A comparative analysis of women's participation in politics in South Africa and Nigeria (2008-2016)

A comparative analysis of women's participation

in politics in South Africa and Nigeria (2008-2016)

Oluwakemi Roseline Olatunji

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orcid.org/0000-0002-8406-150X

Mini-dissertation accepted in partial fulfilment of the

requirernants for the degree

Masters of Arts in International

Relations at the North-West University

Supervisor:

Graduation ceremony July 2018

Student number: 25731025

Prof Victor Ojakorotu

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DECLARATIO

I, 0 luwakemi Roseline O latunj i, hereby dee !are that ·this study is my own research work. This work has not been submitted before by another person to any University for any degree, in part or in full. l also declare that all the intellectual content used in this work from other writers has been proper I y acknowledged.

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DEDICATION

I dedicate this work to my King, the God of the whole universe for His immeasurable kindness towards me. I thank Him for bringing me this far.

ACK OWLEDGEME TS

I thank God Almighty for how far he has helped me. I also acknowledged the effort of my supervisor, Professor Victor Ojakorotu, for making this research work a success. Also to my lecturers, Professor Lere Amusan and Dr. Norman Sempijja, I say thank you for the knowledge you impacted in me. My parents, Otunba Shala and Mrs. Ruth Olatunji and all members of VICTORY ENERGY RESOURCES and VICTORY CRYSTAL E TREPRE EUR CENTER, also to my siblings and cousins, Sade, Bode, Deji, Moses, Segun, Debola and ifemi, I acknowledge you all. To my friends, 0 loye Sunday Babatunde and Fisayo Popoola: thank you for your moral support during the course of this research. To my daddy in the Lord, Pastor (Dr) Adewole Adeleke, thank you so much for your support and encouragement.

A C

A CWL AVK CEDAW CGE CWP GAP GEM GER GDI GDP GPF GP! HD! HIV HSRC I EC DP NGM OECD ORC OSDP

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LIST OF ACRO YMS

African National Congress

African ational Congress Women's League

A frikanerVrove-Kengrag

Convention on the Eradication of All Forms of Discrimination against Women

Commission on Gender Equality

Community Work Programme

Gender Advocacy Programme

Establishment ofNational Gender Machinery

Gross Enrolment Rate

Gender-re lated Development Index

Gross Domestic Product

Gender Policy Framework

Gender Parity Index

Human Development Index

Human Immunodeficiency Syndrome

Human Sciences Research Council

Independent ational Electoral Commission

ationa I Development P Ian

ational Gender Machinery

Organization for Economic Cooperation and Development

Office on the Rights ofChild

Office on the Status of Disabled People

PEPUDA SASAS SADC SIGI SOCA

u

UNHRC

Promotion of Equality and Prevention of nfa ir Discrimination Act South Africa Social Attitude Survey

Southern African Development Community Social Institution and Gender Index

Sexua I Offences and Community Affairs United Nations

TABLE OF CO TENTS

Chapter 1 ... 1

1.2 Introduction ... 3

1.3 Significance of the study ... .4

1.4 Problem statement. ... 5

1.5 Ain1ofstudy ... 5 1.6 Research Objectives ... 5 1.7 Re earch Questions ... 6 1.8 Research Methodology ... 7 1.9 Data Collection ... 7 1.10 Secondary sources ... 8

1.11 Ethical considerations ... 9

1.12 Scope of the study ... 9

CHAPTER 2 ... I 0 2.1 Literature Review ... 10

2.2 Theoretica I Framework ... 16

CHAPTER 3 ... 20

3.1 Background ... 20

3.2 igerian women before colonialism ... 21

3.3 Colonial Era ... 24

3.4 After Colonial rule ... 25

3.5 The December 1983 Military Rule ... 26

3.7 Appointive position ... 28

3.8 South African women in the 1990s ... 31 3.9 Factors responsible for women under-representation in politics ... 32

3.10 Patriarchy ... .32

3.11 Customs and laws ... 33

3.12 Religious practices as barriers to women representation in politics ... 34

3.13 F inane ia I constraints ... .34

3.14 Political Impediments ... 35

3.15 Women's perception of politics ... 36

3.16 Family work and time constraints ... 37

3.2 FACTORS THAT ACCOUNTED FOR MORE WOMEN REPRESENTATIO GOVERNMENT IN SOUTH AFRICA THA fN NIGERIA ... .38 3.2.1 Establishment ofNationa I Gender Machinery (GEM) ... .39

3.2.2 Representation and participation ... .42

3.2.3 Education and skills acquisition ... .44

3.2.4 Provision of Healthcare ... .45

3.2.5 Access to basic services and productive resources ... .45

3.2.6 Poverty and inequality ... .46

3.2.7 Violence and socialjustice ... .47

3.2.8 Eradication of poverty and inequality ... .48

3.2.9 Employment and economic participation ... .48 3.2.10 Social protection and social well-being ... 50

3.2.11 Changing social trends ... 51 CHAPTER 4 ... 52

4.1 Findings ... 52

4.2 Sun11nary ... 53

4.3 Conclusion ... 55

4.4 Reco1n1nendations ... 56

TABLE CO TE T ... 23

Table I: igerian women position before colonialism ... 23

Table 2: Representation of igerian women in politics in I 999-2017 ... 26

Table 3: Present representation of men and women in elective position (2015) ... 28

Table 4: ... .43

Table 5: percentage ofwomen employed in the public and private sectors ... .49

Table 6: Community work program- number of work opportunities provided ... 50

REF ERE CES ... 58

Abstract

Universally, women's participation in politics has been recognized as an imperative to elevate the status of women in any nation. Consequently, in recent years, women's participation and representation in government issues and basic leadership has received huge consideration. There have been different policies implemented to improve and elevate the status of women in the political realm. Yet, women continue to be under-represented in basic leadership positions. This research examined the role of women in politics in South Africa and Nigeria as well as the different challenges that are impediments to their participation. Additionally, the study sought to find out the factors responsible for more the under-representation of women in politics in South Africa against igeria. For this purpose, qualitative research methodology was utilized. Data for the study was sourced mainly from journal articles, books, government reports and materials from the internet. In the course of this study factors such as unfavorable legislation and traditions, religious barriers, uneven societal structure, colonial legacy, socio-economic factors, lack of basic education, attitudes of law makers were discovered as some of the major factors responsible for women's underrepresentation in politics in both countries. However, unlike Nigeria, South Africa has made some strides in addressing some of these constraints by establishing structures and implement policies which have enhanced the participation of women in politics in the country to some extent.

Chapter 1

1.1 Introduction

The global involvement of women in politics and public decision-making is not only to women's advantage, but for the overall purpose of democracy and development. The general consensus on "the equal participation of women and men in political representation processes" implemented by the fiftieth conference of the Commission on the Status of Women states that "without the active participation of women and the inclusion of women's perspectives at all levels of decision-making, the goals of equality, development and peace cannot be achieved, and that women's equal participation is a necessary condition for women·s and girls' interests to be taken into account and is needed in order to strengthen democracy and promote its proper functioning."

Women are known for not taking anything with levity, including the right to vote in elections. Even though women had that right in less than a century ago, they exert it in a bigger ratio than men (Johnston, 2017: 28).

It can be argued that about half of the global voting population are women yet the percentage of women in leadership positions is still low compared to that of their male counterparts (Paxton, 2015:30). In order to have a gender- balanced representation in politics both men and women must be equally represented (Dahlerup, 2013). In the same trend, women in Nigeria constitute more than ha lfof the tota I voting population of the country. But despite the sign iftcant roles they play, women roles in the general public are yet to be given acknowledgment (Rogers et al., 2012). This development may be I inked to some soc ia I genera I izations, mis use of religion, customary practices and patriarchal societal structures (Chowdhury, 2015).

However, in a contribution to the debate, Madu, (2013) argues that women population are more than halfofthe global population and their dedication to the social and economic advancement of societies is far outweighed through their male counterparts (Young, 2011). Presently, women's representation globally is less compared to that of their men counterparts (Barnes et al., 2017).

There have been different arguments for a gender-balanced representation especially one concerning the mainstay of democracy; where a II citizens are expected to have eq ua I participation in government issues, to vote, be voted for, and share in basic leadership processes

(Hamed 2017). One significant issue that dominates democracy in recent years is the politics of presence that has informed the participation of women in politics globally (Lafleur, 2013). This insists that a II parts of the genera I pub I ic s hou Id participate in po I it ica I processes to guarantee that all opinions are represented in the decision-making processes (Klijn and Edelenbos, 2013). Generally, this politics of presence can be equated to equal opportunity for women and men in a state's political space (Karp and Banducci, 2008).

The Convention on the Eradication of All Forms of Discrimination against Women (CEDA W) was adopted by the UN in 1979 (Freeman et al., 2012) and requires every one of the 186 nations that endorsed it to eradicate every form of discrimination against the citizens, irrespective of sex, and to have equal opportunity and equal rights (Facio and Morgan, 2008). The United Nations convention guaranteed women's equal opportunity to take active part in political and public life (Cook, 2012). Despite the pronounced efforts of the United Nations to bridging the inequality that exists in the formal political field, fortified by the agree111ent on Eradication of All Practices of Discri111ination Against Women which came up after the UN World Women Conference in Beijing, China in 1995 (CED AW) and the involvement of many nations of the world as signatories and participants of these frameworks (Fabian, 2009), the e111ergence of these agenda appears not to have tackled the numerous challenges confronting women in politics as they still lag behind in the po litica I arena (Law less and Fox, 20 I 0).

This develop111ent is not an exception to the African continent; the dominance of men in the po I itica I sphere has generated acute scholarly attention over the years (Mc Ewan, 2008). Except for a few states in the continent, the majority of African states grapple with this pheno111enon that excludes 111ajority of women from active participation in politics (Thomson, 2016). One of the states that have made tremendous strides to address this imbalance is post-apartheid South Africa (Mira ft.ab, 2009).

Historically, South Africa before de111ocracy in 1994 was governed by the minority whites who enforced a separation of races through its policy of apartheid (Clark and Worger, 2016). The apartheid administration in the end were voted out of power after several years of apartheid rule in the country (Diamond, 2011). The country witnessed a democratic era when late president elson Mandela became the first de111ocratically-elected president in 1994 (Mandela, 2013). The

democratically-elected leadership carved room for reconciliation and set out to amend social imbalances created during the apartheid administration (Liebenberg, 2010). The idea of equal participation in politics was privileged in the country's constitution (Celis et al., 2008). Looking at the African continent today, according to the statistics, South Africa has the highest number of women representation in politics in the continent (Barnes and Burchard, 2013). This does not suggests that South African women have had it all as far as politics is concerned as there still exists a wide gap between the numbers of women's representation in politics compared to their male counterparts in the political sphere (Ware, 2015).

However, at the other end of the spectrum, igeria, the most populous black nation has made several attempts to entrench democracy without success (Faiola and Heaton, 2008). From independence in 1960 there has been significant political instability in the country as different regimes were truncated several times by military coups (Harkness, 2016). ln 1999, Nigeria witnessed a new beginning as the country returned to civilian government after the downfall of military rule (Ehwarieme, 201 1). From 1999 women political participation increased significantly (George, 2013). During this period women were elected in both elective and appointive positions in the country gara and Ayabam, 2013). Despite improvement in the number of women representation, women are still largely marginalized considering the gaps in the proportion of men to women in politics and decision-making in the country (Fox and Lawless, 2011). In 1999 there were 47million voters registered in the general election in Nigeria. Out of the total voters registered, 27million (50%) were women (Charles and lkenna, 2009). In the same period, a total number of 11,117 electable posit ions were available but only 631 (5.6%) were contested by women who subsequently won 180 positions. Then out of this 180 (1.6%), 140 positions were women elected at Ward Levels as Ward Councilors (Egwu, 2015).

1.2 Significance of the study

The reasons for the low level of women representation in governance and the comparative analysis between Nigeria and South Africa is the ma in focus of th is research. The researcher dee ided to use the two countries because they both share common attributes in the area of being regional hegemonies in their respective regions and are known as the giants of Africa. The thesis seeks to use South Africa to measure women participation or representation in politics in . 1geria . g. iven South Africa's efforts to balance the gap between men and women representation in politics than igeria. Therefore, the cause(s) of the disparity in women representation in igeria and South Africa since 2008 to 2016 deserve scholarly attention.

There have been few documented academic studies that focused on the comparative analyses of women's voting participation in South Africa and Nigeria (Basu et al., 2012). Most of the existing studies have examined whether women can be effective leaders in public decision-making offices (Volden et al., 2013). This study, in contrast, focuses on the examination of the reason(s) for low level participation of women in political decision-making and it is important to establish the factors responsible for the historical imbalances between men and women political representation and participation in the political arena in both countries.

1.3 Problem statement

In the development of any society, women play a major role as stakeholders. All over the world, women underrepresentation and low participation have drawn a lot of attention from different scholars (See, Agbalajobi, 2010; Kolawale, Abubakar, Owonibi, and Adebayo, 2012; Zenger and Folkman, 2012; Bradshaw, 2013; Ngara and Ayabam, 2013; UN, 2013; Barbara, Milad and Aisling, 2014; Ighobor, 2015; Abdullahi, 2015; Chaturvendi, 2016; Coetzer, 2016; Olaopa and Ojakorotu, 2017). It is indisputable that men and women have different biological and physiological make-up. Furthermore, women may share some attributes with men in terms of educational qualification, occupation and socio-economic status, yet women are underrepresented in virtually all spheres of public life. In some African countries, such as Nigeria, women account for about 52% of the total population and they are always the majority voters in any election (Salaam, 2003). In spite of this, igerian women still have low representation and participation both at local and nationa I levels.

At a conference facilitated by the Gender Advocacy Programme (GAP) in March 2002, South Africa became the eleventh nation to authoritatively introduce the 50/50 campaign by 2005 (Thabethe, 2009): Women in Government-Getting the Balance Right! The campaign intends to solidly address women's under-representation in political decision-making and to challenge the structural and social hindrances that impede women's entrance to decision-making and administrative positions in South Africa (Doderer, 2016). The burning question now is, has there really been equal representation between men and women in political decision-making processes or positions despite the agitations for equal representation in the country?

Therefore, given these problems the research intends to find out the limitations and obstacles that are responsible for the low level participation and representation of women in politics in South Africa and Nigeria both at the loca I and nationa I !eve Is. The study also suggests ways on how these hindrances can be addressed.

1.4 Aim of study

The study aims at comparatively examining the factors accountable for women's under-representation in politics in igeria and South Africa.

1.5 Research Objectives

The objectives of this research are set to:

1. Ascertain the factors responsible for women under representation or participation in politics in Nigeria and South Africa.

2. Examine the conditions that accounted for more women participation in public decision -making and politics in South Africa than igeria.

3. Suggest ways of improving the imbalance between men and women in political positions of both countries and Africa at large.

1.6 Research Questions

This research asks the following questions:

•What are the different challenges that impede women in getting to higher political office 111 Nigeria and South Africa?

•What are the factors responsible for more women participation in politics in South Africa than Nigeria?

•What measures can be put in place to promote greater gender equity in politics in both countries and Africa in genera I?

1.7 Research Methodology

The method considered appropriate for this study is historical and qualitative methodological approach (Ormston et al., 2014). Busha and Harter (1980:90) defined the historical approach as the "systematic collection of data which is preceded by the objective assessment of information connected to past events so as to test hypothesis in respect to their causes and outcomes in order to give explanations to the existing trends and have focus on the future". This method increases the understanding of present trends and allows prediction or original investigation of social occurrences through historical incursion into historical trajectories. The analysis and explanation of verification and the illustration of rational conclusions are therefore essential to historical research (Hancock and Algozzine, 2016). Regarding this study, the use of historical approach

enables better understanding of the historical rationale behind the under-representation of women in politics in South Africa and igeria (Krook, 2010b).

According to Miles and Huberman (1994:32-48), qualitative "methods are reasonable when the events under study are intricate, are social in nature, and do not lend themselves to measurement." Thus, qualitative research is fundamentally logical and involves techniques for information accumulation that are non-quantitative (Kinge and Tiobo, 2016). The qualitative method catches the points of interest of social life and "regards activities as a major aspect of all-encompassing social procedures and settings, as opposed to as something that can be considered in confinement" (Holmes Zamanian and Astrom, 2014). The qualitative methodology offers itself to examination of complex social reality without foreordaining the way that such investigation ought to go (Saaty and Kearns, 2014). Moreover, the strength of qualitative method lies in its enlightening capacity and in giving complete data on the topic of research, consequently giving exhaustive comprehension of human/hierarchical conduct and of social relations, in addition to providing a full explanation behind such relations. In this manner, the qualitative technique is adequate with regards the complications connected with the topic of this research.

Although there are different types of qualitative research, this study uses the explanatory research method (Baxter and Jack, 2008). Explanatory research seeks to give answers to enquiries like what causes or why is the circumstance the way it is? (Flick, 2014). Contributory illustrative research is exceptionally the most regular scholarly research accessible (Tavory and Timmermans, 2014). There are four sub-sorts of logical research to be specific, chronicle inquiry about, correlational, case study and relative quest. There are basically four sub-types of explanatory research. These are:

a. Historical Research: This includes the accumulation and examination of information on past patterns in a phenomenon in order to understand its present status and future predictions (Rico et a I., 2008). It seeks to comprehend phenomena by finding out time of event, procedures of development and its dynamics (Stringer, 2013).

b. Correlational Research: This type of research seeks to clarify a phenomenon by examining how its parts and other elements impact on its interrelationship (Bryman, 2015). This type of research can easily be measured, evaluated, and is valuable for analyzing issues identified with a substantia I and heterogeneous population (Bryman, 2015).

c. Case Study Research: This kind of research is comprehensive because it looks into aspects ofa substantial phenomenon (Silverman and Marvasti, 2008). It gives a detailed investigation into a sub-system of a large system so as to make genera I views of the· large system (Arasu et a I., 2016).

d. Comparative Research: This is an enquiry that makes general explanation about relationship between factors through comparison of entire substances that parallel each other in an important way (Brady and Collier, 20 I 0).

1.8. Data Collection

The research adopted secondary sources of data collection.

1.9. Secondary sources

The major secondary sources for this research are books, magazines, newspapers, journal articles government legislations/ reports and the internet. The internet serves as an instrumental source of information for the research given the contemporary nature of the topic under study and the historica I manner in which events have unfolded in the two countries. The secondary sources provided extensive bibliographic and background information, thus informing the study.

1.10. Ethical considerations

Ethical considerations are vital parts in a research. Ethics are the norms for conduct that recognize good and bad. Ethical considerations are fundamental in any research, initially on the grounds that moral contemplations avert a creation or distortion of data and consequently, propel the pursuit of knowledge and truth which is the key objective of research. It is therefore, important that a researcher comprehend ethical research and how this may influence a researcher's research plan. This is mostly important ifthe research involves interaction with members of the public who serve as participants in the research. In the course of the research, there are a range of interactions that might emerge: in-depth interviews, focus groups, survey or observing people's behavior.

Therefore, it is important that a researcher painstakingly assess the likelihood for mischief to ensure that a researcher acts appropriate moral principles; and the researcher must consider how the research may adversely influence participants; a researcher must protect the image of the supervisors as well as that of a researcher's institution from claims of inappropriate behavior, resulting from public criticism.

The orth-West University has principles for conducting research and the institution regards the following as unethical:

Copying texts, without proper referencing of the sources.

• Copying from published sources.

• Copying from materials which was obtained from the internet.

Copying parts or the whole of another student's work

• Loosely paraphrasing or summarizing another person's work.

• Theft of ideas (Manual for Postgraduate Studies, 20 I 0: 45).

With regard to the above listed yardsticks, this research conforms to the strict guide of ethical guidelines of the university and ensured that proper referencing and confidentiality are diligently adhered to.

1.11 Scope of the study

Scope comprises the clarification of information or subject that is being investigated in a research work (Keele, 2007). The study is confined to information from 2008 to 2016. The period of study was chosen on the principle that it a !lowed the study to capture the most recent events in the countries and to tease theoretical evaluations.

I .12 The structure of the Chapters for th is study is as fo !lows:

Chapter I prov ides the background of the study, identifies the problem, the sign ifica nee of the study, research aims, objectives, the research questions of the study, methodology, as well as ethical considerations.

Chapter 2 comprises the literature review as well as the theoretical framework on which the study is based.

Chapter 3 deals with data presentation and data analysis.

Chapter 2

Literature Review and Theoretical Framework 2.1 Literature Review

There are many scholarly writings on women participation in politics and the ramifications thereof both at loca I and internationa I !eve Is. The question regarding participation by both men and women in all spheres of life is not a new engagement (Marien et al., 20 I 0). Indeed, it has not been an issue of whether women ought to be involved in governmental issues but rather how to further improve the quality of the participation of citizens in a changing democratic society (Almond and Verba, 2015). Different researchers have documented women's participation as individual and organized groups in the political process (Verba, 2015). The reasons why female representation is to a great degree low in many nations vary significantly (Massey, 2013).

Arguing from the feminist activist viewpoint, zegwu, (2012) clearly shows how women, however not formally composed in organizations as seen in today's politics, were the instigator of the national struggles for freedom. During the fight for freedom, for example, the Mau Mau movement in Kenya, women gave the center and logistical backing for the movement (Later, 2016). Notjust did they work as reliable channels of communication and political mobilization but additionally organized centers of selecting contenders. Nzegwu emphasized that despite the fact that women played an equally important role in the struggle for freedom just as their men counterparts, more credit has been accorded to men.

The contribution of women in the national struggle for freedom is clearly seen in Africa and different parts of the world. Gbadegesin, (2012) recognizes the critical role played by women and their organizations in backing of ational Movements and political parties in igeria and Ghana respectively. Regardless of the considerable number of endeavors by women, there is little in influencing changes in gender politics and upgrading women's interests in political procedures beyond being voters (Thomas and Wilcox, 2014). Hossain, (2012) credits this inability to the absence of political independence of the organizations. They emphasize how women groups are quite often co-selected by the decision of the ruling class dominated by men. The ,gerian case demonstrates that the type of government in practice influences nature of other organizations in the general public. In Nigeria, the conservative agenda of the government programmes and the harsh way of the administration at the time could not permit liberation from any sector (Giroux, 2015).

lzugbara and Onuoha (2003) and Ezeigbo (1996) also lend credence to the explanations on how ora I traditions, surviving religious cu Its, re lie and indigenous politica I cultures indifferent parts of the country support the view that women played a significant role in the political system of igeria

in the past. According to Egya, (2011 ), women's active role in politics during colonialism 111 igeria meaningfully contributed to sustaining the nation (Nwanebo and Odigbo, 2012).

In South Africa, the role of women in the struggle for freedom can be seen in their attempts to make the minority whites in power during the 1950s reverse the pass law made which segregated the black majority and color people to state of slavery by imposing 'pass law' on them (Pinnock, 2010). This led to the popular 1958 protest when the women organized themselves in thousands and marched to the president's office in Pretoria agitating for reversal of such laws. This singular act of the women became what is celebrated today in South Africa as Women's Day every 9th of August.

Issues of soc ia I and conventiona I practices seem to have a genuine resu It on the capacity, readiness and the efforts of women in socio-political and managerial endeavors (Haynes, 2014). In accordance with the African leadership debates, various customary practices are unsafe to women's self-worth and self-image which are critical components for self-confidence expected if all genders are to actively take an interest in the po litica I fie Id (Pilgrim, 2011 )). The issues regards to marriage institutions most particularly the polygamous setting, widowhood, female circumcision, child marriage, unrea onable bride price and dismissal of spouses by husbands as a consequence ofthe women's failure to have kids and numerous more are perceived misfortunes that prevent the women from active responsibilities (Bond, 2011 ). It is on this note that, (Nwanebo and Od igbo, 2012) observed that

"Women become conditioned into accepting social debasements associated with widowhood rites and self-imposed abuses of the type that denies female children good food. Even in urban centers and in civilized circles, the stereotype gender-roles make women overplay their femininity by accepting that they are the weaker sex, ove r-emphasizing the dainty nature of their comportment, viewing the ambition of some members of their sex as ominous and regarding exceptional achievements as untoward competition with men" ( Nwanegbo and Od igbo 2012).

The series of critiques on low women's participation in the Nigeria politics focuses on various issues, for example underestimation, commanding states of mind of men, social practices, misuse of religion, poverty, financial and social unrest (Turshen, 2010). For more accentuation, in the

perspective of Van Deth, (2014) active participation requires the utmost contribution of citizens in some ways in formulating policy and making decisions in the political arena. In a basic assessment of democratization and women's political space in Nigeria, wanebo and Od igbo, (20 I 2) contend that women's relegation in governmental issues in igeria is obviously associated with destitution. umerous development commentaries and human development indexes show that in most developing countries women and children are exposed to poverty and depression associated with destitution.

Agbalajobi, (2010) examines the roles that women play in the political process in igeria, and he is of the perspective that in spite of the active roles they play and their population, the general public has not offered credit to these. Women remain oppressed and marginalized in the society. This, according to Agbalajobi (2010), is due to some cultural stereotype, conventional practices, religion misuse, and patriarchal societa I settings. He clarified further that women in Nigeria have consequently over the years become the objects of savagery of various forms based on their position in advancing political transformation. In the same vein Arowolo and Aluko, (2010) recognized violence and other forms of electoral crises perpetuated by men and young people are major obstacles obstructing dynamic interest of women in Nigeria governmental issues. As indicated by Jordan et al., (2010) women are frequently subjected to various types of mental, physical, sexual as well as emotional violence.

In the view of gara and Ayabam ( 2013), the reintroduction of democracy in Nigeria has obliged new demands on government to adopt a more open society and bring about greater political participation for women in public decision-making. This translates to the fact that until a significant percentage of women have access to public offices and are allowed the right to initiate, mould and implement public policy and legislation, they cannot effectively challenge the other problems they are confronted with. Having known the importance of the opportunity ahead of them, the women themselves have responded to under-presentation at all levels with more women organizations taking ad vantage of the new po I itica I opportunity to maintain their ro Jes and advance their progress (Kreuzer, 20 I 0). It is a sad situation that despite the fact that women make up the greater number of registered voters in any of the elections held in igeria, they are yet to enjoy full representative positions in the country (Achu et al., 2012). Considering the sacrifices women make for the success of various political parties and the roles they play during the electioneering campaign and voting processes in each round of election in the country demands that they take prominent position in governance in the country (Ngara and Ayabam, 2013).

Agbalajobi (2009:77) contended that women's desire to partake in governance is based on the following; that women in Nigeria make up more than half of the country's populace and by so doing ought to be permitted a sensible offer in the basic leadership and the administration of the nation. The second point is prefaced on normal equity -the fact that all individuals are equal and that both men and women ought to have equal rights to take an interest in governance and public life in the nation, the privilege to popularity based administration is a privilege presented to all citizens by law (Agbalajobi 2009). Akpan, (2015) brings up that the issue of right to fair administration which has brought mainstreaming to the fore of the contention. Right now, the challenges of the new millennium require everyone to be concerned about the number of women who have been impeded, consigned and victimized throughout the years, and by so doing, numerous women have not effectively and successfully taken an interest in the political environment, which thus prompts social separation.

The Chapter four of the 1999 Constitution of igeria states that "every person shall be entitled to assemble freely and associate with other persons, and in particular he may form or belong to any political party, trade union or any other association for the protection of

his interests: provided that the provisions of this section shall not derogate from the powers conferred by this Constitution on the Independent National Electoral Commission with respect to political parties to which that Commission does not accord recognition".

Section 42( I) of the igerian constitution further states that:

"A citizen of igeria of a particular community, ethnic group, and place of origin, sex, religion or political opinion shall not, by reason only that she is such a person -(a) be subject either expressly by, or in the practical application of, any law in force in igeria or any executive or administrative action ofthe government, to disabilities or restrictions to which citizens of igeria of other communities, ethnic groups, places of origin, sex, religious or political opinions are not made subject; or (b) Be accorded either expressly by, or in the practical application of, any law in force in Nigeria or any such executive or administrative action, any privilege or advantage that is not accorded to citizens of Nigeria of other communities, ethnic groups, places of origin, sex, religious or political opinions.

(2) No citizen of igeria shall be subjected to any disability or deprivation merely by reason of the circumstances of his birth:'

From the above, it appears that every citizen of the country is guaranteed equal participation in the political and public life without any restriction as far as their action is in accordance with the rules

stated in the constitution. There is nothing in the constitution which excludes participation of women from political positions in igeria. Yet, when it comes to actual practice, there is still a great deal of discrimination against women in the country in terms of political participation and dee is ion-making.

According to (Macarie and Moldovan, 2011), laws in South Africa and many parts of the world forbid sex discrimination, yet, it is still a general problem to most women, especially the working class. According to (Slaughter, 2015 :31) , it appears that practices such as always having men as leaders both in the family and at pub lie place are sti II rampant a II over the world. Pence liah, (2011) argues that absence of women in leadership posit ions in South Africa and the world can be ascribed to gender institutiona I cultures that ·'prevent women from seeing the leadership potentia I that exists in half the population." She argued further that despite some strides made in terms of women empowerment there is still a lot to be done in order to help increase the number of women representation.

According to We II man (20 I 0), the first convention on women's rights took place in Seneca Fa! Is, ew York in the year 1843. Some years later, the literature and national media still carry out research on how women are perceived as leaders and the challenges they face when trying to climb the leadership ladder. However, (Moraga and Anzaldt'.ia, 2015) state that there have been various movements in place and different national attention concerning the issue of equal rights, yet, the questions of why women today are struggling to break through a glass ceiling that undermines the upward mobility of women in the political arena continues to be a bone of contention to many researchers.

In spite the various movements and agitations for equal rights for women, to know that women have to continue struggling for equality both in the workplace and in politics, one might ask oneself: what is the issue that keeps them from attaining those equal rights that they have struggled for in centuries? There are several literatures, debates and assumptions of why women still fight to get to the top !eve I of management. (Grun ig et a I., 2013 ), assert that women must sacrifice their

gender and embrace masculine views, and choose between their personal and professional

identities. Some researchers are also of the opinion that greater number of women do not know how to compete and negotiate for top level positions in public places.

Ergle, (2015) argued that stereotypically feminine potentials are usually not the potentials that come to mind when people think of leaders who are successful, re ulting in the depiction of them as not suitable for leadership."

This study identified diverse plausible clarifications and theories based on past research on why

there are very few women in politics compared to their men counterparts (Mackay, 2001 :32). The reviewed literature on the factors res pons ib le for the low representation of women in politics state

the following impediments as the fundamental cause of women underrepresentation in igeria and

South Africa: religion factors, socio-economic variables, law and customs, patriarchy, unfavorable

religious practices, colonial legacy, financial constraint, attitudes of men politicians towards the women politician amongst others (Kinge, 2015; Agbalajobi, 2010; wadigbo and Odigbo, 2012).

This study's contribution

As illustrated above, the literature on women's political participation can be broadly divided into two categories: structural factors and individual factors that promote or impede women's participation in politics. My study is designed to reflect this division and thus draws expectations/hypotheses directly from the extant literature. ote that these expectations do not neatly correspond to the Nigeria and South Africa cases; in fact, in crucial ways the empirical evidence contradicts scholarly predictions. This mis-match between theory and reality is what makes these two countries fertile grounds for the research endeavor.

However, studies that focus specifically on South Africa and 1gerian women's unde r-representation in politics are limited. Therefore this study adds scholarly attention to the factors

responsible for the marginalization of women in the political sphere in South Africa and 1geria and it will also look into the various factors that accounted for more women representation in

politics in South Africa than 1geria.

By reviewing relevant literatures on the subject matter, the researcher uncovers the factors that

both promote and hinder women political participation. The researcher further argues that certain

stories of the personal lives of women and the structure of the society support them or hinders

them from being politically active.

The researcher detailed the research strategy in chapter 3, 117 which the two countries were compared based on their regional and political context.

2.2 Theoretical Framework

The problem of gender equality and women's political participation is not only an issue of scholastic interest. It holds numerous perspectives similarly vital in the political and social circle for all individuals (Hartlep, 2011). The essential argument is from one perspective an issue of fundamental democratic rights, everyone's equal right and possible candidature to exercise political power. There is likewise the fact that enormous amount of help goes to democratic advancement which to some degree seeks to advance women's political influence and participation in politics (De Mesquita, 2013). There are also numerous projects put in place with the aim of educating women in political issues, preparing them to be eligible candidates for local governance and increase their influence in the political arena (Krook, 2010a). There is a point in examining hindrances for women's participation to prove some understanding of women's access to politics in order to advance female representation culminating in desired results. There are numerous perspectives about the inc red ib leach ievement of women in po I itics and their possibilities and roles in politics require further examination.

Gender is a socially and culturally constructed factor that is fixed on gender roles. It refers to traits social, cultural, and psychological characteristics linked to males and females through socialization. Gender is a social tool responsible for distribution of roles based on femininity and

masculinity.

Allocation of gender roles is reinforced through socialization which in essence gives an individual his/her identity in the soc ia I structures. Sex and gender are not the same since sex is the b io logica I difference between ma le and female and gender entails roles constructed through different socialization of males and females. Gender roles keep changing and evolving with time. Gender roles have tended to favor men as a result of the patriarchal and stereotypical nature of many African societies. Political participation and representation in igeria and South Africa has alway taken a sexist perspective where women only participate as voters.

Over the past 4 decades, the body of literature by women in Africa and the African Diaspora has inspired vigorous debates that have led to the evolution ofa body of theories pertaining to African feminism (Mekgwe, 2010). African is a complex, evolving, and plural society that has undergone historical experiences and has as imilated new culture . With regard to gender role theories, komo and gambi (2009) proposed using the African feminism theory as a theoretical framework to advance the study of African women in leadership and management. The researchers

contended that more research is needed to understand the statuses, experiences, and leadership of African women. komo and gambi argued that most studies rely too heavily on Western-based understanding of gender and gender relations. Alternatively, African feminism theory offers a means to query the cultural, historical, political, and economic context influencing the study of African women in management and leadership. African feminism is vital because it understands the impact of culture and the historical experiences (colonial experience) on gender constructions. Mekgwe (2010) maintained it is especially important because it focuses on how historical experiences such as the colonial experience have resulted in the "renegotiation, reconsideration, remaking of the African gender construct" (p. 193).

African feminists argued for an emphasis on culture in the description and subsequent analysis of African realities, hence, resisting the universalization and consequent projection of Western ideas (Blay, 2008). According to Blay (2008), African feminists resist notions that womanhood in A fr ica is itself a cause for oppression. Blay recognized that both "gender" and "power" have the potential to take on variable meanings in variable contexts (p. 69). Thus, the analysis of gender must be contextualized within the particular culture and society within which it occurs and for which it has

implications.

This study employs the feminist theory as the main anchor for analyzing why there is disparity in the representation of women to men in the political sphere in South Africa and Nigeria despite the fact that women are the majority voters in any election in the two countries. Feminism as a social theory targets liberating women by removal of every legal limitation on the women's capacity to act as free people in a society in view of economic and social rivalry as the last stride in the creation ofa flawless society (Mueni, 2014). The development involves reconsidering the past and future in which women are viewed as active agents of progress. The theory in this way recognizes avenues, for example, associations that empower women to play an active role in the process of change in the society (Sadiqi and Ennaji, 2013). The feminists' movement is connected with the enlightenment principle of natural rights which characterizes women's role in the public arena (Ryan, 2013). Woman's rights as a social development goes back to the sixteenth century. The movement started as a resistance to women's oppression at their work places and denial of rights to suffrage. Feminist theory perceives the marginalization of women and along these lines seek to go about as a shield against such marginalization (West, 2014). The variance in terms of taking part in political activities between men and women is molded by the social environment rather than being norma I. The emphasis here is therefore on the potentia Is im ilarities between the genders

instead ofthe differences. The accentuation is towards ending the male partiality and domination (Fiske, 20 I 0).

There are three ma in strands of Feminist theory whose ma in po int is the source of the subordination and how to put an end to this subordination of women (Shoemaker, 2014). Liberal feminism follows a long history of championing for enhanced rights and opportunities for women; be that as it may, they disregard the existing structure of the society (McRobbie, 2009). Liberal feminists are concerned with ideas of justice and fairness and assume that women suffer injustices because of their sex and are organized around campaigns for equality and redistribution (Kalsem and Williams, 2010). This strand however has a shortcoming in that the struggles do not genuinely challenge the sources of disparities between the genders, thus do not perceive that relations between the genders have particular power relations (Mc ay, 2013).

On the other hand, Radical Feminists are critical of the entire male dominated society (Connell, 2014). These scholars challenge the traditional assumptions by reclassifying the most intimate of human relations as political as opposed to private (Mamdani, 2012). They dismiss the liberal idea of getting equity with in the current soc ia I structure which characterizes everything in ma le terms. Rad ica I feminists characterize women as universally oppressed, ass isters in oppress ion, in a world owned, controlled and physically dominated by men (Ramazanoglu, 2012). Radical feminist scholars in this way see the answer for women's empowerment in eradicating all the male structures in the society and excluding men in women affairs. Generally, radical feminists try to overthrow the structure of the society and its patriarchy settings (Cooper, 2016). This set of feminism would do anything possible to promote women organizations to support women issues even to the total avoidance of men. Be that as it may, in this lies the shortcoming of radical feminism. lt calls for detachment between the genders and it is oriented towards western assumptions (Shaheen, 2012).

The Marxist point of view of feminism concentrates on power difference between the genders (Butler, 2011). These scholars see women subordination as a class battle between male and

Females and goes further to group the variance in participation to the access and ownership of wealth hence proximity to power. Marxist feminists see subordination of women as a result of the class structure of society (Gatrell and Swan, 2008). They express that private enterprise, which brought about the rise to economic disparities, political confusion and ultimately the unhealthy social relations between men and women is the foundation of women' oppression (Elam, 2013). Criticized as being leftists, the Marxists see working women as economically abused in ways that the bourgeois women are most certainly not (Gal and K ligman, 2012). To this degree, the Marxist

feminists advocate for women associations that would in the long run overturn the present state of affairs at the national institutions, for example, parliament (Smart, 2002).

By and large, feminist theory, regard less of the different strands, places that:

(i) current relationship between male and female is organized in a way that women are subordinated to men and this needs to change;

(ii) the paternal status of society that is seen as ordinary and in which women have been subordinated must be challenged;

(iii) the challenge ought to be founded on the idea that every single person is equal and has a similar potential.

Feminist theory focuses on the unbalanced political cooperation exceptionally well because it questions every aspect of power re lat ions amongst men and women (Haraway, 2013). Differences in political pa11icipation are clarified in light of sex (Young, 2011 ). It likewise gives suggestions on how women can enhance the situation. In this regard, the theory is important in addressing the disparity between men and women's participation in governmental issues.

When seeking to incorporate gender and equity perspectives into the framework, Feminists stubbornly grasp to the universal framework provided by the Declaration of

Human Rights framework because it allows them to reject ideas of cultural relativism that unquestionably weaken women's human rights (Ezeilo, 2006). The challenge is that fundamentalists, especially Islamic fundamentalists, insist that upholding their rights to religion and culture does not mean they are against women's rights. The fundamentalists claimed the Universal Declaration of Human Rights should accord them the right to their religion and culture and should not be used to discriminate against them.

Burns et al. (2001), basing their research on feminist theory, asked why 3 decades after the Women's Movement and three generations after suffrage women are not nearly as involved in the public arena as are men. They speculated that (a) women generally have less time for outside activity, (b) they have less psychic space in their minds due to family demands, (c) the patriarchal role is still emphasized for a democratic society, (d) that women have fewer resources than men that are associated with running for po litica I office, ( e) that there is institutionalized discrimination in the political arena, and (f) socialization of women lead them to different conclusions from men. imilarly, in thi tudy, I examined how women con tructed their world to make the most of their experiences in the public arena. They were asked how they describe their participation in the political sector and leadership positions in igeria. They were asked about obstacles and how their

educational, economic, and marital issues affected their ability to participate in political leadership 111 1gena.

The feminist theory is appropriate in informing this study in that it helps to explain why women lag far behind in political participation as opposed to their male counterparts. Furthermore, it breaks down the presence and operation of women associations in public sphere contextualizing their activities as an element of certain historical events and consequently proposes a means of correcting such (Stryker, 2008). In order to a have full understanding of how women

marginalization is redressed, the study looks at the participation of women as an instrument of restoring equity to correct historical injustices that bring about the marginalization of women (Walker, 2015). In this view, the study looks at how women themselves can deal with marginalization and find a way of ending the injustices imposed on them as a result of the way the society is structured (Connell, 2014). Thus despite the fact that general theoretical framework of analysis is feminist theory, the study is inclined towards the liberal feminist view because this gives more detailed explanation to hindrance and equitable participation. By emphasizing cognizance more than action, the liberal view reconsiders the past with a conceivable solution, the arrangement based on perceptions of the society as male ruled, suggesting a change that is

informed by social context as opposed to natural phenomenon.

CHAPTER 3

3.1 Historical Background

igeria like other African countries had its experiences of the colonialization process (Decker, 20 l 0). In 1914, igeria became a colony of Britain. The country is a Sub-Saharan at ion that got its autonomy in I 960 after a long British administrative rule. It is the most populated African

country with projected population of more than I 60 million people. igeria is made up of over 250 ethnic groups and among these groups stand the three major tribes namely the Hausa-Fulani,

Yoruba, and lgbo tribes (Agbiboa, 2013). In terms of politics, Nigeria is a country that has been

characterized by instability (Agbiboa, 2013). As a result, just like in any other African country,

the bane of Nigeria has been democratic instability (Ogund iya, 20 l 0). It is unfortunate that

Nigeria, with all its copious assets, is still counted among the poorest and underdeveloped nations

in the world (Nwosu, 2012).

It is obvious that one of the major challenges in Nigeria is that women have no considerable role

in the politics of governance and access to power (Maka ma, 2013). As stated by C igler and

Loom is, (2011 ), a lot of studies show that by invo Iv ing women in po I itics is an instant ad vantage. The world has recorded various powerful and active female leaders. These dynamic female leaders include Indira Gandhi, India's Prime Minister from 1966 to 1977 and 1980 to 1984; Jennifer Smith, Bermuda's president in 1998; Elizabeth Domitien, Prime Minister of the Central African Republic from 1995 to 1996; and Ellen Johnson SirleafofLiberia. Even though the present governments of

igeria have allowed for more participation of women in politics than the past governments, various military coups and civil wars experienced by the country have classified the country a

middle-age democracy (Markoff, 2015).

igeria ranks among the few rising democratic nations where social restrictions that preclude women from attaining position of authority or from actively participating in Nigeria's political process which leads to a democracy where equal opportunities, rights, privileges and right to lead are open and extended to all (Aluko, 2012). Considering the significance of women and the role they play in any society, igerian women are not sufficiently empowered with public leadership apparatuses. This situation equally obtains in many other emerging democratic countries. Thus, women remain politically excluded and are cribbed from obtaining or assuming public leadership positions. Although democracy as a term does not have a commonly recognized definition, there are varied descriptions of the concept. Fischer (2009), defined democracy as the method of authority where the extensive participation is either by elections or the execution of policies.

According to him, the success and sustainability of democracy remain in accountability and transparency. Any development towards democracy must rely upon the presence of political and socio-economic prerequisites that guarantee groups in the society are not left out in the political progress ion of the country as th is is the fundamenta I for democratic subsistence (Haynes, 2013). However, these conditions are lacking in igeria. As an underdeveloped country, igeria battles

"deepening inequality arising from imperial relations, divergent histories, and geographies of

colonialism, prolonged military dictatorship and authoritarian civilian rule" (Pereira, 2009, pp. 263-264 ). There is I im ited access to a va i lab le resources and exclusion or marg ina I ization -founded on social divisions such as ethnicity, gender, religion, age and class - is determined by the balance of power which plays out in the country (Pereira, 2009).

The contributions of women in the economic and social advancement of igeria is not in doubt (Mord i et a I., 20 I I). In fact, researchers concur on the need for women to assume a substantia I role in the political activities of the country (Gordon, 2012). Despite the fact that few dispute the important role that women can have in the advancement of the country, women are not accorded significant roles in decision-making in the country. Following the vibrant involvement ofN igerian women at the International Conference on Women in Beijing, China in I 995, the significance of women in politics was highlighted (Paxton and Hughes, 2015). It was declared at the conference that "women's empowerment and their full participation on the basis of equality in all spheres of society. including participation in dee is ion-making process and access to power, were fundamenta I for the advancement of equality, development, and peace" (!fed iii and !fed iii, 2009).

3.2 igerian women before colonialism

Strong tradition, in the history ofa nation, plays an essential role. In historical Nigeria for instance, traditional custodians played a noteworthy role (Onwumah, 2012). Traditional custodians in the western part of the country were concerned with the responsibilities of resolving disagreements within the family, kinship, tradition, religion, organizations, and belief system (Cohen, 2013). During this period, both men and women, to varying extents, exercised political power in traditional igeria (Sklar, 2015). In the Igbo society for instance, the key determinant of hierarchical relationships are age, experience, ability and marital status (Manning,

2009). Rather than gender, respect, authority and power are earned on attributes involving charisma, morality and distinguished service in the military (Chuku, 2009). This was particularly valid in societies such as lgbo in the pre-colonial period where political structures were expanded

and decentralized. The exercise of authority did not I ie in the hands of single ind ivid ua 1 (Meagher,

20 I 0). Politica I power was decentralized and a I located to the diverse sexes and age grades (Chuku, 2009). In spite the fact that the politica I system was dominated by 111ales, the system still accorded women political opportunities (Fortes and Evans-Pritchard, 2015).

In a dua I-sex po litica I setting as stated by Choo and Ferree, (20 I 0), the wo111en's groups had similar power arrangements to those of their male counterparts. This basically implied that political authority was shared between 111en and wo111en to establish harmony and to advance the society (Weeks, 2014). Women exercised power in areas that were classically considered for the111, in the dual-sex political setting, for instance women courts and age-grade syste111s (Mbah, 2013). In the age-grade setting, women were delegated unique obligations and duties in accordance to their age. Within the title society, most wo111en who were given titles exerted huge political authority and impact. Chuku (2009) and Nolte (2008) concur that the contributions of wo111en in political ingenuity in the pre-colonial time was not restricted to Nigeria but also applied to many parts of Africa. Women took part in the basic leadership of their pre-colonial groups. This was done parallel to male hierarchical orders in existence alongside the female lines of authority. As indicated by Chuku, women in Yoruba society held particular chieftaincy titles and custom positions where their part was to instruct the rulers with respect to their towns and help keep up the social request and welfare of the group. Great cases of such duty are the I ya lode title that characterized the benefits of women and the custom positions set aside for women in the tribal masquerade social orders (Oladejo, 2015). Oladejo observed that colonialis111 influenced the title character of women in Yoruba lands and Nigeria in general.

Politically, before the advent of colonialis111, igerian women were a vital piece component of the political architecture and oeuvre of their co111111unities (Koriel1, 2010). Bornu, for example before colonialis111, wo111en assu111ed dynamic roles in the organization of the state, supplementing the parts played by their male partners (Oriji, 2011). Additionally, women likewise assumed an exceptionally huge position in the political past of ancient Zaria (Korieh and Okeke-Ihejirika, 2008). The current city of Zaria was established in the first quarter of the sixteenth century by Queen Bakwa Turuku. She had a fe111ale child called Amina who later became her successor. Amina was an extraordinary and capable warrior (Salmonson, 2015). he constructed a high fence round Zaria with a specific goal to shield the city fro111 invasion and expanded the limits of her region past Bauchi thereby making Zaria a distinguished commercial centre (Abubakar, 2014). Not limiting the story to Bornu alone, wo111en were female customary leaders in ancient Yoruba land where Oba ruled (Oriji, 2011). They comprised eight titled women of the most astounding

ranks. The noteworthy role played by these women, for example. More mi of lfe, Emotan ofl3en,n and Omu Okwei ofOssomari, cannot be overlooked. Moremi and Emotan were awesome amazons who showed brilliant fortitude and quality in the legislative matters of lfe and Benin individually, while Omu Okwei on her own part expanded business scene ofOssomari into today's Delta State. Table I igerian women's positions before colonialism

NAME TOWN/VILLAGE LOCAL STATE TYPE OF DATE

GOY. RULE

AREA

I Luwo Ife Ife central Osun Ooni of Before

Gbadiaya local lfe colonialism

government

2 lyanyu Oyo Oyo local Oyo Alaafin Before

government colonialism

3

Orompoto Oyo Oyo local Oyo Alaafin Before

government colonialism

4 Jomijomi Oyo Oyo local Oyo A laa fin Before

government colonialism

5

Jepojepo Oyo Oyo local Oyo Alaafin Before

government co Ionia I ism

6 Queen Zauzau Kaduna Kaduna Emir Before

Amina co Ionia I ism

7

Daura Daura Daura Katsina Queen Before

Emirate co Ionia I ism

8 Kofono Daura Daura Katsina Queen Before

Emirate co Ionia I ism

9 Eye-moi Akure Akure Ondo Regent- Before

Monarch colonialism

1705-1735

AD

10

Ayo-Ero Akure Akure Ondo Regent- Before

Monarch co Ionia I ism

1850-1851 AD 11 Gulfano Daura Daura Katsina Queen Before

Emirate colonialism

12 Yawano Daura Daura Katsina Queen Before

Emirate colonialism

13 Yakania Daura Daura Katsina Queen Before

Emirate colonialism

14 Walsam Daura Daura Katsina Queen Before

Emirate co Ionia I ism

15 Cadar Daura Daura Katsina Queen Before

Emirate colonialism

16 Agagri Daura Daura Katsina Queen Before

Emirate colonialism

17 Queen Bony local Rivers Queen Before

Kanbasa Bony government colonialism

Source: Kolawale, Adeigbe, Adebayo & Abubakar (2013)

Table 1 illustrates the privileged positions of women traditional rulers before colonial rule 111

3.3 Colonial Era

Colonialism had a profound impact on Nigerian women as they were not given the right to exercise their franchise (Paxton and Hughes, 2015). Before colonial administration, women were not seen as subordinates but rather they had complementary involvement ro Jes they played (Loomba, 2015). The social progressive system in traditional Africa was not differentiated and there was no such categorisation as ma le or females (A mad iume, 2015). o measure of stereotyping militated against women (Hassouneh and Glass, 2008). Women occupied different positions of authority in pre-colonial Africa as queen mothers, queen sisters and princesses. They also were holders of office

in many villages and towns (Jabbaar-Gyambrah, 2009). Women had controlling powers which they acquired by virtue of their different positions particularly along their matrilineal social orders (Rubin, 2009). In Asante of Ghana, lgbo towns of igeria and other various parts of West Africa for instance, power sharing between men and women was a common practice (Chuku, 2009; Steegstra, 2009). In the conventional African culture, women's roles were linked with the social

structures of the general society (Connell, 2014). There was also a dual sex political framework

where sex was instrumenta I in placing female sex figures in charge of undertakings and

responsibilities relating to their gender (Connell, 2014). This implied that political power was shared among men and women (Chuku, 2009).

Colonial administration interrupted the complementary role played by women and consigned them to the background (Wagner, 2016). Though this is not to say that there was an absolute absence of gender imbalance in pre-colonial Africa but that imperialism made sex separation more articulated (McClintock, 2013). Colonialists substituted the conventional political arrangement of accountability with a system where women's associations were wrongly perceived within existing

political structure which disregarded their rights (Zulu, 2011). For instance, in customary Yoruba

lands women held high office. For example, !ya lode, lyaloja, lyalaje and even Oba title. However, with the advent of colonialism, women ended up being denied these political rights (Agbalajobi, 2010).

Women in Southern igeria were only enfranchised in the 1950s (lgbokwe, 2013). Three women

were elected into the House of Chiefs, namely Chief(Mrs.) Olufunmilayo Ransome Kuti (elected into the Western igeria House of Chiefs); Chiefs (Mrs.) Margaret Ekpo and Janet Mokelu (both elected into the Eastern Nigeria House ofChiefs). The women's wings ofpolitical parties ironically

held less significant positions during this period (Krook, 2010a).

3.4 After Colonial rnle

At some point in this period, igerian women started top lay very active roles in the political arena (!ton, 20 I 0). For instance, Mrs. Wuraola Esan from Western part of the Country in 1961 was elected into Federal Parliament as the first female member of that house in Nigeria (Kolawale et a I., 2012). In 1961, Chief (Mrs.) Margaret Ekpo a !so contested and won the election, becoming a

member of the Eastern Nigeria House of Assembly till 1966; Mrs. Janet N. Mokelu and Miss Ekpo

A. Young also contested and won elections. They became members of the Eastern House of Assembly (Thompson and Onifade, 2014). Nevertheless, in the northern part of the country,

women were still disenfranchised even after independence until the return of civilian rule in 1979 (Kolawale et al., 2012). Due to this denial, prominent female politicians such as Hajia Gambo Sawaba in the North was not allowed to vote nor be voted into any political office (Innocent and

Nwaoha, 2014).

The second Republic (1979-1983), witnessed more women participation in governmental issues (Kolawale et al., 2012). At the Nigerian national level elections, a number of women won elections