did not think it was necessary to expand on the nature of the ritual when talking about the affair from 62 BCE (Att. 1.12). During this specific iteration of the festival Publius Clodius Pulcher snuck into the house where the festival was held, dressed as a woman, for what was likely an affair. However, his presence was discovered, and he had to escape the premises. In doing so Clodius upset the performance of the ritual, not just because his discovery and the ensuing commotion disturbed the ritual, but more importantly because no men were allowed to witness the ritual under any circumstances. This lack of male perception went so far that even depictions of male ancestors would be covered up (DiLuzio, 2016 pp. 115). On a general level, the lack of involvement of lower-class people could mean that they were less aware of the Bona Dea ritual. However, this does not seem likely. Although the ritual’s exclusive nature might be somewhat of a hindrance in this aspect, a gathering of high society people is likely to attract attention even, or perhaps especially, amongst those who would not be able to attend. Even if the ritual was little known amongst the lower classes, they would doubtless have heard about the 62 BCE scandal. Furthermore, the ritual being held in the name of the Roman people makes it unlikely that the ritual was not a well-known occurrence. It is likely that participation had positive effects on the social standing of the women in attendance. One example to the contrary was in the aftermath of the 62 BCE scandal. Pompeia, who was at time the wife of Julius Caesar, ended up getting divorced in the aftermath of the scandal because the stain of disreputable behaviour had attached itself to her since she was the hostess of this iteration of the festival (Schultz, 2007 pp. 141). This is, however, one very particular example. Overall, these women had a part in a ritual which guaranteed the survival of the Roman state, as well as being privy to, what was likely to be, a high-profile social event. However, it is likely that this social prestige had the most meaning within their own circles. Then again,

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given that most of their social connections would be within these circles to begin with, it is unlikely that this was seen as a particular negative.

The Bona Dea festival was not the only example of public celebration which could be considered to be ‘for women’. Another example would be the Matralia. This festival, dedicated to Mater Matuta, was also a yearly occurrence, and consisted of the gifting of cakes in specific earthen pots to Mater Matuta (Takács, 2008 pp. 50). The target group, however, was different and much wider. The Matralia, as could be inferred from the name was concerned with mothers, in particular, well to do mothers (Carroll, 2019 pp. 8). Still, although the scope of people who were allowed to participate was bigger than in the previous example, there were still clear boundaries. Slave women were explicitly not allowed. In fact, part of the ritual body surrounding the Matralia concerned a single slave woman who was driven out of the temple of Mater Matuta and beaten by the attending women (Ov. Fast. 6.473-648). It did not, however, matter whether the women in attendance were, for example, univira or not (Carroll, 2019 pp. 8-9).

Given that the Matralia were a yearly recurring festival and were centred around the temple of Mater Matuta, the festival and its associated rituals were clearly visible. The temple was located on the Forum Boarium (DiLuzio, 2016 pp. 207), the marketplace of ancient Rome. As such the festival was very much a public occasion. By participating a woman could indicate that she was a well-off woman. Furthermore, given that the festival was not aimed at a woman’s own children but at those of her sisters, a woman could also show that she was concerned not just with the wellbeing of her own children, but also with that of her nieces and nephews (Plut. Mor. De Frat. Amor. 21.D; Mor. Quaest. Rom. 17). Although this presumably was not cause for any specific alteration of the woman’s social status, she could certainly have used the opportunity to reiterate her standing within society.

As a sort of, presumably unintended, mirroring of the Matralia some of the rituals of the Capratine Nones specifically honoured slave women (Takács, 2008 pp. 51-52). This in commemoration of the role which slave women had played in a Roman victory over the Latins according to Plutarch (Vit. Cam. 33.2-4;

Vit. Rom. 29), although any form of veracity in this claim is uncertain. The rituals included a form of role

reversal, namely slave women participating in mock battles, while combat was a prime example of a male activity. However, this role reversal, distant from the social norms at the time as it may have been, was not unusual. It was part of a recurring ritual practice, and as such it was normalized. The disruption of normal patterns was encapsulated within a ritual format. Therefore, it was safe, metaphorical edges were taken off. After the festival was over things would return to normal. As a result of this it is likely that, just as with the Matralia, the Capratine Nones served as a reiteration of social status (Takács, 2008 pp. 52).

The previous examples, however, were not necessarily typical examples of female religious involvement. The Bona Dea festival, of course, had a highly segregated nature. But even disregarding the very limited number of women which would have been allowed to attend this festival, the fact that this festival, as well as the Matralia was for women only was not the norm either. In reality, most religious observances which women attended they participated together with men. As the previous example indicates, this does not mean that solely female rituals were entirely unheard of, just that this kind of ritual should not be taken as indicative of normal practice.

Examples of such common involvement in public rituals can be found in the case of supplicationes. These were public rituals, which among other reasons, were used as part of the process of expiating prodigies (Orlin, 2010 pp. 123). Prodigies were occurrences which indicated that the Pax Deorum had been disturbed in some manner. To indicate such a disturbance, the occurrences which were marked as prodigies tended to be things which in one way or another transcended a boundary. Prodigies included hermaphrodite babies, cattle born with too many heads or limbs, a rain of fire or a wolf in the city (Orlin, 2010 pp. 111-112). Prodigies were not thought to be the cause of the disturbed Pax Deorum, instead, they were a sign that a disturbance had occurred.

It is important to note here that supplicationes happened on the orders of the senate. This gives

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should be seen as at least somewhat political in nature. To show the more common state of religious observations, some examples of mixed supplicationes will now be discussed. The first example concerns the safe return of the army of consuls Marcus Livius and Gaius Claudius during the Second Punic War. A thanksgiving celebration of three days was announced, and although no specifics are given, it was said that the temples were crowded with men, women and children for the entirety of those three days (Livy 27.51.8). The second example concerns a variety of supplicatio activities, involving not just the men and women of Rome, but also those living nearby, no specific range is given, however. Furthermore, a

lectisternium was held for a variety of deities, including, but not limited to, Jupiter, Juno, Neptune, Minerva,

Mars and Venus (Livy 22.10). The lectisternium was a feast being prepared as a sacrifice for the deity. The feast is attended by figurines of the deity with which it was concerned and was a part of the ritual complex of the graecu ritus.

However, not all supplicationes did necessarily involve both men and women. After the birth of a hermaphrodite in 207 BCE it was decided that a chorus of virgines would have to go through the city while singing a special hymn (Livy, 27.37). While the chorus was practicing, however, the temple of Juno Regina was struck by lightning. It was determined that this second prodigy pertained to matronae. Therefore, the

matronae of Rome, as well as any matronae living within ten miles of the city had to make an offering to

the goddess. From amongst themselves they were to select twenty-five matrona who would oversee the collection of donations. In the end the matronae offered a golden bowl and a sacrifice. The significance of this series of supplicationes is in the fact that it was related to Juno Regina, who was heavily involved with the political sphere (Schultz, 2006 pp. 35). Although later on the combination of a virginal choir and matronal offerings were a common response to the birth of hermaphrodites (Livy, 31.12.9), it is important to consider that the involvement of matronae was not originally a reaction to the birth of the hermaphrodite, and only became a part when the secondary prodigy regarding Juno Regina happened. Given the relevance of Juno Regina as political deity, it is interesting that women were granted such a prominent position in these rituals, given that women were not allowed to participate in politics themselves. This is an indication that despite their lack of active official involvement in politics women were regarded as being relevant in the political sphere through means of religion.

Another example of a supplicatio involving women specifically is one from a few years earlier, in 212 BCE. These expiation efforts were in response to a variety of prodigies, such as, bleeding shields, sweating statues as well as the appearance of two moons during daytime (Livy 22.1.8-13). Although the entirety of the expiatory practices in this case did not all centre around women (Livy 22.1.14-18), women were specifically addressed in part of the supplicationes. Since women were clearly specified it can be assumed that they were indeed particularly relevant to these parts of the supplicationes, although it cannot be said with certainty whether or not these actions were done solely by women (Schultz, 2006 pp. 162-163). These rituals were twofold, the first was a gift from both matronae and freedwomen to Feronia. The exact nature of this gift is, however, unclear. The second part was a lectisternium for Juno Regina. This sacrifice was offered at least by the matronae, although it is uncertain whether other people were involved.

When considering such collective donations, it is likely that the individual contributions were not particularly noticeable. The result of these donations put together was likely quite obvious, however. Then again, in the case of, for example a lectisternium the results probably would have been visible only temporarily. This does not account for effects on the public memory of such an episode of course, which might have held on long past the event itself. In other cases, such as the earlier mentioned virginal choir the participation of these twenty-seven girls was very specifically notable. They specifically were chosen to participate in this expiation effort. As such, it is likely that their involvement was well recognized by others. It would result from this that by their specific involvement these girls would gain some increase of social status, which probably affected their familias as well. However, their familias were likely of significant social status to begin with. Meanwhile, the social status effects of a more anonymous participation were probably negligible for any single woman, their contribution was a part of the greater whole. Still, these actions show that women, and not just those of the elite, were very much involved in the public religious life of the Republic.

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Women in private ritual

While a definite role existed for women in public rituals, on an individual level a singular woman was probably more important in the rituals of the private sphere. Although not much is known about household rituals in the Roman Republic when compared to public rites there are still some things which can be said about the position of women within them.

Although a wide variety of deities were involved in private life, three groups of deities could be considered of particular importance. Firstly, the Penates, who were related to the storeroom, penus, and who were closely associated with Vesta. Vesta is particularly relevant for household rituals since these tended to take place around the hearth (Schultz, 2006 pp. 123). Since the matron was responsible for the storeroom, she would have needed the approval of the Penates. She was to provide food for the family and build stocks to help the family survive in the winter. This too, along with general care of the hearth was a task of the matron (Schultz, 2006 pp. 127). As such, it is likely that women were heavily involved in the worship of these deities.

The Lares, meanwhile were responsible for the protection of the paterfamilias and the home as the lar

familiaris. On the named days of a month, kalends, nones and ides, and other holidays the hearth was

supposed to be decorated and the matron was to offer prayers to the lar familiaris. She also offered a coin to the lar familiaris on her wedding day, as well as another one to the lares compitales (Schultz, 2006 pp. 127). The lares compitales were related to the shrines (compitales) around the estate of the family. It was to these deities that the festival of the Compitalia was dedicated. Schultz (2006 pp. 129) mentions that it is likely that women were involved in this ritual since it involves the making of a woollen representative of each member of the household, a doll for the free, and a woollen ball for each slave. Wool working, of course, was considered the epitome of matronal activities. Although he gives no explicit examples, Cicero’s invitation to Atticus to join him for the celebration of the Compitalia (Att. 2.3) attests to the familial nature of the festival since he asks for Atticus’ mother to join them and mentions that the mother of Cicero’s wife is also being invited. The Lares were not exclusively the domain of women, however. Cato (Ag. 2.1) stresses, for example that the husband sees to them before starting business on his estate. Overall, the Lares were likely an important part of women’s participation in private rituals.

Lastly, there was the genius. This was the life force of the paterfamilias, in particular focussed on procreation, and therefore was tasked with the preservation of the family on the long term (Schultz, 2006 pp. 123). As with the lar familiaris a matron offered prayers to the genius on the day of her marriage, as to signify her new relationships. A female counterpart of the genius, the iuno, is attested. However, it is not known from republican times (Schultz, 2006 pp. 124-125). Still, as the likely recipient of the procreative power of the genius, a matron would probably have honoured them herself as well.

It needs to be said, however, that the overall male dominance with regards to religion did not fundamentally change for household rituals compared to public rituals. The majority of household rituals were led by, and focussed on, the paterfamilias (Schultz, 2006 pp. 125). Cato (Ag. 143) expresses a similar sentiment in his descriptions of the duties of the vilica. Although the vilica is a slave, given her role as a substitute for the mistress in her absence it would be likely that these duties were a part of the duties of the materfamilias if she did not have a vilica at her disposal. This description matches up with what Ovid (Fasti 4.690-700) describes as the duties of a country woman (Schultz, 2006 pp. 126-127). Given that it is mentioned that the vilica can only engage in religious activities on the explicit orders of her master or mistress, it can be assumed that these activities would be the ones which the matron would otherwise perform herself. Therefore, just as in public rituals, women had a definite place in private rituals as well. The paterfamilias focussed on rituals which accounted for most family-spanning rituals. However, both husband and matron had several rituals which they performed on their own.

An example of such a family involved ritual can be found in Ovid’s (Fasti 2.645-654) description of rites for the Terminalia. Here a family of four, husband, wife, son and daughter are all described as having their

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own part to play in the ritual. The wife brings fire from the hearth, the husband provides wood for the fire and keeps the flame going. Meanwhile the son and daughter offer corn and honeycombs to the flames. Of course, the rural nature of the family which is described make it unclear how such an observance would be performed by those who lived in a less explicitly rural context. Still, each member of the family did their part, and similar practices can be assumed to have existed for other forms of communal household ritual as well. The woman as a single part of a greater whole. This idea can be applied to women in household ritual overall. While they might not have been the centre of household ritual, women still had an essential, and active, part to play in the overall religious activities of the household.

Conclusion

The Roman Republic was a heavily male dominated society. Looking at how women participated in religion in the Roman Republic, it is clear that the importance of men extended very much in the religious sphere as well. Still, women were by no means excluded from religious activities. Quite the opposite, the of participation of women was rather important.

In the realm of public rituals women took active part in religious celebrations and other forms of religious activity. In many cases the participants or observers of these rituals were both men and women. They were all citizens of Rome, so they all had to do their part for the good of Rome. However, this did not mean that all women just could participate in any ritual. Different rituals had different rules for whom was allowed to be a part of them, and in some cases, such as was seen with the Matralia, this exclusion was an explicit part of the ritual. Women themselves were also excluded from certain rituals. A famous example of this, which was not discussed in the chapter proper, was the worship of Hercules on the Ara Maxima (Schultz, 2006 pp. 68). Since the society of the Roman Republic was suffused with religion not all religious activity was solely religious. The December ritual for Bona Dea, for example, was as much religious ritual as it was an elite social gathering. This same mixing of religion throughout society also meant that such dual purposes should not be seen as somehow detracting from the religious value of such rituals. Furthermore, through participation in religious activity women could show themselves to be good citizens, concerned with the wellbeing of the state. Not all religious activity was entirely voluntary, however. The expiation of prodigies could require women to contribute to some kind of religious effort. In some cases this contribution was of a generic nature, meaning that all women (of a particular group) were called upon by the Senate to do their part. In other cases, however, specific women were selected to perform a particular action. It was in these latter cases that the individual actions of a woman were likely to be noticed by others, leading to a potential increase in social status. The nature of Roman society meant, however, that the women who were likely to be selected for such individual tasks already were of high social status to begin with. The mechanics of this will be explored more in the next chapter.

With regards to private ritual, the lack of contemporary, or somewhat contemporary, sources, especially compared to the number of sources regarding public ritual meant it was much harder to give an overview of the role of women in this context. As such, it is not quite possible to make similar statements about the religious activity of women in the private sphere as it is in the public sphere. Still, as with public ritual, women had their definite place in private rituals as well.

Overall, there was a potential for agency within the religious participation of women. Although they were not necessarily overtly in control, ritual action was a way in which a Roman woman could position herself in comparison to those around her. However, since rituals were prescribed, and, at least within the moment, of a generally static nature, the amount of actual change which a woman might have affected significant change in through her religious involvement might have been limited. The higher amounts of agency were likely in the hands of those women who were of higher social status already.

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Chapter 3: Priestesses

After having looked at the position of women within religion in general in the previous chapter, this chapter will be concerned with a specific subset of women, namely priestesses. Unlike what is often assumed, priestesses were not an anomaly within Roman society. In fact, the Roman Republic had a variety of official, state sanctioned, priesthoods which were available to women. These priesthoods were both of the kind where a singular woman (sacerdota) fulfilled a priesthood, as well as those where a woman fulfilled a priesthood together with her husband, such as the Flaminica Dialis and the Regina Racrorum. Both singular and shared kinds of priesthoods will be discussed within this chapter. Furthermore, attention will be given to the supportive positions which women could fulfil within a cult while not being a priestess themselves.

Regarding the role of women within religious activities things are relatively straightforward. Priestesses had their specific duties with regards to their cults or to the state of Rome as a whole. The particulars of these duties did, of course, differ depending on which priestly office a woman occupied. Priesthoods were not uniform positions. Far from it, the variety of priestly offices which existed within the Roman Republic was rather pluriform. Still, the women with which this chapter is concerned all had a leading role within the religious activities in which they were involved due to their nature as a priestess. Their assistants did not have such central positions necessarily; however, overall the question of position is quite straightforward.

Considering participation throughout different socio-economic layers things were relatively uniform. The prominent position of a priesthood required that the women who took to these offices were of high social standing. The exact requirements differed per positions, however, and some priesthoods were more available than others. Still, overall, priestesses were a rather exclusive group which was only available to a select few. Then again, priestesses as such should not be seen as a singular group with singular interests. Just as the offices were pluriform, so were the women who took to these offices. When considering the assistant positions a more varied picture can be seen. These positions were much less exclusive in who could fulfil them. Women of freeborn, freed as well as slave status could have access to such positions. Specific positions, however, could still be limited to only women of a particular status.

Finally, religion as an instrument of power. The high-profile nature of priesthoods, as well as the high social status of the women who tended to be a priestess meant that these women were particularly well situated to extend power. They had access to the means, both social and financial to exert influence. Of course, being women, they were still not allowed to participate in politics, but this could be compensated for. Both through their own means as well as through having access to influential men who were capable of political participation. As such, power was not something unfamiliar to these priestesses.

Priestly couples

In the Roman Republic there existed a variety of priestly couples. Not to be confused with priests or priestesses who happened to be married, but a couple of a priestess and a priest who needed to be married to be able to fulfil their priesthood. Although the male halves of these couples, such as the Flamen Dialis and the Rex Sacrorum, have been discussed extensively in the past, less attention has been given to their wives, who were to be a sign of office more than anything. However, Schultz (2006 pp. 80-81) and DiLuzio (2016 pp. 18) have argued that these couples should be seen as a shared priestly office, with both husband and wife being an integral part of the ritual portfolio. This line of reasoning will be followed for the purposes of this thesis. Arguments as to why they arrived at such conclusions will be discussed later in the chapter. There will be a brief discussion now about why such married priestly offices might have existed. DiLuzio (2016 pp. 47-48) argues that these shared priesthoods reflect Roman household rituals, which required the participation of both the paterfamilias and the materfamilias. Therefore, just as husband and wife shared religious responsibilities in the private sphere, so did this exceptional couple share religious responsibilities in the public sphere. Reference here is given to Plutarch (Mor. Quaest. Rom. 276D) who

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mentions that the rites of the Flamen Dialis often require the assistance of his wife to perform. However, not all these priestly couples were the same, so some examples will be discussed in more detail below.

The flamines and the related flaminicae were a set of priesthoods which according to Roman lore had been established back in the regal period by king Numa (Cic. Rep. 2.26; Livy 1.20). They were divided into two subsets, the flamines maiores and the flamines minores. The flamines maiores were the Flamen Dialis of Jupiter, the Flamen Martialis of Mars and the Flamen Quirinalis of Quirinus. Although there were supposed to be twelve flamines minores, not all are known (DiLuzio, 2016 pp. 53). Ten of them have been named, although it is not certain whether all of them were concurrent throughout the Republic. Varro (Ling. 6.19) states, for examples that by his time the goddess Furrina was not known widely anymore despite her being among those deities who had received a flamen.

The flamines maiores, as could be inferred from their name were the most important of the flamines. They were members of the pontifical college alongside the Pontifex Maximus, Rex Sacrorum and the Vestal Virgins. DiLuzio (2016 pp. 56) states that the flaminicae were likely to also have been members of the pontifical college, although this is not attested anywhere. These three flamonia were likely only open to patricians (Schultz, 2006 pp. 141). One of the reasons for this was that the couple needed to have been wedded through confarreatio, a ritual which required both the Flamen Dialis and Pontifex Maximus, as well as presumably their wives, to be present. The presence of these officials meant that confarreatio was likely not available to just anyone, although it was not a patrician only affair (Hersch, 2013 pp. 228). Furthermore, both had to have been born from such a marriage as well (DiLuzio, 2016 pp. 19-20; Schultz, 2006 pp. 141). It was also required that neither of them was remarried, only a couple in their first marriage was eligible (Schultz, 2006 pp. 141). Another important aspect of the flamonia maiores was that either husband or wife could only hold their office if the other was alive. The death of either one meant that the other was required to step down (Culham, 2014 pp. 132). On the other hand, however, flamen and flaminica were not allowed to divorce each other either, only death could end their marriage (DiLuzio. 2016 pp. 32; Schultz, 2006 pp. 80).

Of the flamines maiores, the Flamen Dialis, and consequently the Flaminica Dialis, is the one the most frequently mentioned. As the flamonia dedicated to Jupiter, the highest of the gods in the Roman pantheon, it makes sense that these would be amongst the more well-known ones. One of the things the

Flamen and Flaminica Dialis were well known for was the set of restrictions and prohibitions which were

part of this priestly office. They were not allowed to consume, touch, or even name, for example beans, goats, dogs or raw meat, or leavened dough (Plut. Mor. Quaest. Rom. 289 E-F; 290 A-C). Beans, for example were considered to contain the souls of the dead (Plin. NH. 18.119). According to Plutarch (Mor. Quaest.

Rom. 289F, 209A), raw meat and leavened dough were considered to be in an intermediate state. They

were no longer living, but also not yet fit for consumption. Dogs and goats were thought to exemplify behaviours which were not fit for the flamen and flaminica to be either expressing or exposed to, with both animals being considered to be anathema to Jupiter as the highest of all the gods (Plut. Mor. Quaest. Rom. 289F, 209A; Lipka, 2009 pp. 140). However, some manner of exceptions to these prohibitions also existed. The temple of Jupiter on the Capitol employed guard dogs, so it would have likely been impossible for either flaminica or flamen to wholly avoid the presence of dogs (Livy 3.29.9, 5.47.2-4; Plut. Vit. Cam. 27.2). Furthermore, their ritual responsibilities would have surely made it impossible to avoid raw flesh. It might be the case, however, that the meat of sacrifices was considered exempt from this prohibition (DiLuzio, 2016 pp. 35). Such prohibitions would have prevented the Flaminica Dialis from preparing meals for her household, although her high status meant that she would have had slaves at her disposal to do this instead.

Some sacrificial duties of the Flaminica Dialis have indeed been attested. She was to sacrifice a ram to Jupiter on every nundina (market day) (Macrob. Sat. 1.16.30), as well as having to perform an expiation through sacrifice whenever she heard thunder (Macrob. Sat. 1.16.8). For this purpose she wielded a special sacrificial knife, the secespita, just like her husband as well as other members of the pontifical college with whom this kind of knife was especially associated (DiLuzio, 2016 pp. 4, 27, 58). This meant that the

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Flaminica Dialis was indeed actively involved in rituals, not just besides her husband, but also in her own

right. It was she who was the priestess in function in these instances. She formed the connection with the gods which allowed these rituals to be effective. Not only that, her involvement in market days was presumably a well-known aspect of those days. Despite the sacrifice taking place in enclosed space of the

regia, the centre of office for the Pontifex Maximus which was located on the Forum Romanum (DiLuzio,

2016 pp. 10), the act itself was still visible in an indirect way, since without her the nundinae could not take place. Furthermore, the location of the sacrifice means that this sacrifice had a high importance and as a result, the Flaminica Dialis was indeed regarded very highly as a religious official.

Besides the secespita, one of the other instruments of office which the Flaminica Dialis had at her disposal was the flammeum. This was a translucent orange-yellow veil, which was meant to evoke the colour of Jupiter’s thunderbolt. The flammeum was not exclusive to the Flaminica Dialis, however. It was also worn by brides on their wedding day as a sign of good omen (Hersch, 2010 pp. 102). After all, the

Flaminica Dialis was only allowed to be wedded once, which was something that many brides themselves

would also hope to achieve. The flaminica wore the flammeum for ritual purposes, except on certain prescribed occasions, on which she was not allowed to comb or decorate her hair. These cases were generally associated with purification rites, such as the rites of the Argei, starting in March and culminating in May, and the processions of the salii, since battle does not mix well with married people (Ovid Fasti 3.395). Tying back to the relationship between brides and the flammeum, the times where the Flaminica

Dialis was not allowed to tend to her hair were considered to be poor times to get married (Ovid Fasti

393-398; Plut. Mor. Quaest. Rom. 285A). Besides their ritual functions, the Flamen and Flaminica Dialis were also a kind of ideal of the Roman marriage. A couple, only once wedded, which would not divorce until death parted them. Of course, as previously established, their priestly function did forbid them from getting divorced, but the ideals of a singular marriage, and particularly that of the univira were still highly regarded. Besides this, Flaminica and Flamen were not allowed to spend more than three nights in a row away from their own bed (DiLuzio, 2016 pp. 34). Therefore, while wearing the flammeum, the Flaminica Dialis could be seen as an idealized form of both the univira and the bride. However, when not wearing the flammeum the ideal picture of the bride was no more, the flaminica was no longer embodying an ideal woman. In fact, her overall more unkempt appearance would have made her a kind of opposite of a well-groomed, modest, bride. And if the ideal bride was not acting in this capacity, even though this was ritually proscribed, it would make sense why these times would be considered inopportune to marry. Furthermore, it showcases once again how visible, and impactful, the ritual portfolio of the Flaminica Dialis was for the Roman state.

Considering the functions which the Flaminica Dialis fulfilled it would be clear that her ritual portfolio was of great importance to the functioning of Rome. Her involvement in market days is a more regular example of this. The sacrifice required the involvement of the Flaminica Dialis and was therefore a regular fixture of the day to day life of Roman people, although not on a daily basis. It is unclear what would happen if the Flaminica Dialis did not perform her sacrifice. Whether through unforeseen circumstances or even because she decided not to.

A potential example could be seen in the period between 86 and 12 BCE (Goldberg, 2015 pp. 338), when there was no acting Flamen Dialis and therefore no Flaminica Dialis either. However, the general unrest and unusual political situation of the time means it is not a great example to draw general conclusions from. Still, it would seem unlikely that during this period no market days would have been held in the absence of a Flaminica dialis. This likely was at least in part because the situations necessitated it, as opposed to the duties of the Flaminica Dialis being willingly ignored.

Although it would be likely that the Flaminica Dialis wielded considerable power, whether because of her priestly office or because of her general status, little is known about how these women specifically wielded this influence.

Now attention will shift to the Flaminica and Flamen Martialis. The existence of a Flaminica Martialis is attested in Macrobius’ (Sat. 3.13.11) account of a dinner given in honour of the inauguration of L. Cornelius Lentulus Niger as Flamen Martialis in 69 BCE. Among the list of attendants is his wife, Publicia, who was

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explicitly referred to as flaminica. Unlike the Flaminica and Flamen Dialis, the Flaminica and Flamen

Martialis were not held to the same amount of ritual restrictions, although they were subject to, at least

similar restrictions, until likely somewhere in the first century BCE (DiLuzio, 2016 pp. 57).

Very little is known about the ritual portfolio of either the Flaminica or the Famen Martialis, besides being involved in rites to Mars (Val. Max. 1.1.2). However, the fact that the Flamen’s wife was called

Flaminica would imply that just like the Flaminica Dialis the Flaminica Martialis had her own rituals she was

involved in, either on her own or in conjunction with her husband. As such, as one of the flaminicae

maiores, the Flaminica Martialis would likely have had a similar role as the Flaminica Dialis, performing

public rites and sacrifices to Mars in the name of the Roman state, although in the end this is just speculation.

A Flaminica Quirinalis is not specifically attested in ancient sources (DiLuzio, 2016 pp. 59). However, given that both other flamines maiores did have a Flaminica associated with them it seems quite likely that a Flaminica Quirinalis did also exist as a counterpart to the Flamen Quirinalis. The Flamen Quirinalis was related to the Robigalia, a sacrifice on April 25th_{which was intended to prevent crops from contracting}

mildew. Furthermore, the Flamen was involved in the Consualia on August 21st_{which was a festival}

intended to protect the recently stored harvests. Since matronae were typically concerned with the stocking of the penus, and if the Flaminica Quirinalis had a similar ideal type role to the Flaminica Dialis, it is possible that the Flaminica Quirinalis had some role in this festival as well. The lack of contemporary evidence makes it hard to draw any definitive conclusions about her role in rituals, however.

Besides the offices of flaminica and flamen, other, similar priestly couples existed. The main ones of these were the Regina and Rex Sacrorum. Like the flamonia maiores, the Regina and Rex Sacrorum had to be both born, from and married by, confarreatio. At least the Rex Sacrorum was a part of the pontifical college as well. (DiLuzio, 2016 pp. 63-64). Although they were relatively unimportant by the time of the late republic, things about the ritual portfolio of the Regina and Rex Sacrorum are known. These priesthoods were heavily tied to the Roman lunar calendar. The Rex Sacrorum made a sacrifice on each kalends and informed people of the amount of days, five or seven, until the next nones (DiLuzio, 2016 pp. 65). On these days the Regina Sacrorum also made a sacrifice to Juno of a pig or a sheep in the regia (Macrob. Sat. 1.15.19). As such, the regina and Rex Sacrorum can be seen to work in tandem, their respective ritual actions complementing one another. However, the importance of these priesthoods waned over time as the control over the calendar came increasingly into the hands of the pontifices (DiLuzio, 2016 pp. 69). Therefore, the social status of the position of Regina Sacrorum would have diminished over the course of the republic. As a result of this the visibility of her ritual obligations would also have lessened. This did not mean, however, that the Regina Sacrorum had become a small figure. Although her priesthood was no longer as important as it once had been, she herself was likely still to be a woman of considerable means and influence given that like her Flaminica colleagues the Regina Sacrorum too was a patrician woman and likely a member of the pontifical college.

Not unlike the previous priestly offices which operated at the scale of the entirety of the Roman people there were also couples of priests who worked on the level of the curiae. Two of these couples existed per

curia, meaning there were sixty couples in total, along with a curio maximus (DiLuzio, 2016 pp. 69; Dion.

Hal. Ant. Rom. 2.21.2-3). There do not appear to have been any differences between the curial priestly couples (DiLuzio, 2016 pp. 70). As with the flaminicae and the Regina Sacrorum, the wives were involved in the rituals as well, reportedly having their own specific ritual which the men could not perform (Dion. Hal.

Ant. Rom 2.22.1). These priesthoods appear to have been referred to as curiales flamines as well (DiLuzio,

2016 pp. 70) To qualify for this position the husband needed to be at least fifty years old, be free of physical issues and be in possession of a substantial amount of wealth (Dion. Hal. Ant. Rom. 2.21.3). The wealth requirement indicates that to be considered for these priesthoods the couple would have needed to be a part of the elite as with the previously discusses priesthoods. Furthermore, the minimum age means that the men who fulfilled these offices were experienced men who were likely at the end of their career, having likely passed the time at which they held major political offices, as such offering them a way to continue

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public involvement. Although their age meant that the time for which they held the position would have been relatively short, despite being an office which was held for life (DiLuzio, 2016 pp. 72; Dion. Hal. Ant.

Rom. 2.21.3).

The couple was assisted in their duties by a camilla and a camillus. These fulfilled their positions in the case of the camillus until he reached adulthood and in the case of the camilla until she was married (Dion. Hal. Ant. Rom. 2.22.1). Given the ideal of a household performing rites together, which was present in the

flamonia, it is likely that the camilla and camillus would ideally have been the children of the priestly

couple. However, even though women generally married younger than men it was likely that in many cases the couple would not have had children of appropriate ages anymore, although it is certainly possible there have been couples with children who were able to fill the position of camilla and camillus for at least some amount of time. In the case that a couple did not have children to serve as camilla or camillus the most beautiful girl and boy from the curia respectively were to serve in these positions (Dion. Hal. Ant. Rom. 2.22.1). This passage explicitly states that this was the case for those couples who had no children, or presumably no children of appropriate age, so it would seem likely that the couple’s own children were preferred if possible.

Sacerdotes & cult personnel

Not all women who served in a priestly position did so in conjunction with their husband. In fact, there were a variety of public priesthoods which were available to women on their own. Just as the married priesthoods, these singular priesthoods had limited accessibility. Not just any woman would become a

sacerdota. All priestesses from the republican period whose names are known were freeborn women

(Schultz, 2006 pp. 74). Furthermore, Schultz (2006 pp. 74) states that these women were likely of significant wealth because their tombstones, where inscriptions of the names of these women have been found, do not appear to be from group tombs, such as a tomb for Helvia, priestess of Venus (CIL 12_{.1751 as in Schultz,}

2007 pp. 74-75). This would mean that such expensive structures were within reason to be erected for these women. However, just being a woman of wealth did not mean she was qualified to gain a position of

sacerdota. These women also had to possess a flawless reputation and exhibit exemplary behaviour, just as

was the case with their male colleagues (Schultz, 2006 pp. 141).

A priesthood which is of particular interest for several reasons is that of the temple of Fortuna Muliebris. One of the reasons for this relevance is the origin story of the temple. According to the Romans the temple of Fortuna Muliebris was built on the request of women. In 488 BCE an embassy of women was sent to convince Coriolanus to stand down his army. The embassy had been organized by Coriolanus’ wife and mother after an earlier mission by the senate had already failed. After being approved by the Senate for their action and having gotten a vow from the Senate to grant the women whatever they would ask if they were to succeed the embassy of women did just that. They managed to convince Coriolanus to stand down. Afterwards the women requested to be allowed to fund and dedicate a temple to Fortuna Muliebris. Although the temple was granted, the matronae were not allowed to fund or dedicate the temple, this was left to the pontifices. The Senate did, however, allow the women to select one from amongst themselves who would serve as the first priestess of Fortuna Muliebris. Furthermore, when the temple was finished the women dedicated a second cult statue to the temple, which was stated to have twice told the women herself that the statue was divinely approved (Dion. Hal. Ant. Rom. 39-55; Livy 2.40.1-13). Regardless of the exact truth of this story, the story itself is still significant. It shows, after all, a very clear case of women expressing agency. These women acted on their own initiative, and because their actions were approved by the senate their actions would have been very public and visible as well. People certainly would have been aware of what was going on, especially after the women had returned to Rome successfully. According to the Romans, this temple, and as such the associated priesthood, was the result of women taking action.

In the previous chapter, several cases of women participating in expiatory rites were discussed. Besides what could be considered laywoman involvement there were piatrices. These were priestesses who were

Participation, Power, Priestesses Women and Agency in Religion During the Roman Republic