‘Why now?’
Structural Violence Against Women as a Prime Issue in
Brazil
MSc Cultural and Social Anthropology Anthropology Department, GSSS University of Amsterdam,
Amsterdam June 26th, 2017
Student name: Simone Artigas Chaurais Student number: 11182199
Email: si.chaurais@gmail.com
Supervisor: Dr. Rachel Spronk 2nd Reader: Dr. Julie McBrien 3rd Reader: Dr. Mattijs van de Port
‘I would rather be a bad feminist
Than no feminist at all.’
- Roxanne Gay
Formulae on Plagiarism
I have read and understood the University of Amsterdam plagiarism policy. I declare that this assignment is entirely my own work, all sources have been properly acknowledged, and that I have not previously submitted this work, or any version of it, for assessment in any other paper.
Amsterdam, 26th of June 2017.
Abstract
This research is focusing on structural violence against women and why it became a prime issue for feminists in Brazil. Having as a starting point the online surge regarding two gang rape cases, structural violence became a relevant topic after an attempted research on “rape culture” showed that issues raised by feminist groups in current days are part of a bigger discourse. Previous studies on Brazil’s social organization have demonstrated the influence of patriarchal traditions over the way Brazilians perceive their social environment and
relationships, therefore concluding that an oppressive social system that devalues women is established in Brazil. Drawing on data gathered, this study focuses on how women overcome structural violence in different spheres. From the formation of a collective identity to public demonstrations, this work explores the practices and actions of a particular feminist group in Brazil. Finally, this research will address the role of social media in the re-emergence of Brazilian feminism and how it contributed to putting women’s issues in the spotlight. From beginning to end, this work highlights gender inequality as the core of women’s claims.
Key words: Structural violence; Women’s movement; feminism; collective identity; social
Acknowledgements
To my parents, Vera and Ademar, thank you for have been cheering for me since the beginning of this Masters, and without whom it would have been impossible to come to Amsterdam in the first place. To my supervisor, Rachel Spronk, thank you for helping me throughout this process, for sharing your knowledge and having patience with me. To have the opportunity to be guided by someone like Rachel was a pleasure already. Finally, I thank all friends I made during this period, especially those who constantly showed interest in how I was doing, offered me help and their companionship. As to the participants of this research, I thank all (active and non-active) members from the feminist group, in special the group leaders who did everything to help me in my research. Also, I thank other feminist groups I was able to meet. It was inspiring to spend time with these women who have strong opinions and are willing to fight for their principles.
From Brazil, I thank four friends in special. Juliane and Nayara, for being there for me since the beginning of this roller coaster, listening to my complaints, celebrating my victories and encouraging me no matter how bad the feedback I received was. I also want to thank Maiara and Debora who helped me with random translations for this thesis. Finally, I thank my family, in special Davi, Beatriz and Fabiano.
Table of Content
Introduction 1
Becoming a Feminist Again 6
Outline of the Thesis 9
Chapter 1: Brazil: The Legacy of a Patriarchal Past 11
Patriarchal Heritage 11
Gender and Sexuality in the 21st Century 13
The Celebration of the Feminine 14
Machismo: perpetuating structural violence against women 16
Conclusion 17
Chapter 2: Recognizing Oppression 19
Mística 20
Sharing Experiences and Emotions 23
Outlet: going from singular to plural 26
Conclusion 29
Chapter 3: Espaço de Fala 30
An Unusual Gatekeeper and Espaço de Fala 30
Espaço de Fala within Espaço de Fala 34
Coping by Using Espaço de Fala 38
Conclusion 40
Chapter 4: The Backlash 42
One Side of the Coin: misrepresentations of women and women’s issues by the media 42
The Other Side: social media as an important tool 46
‘Because enough is enough!’ 50
Conclusion 53
Conclusion 55
Introduction
In June 2013, Brazil faced its biggest protests’ wave in the last two decades. People of
different ages, race, sex and social classes took on the streets around the country in opposition to rising bus fares. It did not take long until the demonstrations became about something bigger. Over than a million people on the streets were protesting against corruption, poor education, and health system, better quality of life and rights. The demonstrations of 2013 opened up space for dialogue and debates that were not given much importance before. Matters of politics, economy, sexual orientation, race, inequality between genders and many others gained visibility within society.
The political polarization established in Brazil, a consequence of the protests and
demonstrations of 2013, required society to choose sides. Historically, social movements in Brazil belong to the left, nevertheless Brazilian feminism had impasses with both right and left wings. Accused of having ideologies too liberal by the conservative right, feminists were not welcomed by the left which considered feminist’ claims superficial and feminists as ‘little-bourgeois.’ However, due to its purposes of challenging bigger social issues and injustices, the Women’s movement in Brazil has always been associated with left-wing ideologies, therefore as part of a greater social movement. Nowadays, Brazilian feminism has become one of the most influent groups of the left wing. Although some feminist groups claim to be apolitical or even seek for association with the right wing, Brazilian feminism - the social movement - is being associated with left wing more than ever before.
In this scenario, feminism was slowly finding its way back both as an ideology and as a movement in society, especially through social media. The turning point for Brazilian feminism happened in May 2016, when a 16-year-old girl was gang raped in one of the
favelas in Rio de Janeiro, Brazil. Some newspapers were reporting that 30 men had raped this
young woman. Some would say 33 men or more did it. A week after, a 17-year-old was gang raped in Bom Jesus (PI), Brazil. The brutality of these crimes, the way media covered the cases, and the popular tendency towards the blaming of the victim sparked two main reactions among society. Protests, as the first and most immediate action taken, were organized by feminist groups in solidarity to the victim. Not only they demonstrated sorority, but they shed light on gender inequality, violence against women, and other related topics. In the long term,
these gang rape cases pulled the trigger to an extensive and important reflection on the
structure of Brazilian society and the place women occupy in that society. It initiated a debate among different layers of society across the country on the importance of feminism and the issues it raises, which strengthened the resurgence of feminist groups in Brazil.
The term “rape culture” is the result of this new era of Brazilian feminism. It emerged both in social media and during protests as the explanation to a society where people tend to find excuses or blame the victim for the rape or violence. Faced by feminists as something that should not be acceptable anymore or that society should not tolerate, it quickly became the new flagship of Brazilian feminism. By that time, I was already living in the Netherlands. It means that all information I had access to was online. On Facebook and Twitter, for example, people expressed opinions that go both ways. From the claim of the online community to fight for the end of “rape culture” in Brazil to people arguing that it not exist. The strength with which “rape culture” dominated the main (online) debates made me wonder why it became a social issue in the public sphere at this moment. Altogether with its sudden popularity, I felt touched by those cases for several reasons. As a Brazilian woman who agrees that society cannot tolerate the way women are treated anymore, I developed a proposal in which I intended to study both “rape culture” and Brazilian feminism.
The research proposal was guided by a question on the engagement of a feminist group with the current debate on “rape culture.” Nevertheless, a few weeks in the field showed that the debate I was aiming to witness would not come in the expected format for two main reasons. First, the issue of “rape culture” was not tangible or concrete to the group in the sense that members would not know how to plan actions - events, conventions, demonstrations - to deal with it. Based on group interviews and focus groups, it was possible to notice that members of Frente de Resistência Feminista [translated to Feminist Resistance Front] would get confused about the term, its definition and meaning. In general, an attempted discussion on “rape culture” would end up being about several other discourses such as gender differences and
machismo. The deviation of discourses during discussions leads to the second, and most
important point that is the realization that “rape culture” belongs to something bigger and, therefore, it might not be possible to be studied as a clear object. Acknowledging that is to understand that one needs to look at the big picture. The emergence of the term “rape culture” was important to bring people together, especially women, who are socially engaged and trying to make a difference in society. To look solely at “rape culture” is to miss an enriching
debate on social organization in Brazil and the structure of its society. In this sense, this thesis will be dedicated to answering a different question than the one initially proposed. It will be focusing on why structural violence against women has become a prime issue for a feminist group from Brazil. Structural violence emerged as an important theme in this research after some discourses stood out and were repeated several times during fieldwork, i.e. heavy critiques on machismo and state politics concerning reproductive rights such as abortion. In this sense, structural violence is, in fact, the core of debates such as “rape culture” and many others.
The first concept that emerged during discussions was patriarchy. The explanation of Brazil’s patriarchal society and how it influences social organization in Brazil will serve both as a context to situate the reader within Brazilian history, but also as a guideline for the following concepts. According to Richard Parker, patriarchy is not only the basis to establish the social organization of Brazilian society, but also the influence on how Brazilians perceive their social interactions and relations (2009: 35). Patriarchy became a leading concept because of the way informants use it to explain several other ongoing situations such as gender inequality and machismo, for example. It is important as context because Brazilian society is deeply rooted in patriarchal traditions until present days. Both ways to look into patriarchy - the informants’ point of view and as historical context - highlight the importance to differentiate the way respondents talk about it and what it is in Brazil. Regardless such difference that will be addressed relying both on literature and data gathered in the field, the discourse on
patriarchy highlighted a few other necessary concepts.
While patriarchy is important as context, gender ideology is relevant as one of the main concerns of feminist groups in Brazil. The way gender is perceived in Brazil is dictated by patriarchal traditions that establish a hierarchy between men and women. Because gender ideologies are very much connected to biological differences in Brazil, it is a hard job to talk about gender roles without mentioning sexuality, and how it is perceived. Both concepts are interconnected in a way that one defines the other. For instance, to be a man is to be strong, aggressive and active, whereas a woman has to be passive and sexless (Baldwin et al.
2001:11), yet beautiful and sensual. Although women’s sexuality is filled with contradictions, it is argued that the discourses on gender and sexuality in Brazil perpetuate an oppressive social structure in which women lose or have their agency constricted because of fear for their safety/lives or forced submission to men.
This oppressive social system is called as cultura machista or simply machismo. It integrates the main issues raised by feminist groups. Seen as the result of a society in which gender roles and sexuality are defined by patriarchal traditions, machismo was a recurrent topic in every meeting I attended. It is such an important matter to feminist groups that topics with other peculiarities such as abortion and birth control end up being about the patriarchal control over women’s body and, therefore, machismo. Nevertheless, it adds to this research a concept that neither gender or sexuality present in such a clear way. In the core of the definition of
machismo is the issue about the distribution of power. It plays a decisive role in the
understanding of the relationship between the genders as it is established in Brazil. It highlights male domination and female subordination as the natural order.
Throughout the development of this study, meanwhile members of the researched group are trying to find outlets to a deeply rooted oppressive social structure, collective identity
emerged as a final important concept. It is argued that the definition of such concept is formed by the understanding of belonging and action. Belonging refers to the connections established between individuals and a broader group, based on shared interests and common goals. Action, in its turn, refers to collective action, in the sense that the formation of an identity is the basis for action, therefore deciding upon strategies and organization of the group (Holland et al. 2008: 97-98). Practices established by the researched feminist group allow the
identification of both senses of belonging, therefore the emergence of a collective identity, and planned actions towards resistance.
Curiosity about the term “rape culture” led to a study that relates gender inequality, sexuality, and machismo to the issue of structural violence against women in Brazil. The relevance and purposes of this study changed during the analysis of data gathered throughout fieldwork. Besides acknowledging “rape culture” as part of something bigger, this study also faced the uprising of the feminist movement in Brazil. The importance of such study is, in this sense, to demonstrate how structural is structural violence against women but also the process of formation of a bigger social movement in Brazil. This research allows the understanding of the organization of the feminist movement, how it has been organizing itself and what are the main fights of such movement.
The interlocutors for this research are the members of Frente de Resistência Feminista, a feminist group located in one of the main cities in Brazil. In 2013, Frente de Resistência Feminista was founded by female students from a private university in town. Private and public universities are different in many ways in Brazil. Students movements, for instance, are more common in public universities rather than in private ones. Not only that, student movements are more accepted and have more freedom of speech and action in public
universities. This differentiation has to do with politics and popular beliefs. Public institutions that belong to the State are more connected to social ideologies of race, social class, gender, economics. Private institutions, on the contrary, belong to the private initiative and therefore are thought to have neoliberal ideologies. Frente de Resistência Feminista initially created as a study group of gender, held its meetings at a public university’s building in the city due to resistance from their own university to accept such a group. Later in 2013, concerned about not reaching the public they wanted, leaders of the group decided to bring together the academic environment and feminist studies by asking for space to hold their meetings and events within the private university facilities. Although the university agreed, Frente de Resistência Feminista is not officially recognized as part of the university or one of its institutions or groups. There is, however, a relationship between the university and the group based on the exchange of favors in which the university reserves a space for the group and in return the group organizes events or interferes on violence against women reports within the university. Currently Frente de Resistência Feminista holds weekly meetings (Tuesdays and Thursdays) at the university attended by 12 to 15 members. Meetings on Saturdays have different locations and are attended by other feminist groups and by the public in general, totalizing 20 to 30 people.
During my fieldwork period I was able to spend time with members of Frente de Resistência Feminista and participate both in weekly and Saturday’ meetings, and some leaders’ meetings I was invited to. The respondents were categorized into two different groups: active members and non-active members of Frente de Resistência Feminista. The former refers only to leaders and members of Frente de Resistência Feminista that attended more than four weekly,
Saturday or leaders’ meetings. The latter is used to refer to those attending any meeting for the first time, non-regular members or people that do not integrate any feminist group. As to regular Saturday informants, they are addressed according to the feminist group they belong to. Most of the data gathered are based on participant observation. Four individual interviews, four group interviews, and one focus group were conducted. The aim of this research was to
conduct more individual interviews. However, within a few weeks in the field, it was possible to notice that members of the group were reluctant to speak privately with me. Later on my research, it would become clearer that such reluctance had to do with matters of leadership. Members would not feel comfortable to speak in the name of the group without speaking (first) with one of the leaders. Most of the time, active members felt more comfortable speaking in a group. Accordingly, to be just a participant was, in many occasions, the best way to connect with other members instead of asking questions. In mid-February, I lost access to the private university for unexplained reasons. I was no longer able to attend weekly meetings and needed to rely on informal conversations with members of the group who were expected to inform me about the meetings.
Fieldwork was also a chance to learn more about me as a social actor and my role within the society I belong. As Hubbard et. al (2001) states, research on the field may also become an emotional experience to the researcher, and this is the case of this study. In this sense, I would like to briefly explore two lessons I learned during my time with Frente de Resistência
Feminista after a reflection upon the feelings I experienced during research.
Becoming a Feminist Again
‘I am choosing “rape culture” because I am a woman. It is also my role to do something about it.’
(my first note, before leaving to the field)
I have not thought of myself as a feminist for too long before all the discussion around “rape culture” started. A feeling of empathy for what had happened to the victims of gang rape cases in 2016 awakened in me the feeling for justice and action. By labeling myself as I feminist, I used to believe I was already supporting the cause. My time in the field showed me that it was not the case. ‘What is to be a feminist?’ was not a question proposed in this
research but it could have easily been answered during my time in the field. Feelings, moments and thoughts add to my experience not only as a researcher but as a woman and a feminist. Recurrent feelings of frustration towards myself, surprise and admiration for the women I was working with contributed to teaching me that this new wave of Brazilian feminism has to be about action and collective empowerment. Among several interesting
meetings, two meetings or events can be held responsible for teaching me those two lessons, respectively.
The first leader’s meeting happened at Juliana’s house. Juliana is a senior Law student and active member of Frente de Resistência Feminista. I was invited by Isabela, the group’s founder, to attend to this meeting in which active members would decide the activities of the group for the year of 2017. I sat at the kitchen table with six members and observed. Luana, also a Law student and active member, opened her notebook with a list where she wrote the topics of the meeting. She read one by one, and topic after topic was discussed during a one hour and a half meeting. Some discussions were about new projects and others about projects that were already happening. If I could summarize the meeting in a few words, I would define it as a meeting about actions, and what need to be done to achieve a certain goal, such as planning for events, demonstrations, lectures. ‘They are organized. They have experience because the group exists for four years now,’ I wrote in my notes during the meeting.
The organization of Frente de Resistência Feminista can be divided into two different types of organization. The first one refers to the social structure of the group. In many times, active members of Frente de Resistência Feminista reaffirmed the horizontality of the group, meaning that there is no established leadership. Nevertheless, unsaid levels of hierarchy within the group are evident. Isabela holds the higher position in the group. Although it was never mentioned by her, because of the fact that she is the only founder of Frente de
Resistência Feminista that still attend all meetings and participate in the group’s activities she tends to be more respected by other members. In general, decisions that involve Frente de Resistência Feminista are only taken after someone from the group speaks to Isabela. After her, five to ten members are the seconds in the hierarchy of the group. They hold a certain kind of leadership over other active members and non-active members. This hierarchical pyramid is not officially accepted by the group except for Isabela’s higher position that is usually recognized by other members, including those right below her. The second type of organization refers to how meetings are arranged. Most of the weekly meetings have its topics decided during the day or sometimes in the meeting itself. Leaders’ meetings, on the other hand, are usually planned in advance.
The second event that changed the way I used to look into feminism was a conversation I had with Isabela during the march of Women’s International Day combined with an opinion
shared by Fernanda, a non-active member during a focus group. Like many other capitals in Brazil and the world, my city joined ‘The Great Act - 8M.’ The start point of the
demonstration was in a well-known square downtown, where the main building of public university of the State is located. I met Isabela and a few other active members of Frente de Resistência Feminista, and from there we walked towards another central location in town. I walked with Isabela for most of the time. The topic of our conversation that day was
feminism and politics, and why some women do not embrace feminism - although they agree with the issues it raises - because it is seen as a leftist social movement, which led us to talk about feminism serving a greater number of women. As we walk by local stores downtown, Isabela pointed to a poster saying ‘who does your feminism represent?’, and complemented ‘That’s it. It is not very useful if your militancy covers only one social class, for example’. The explanation of the question on that poster on the wall seemed to come a few weeks later, during a focus group. Once again, the question about to whom is feminism good for was raised. Fernanda, a History teacher and non-active member, during the focus group, highlighted the importance of collective empowerment rather than individual.
‘Empowerment needs to be collective. It cannot be individual […] You have to find all these different women, articulate and talk to them to understand what is ‘to be’ [a woman]. You have to transcend and find collective empowerment. Individual
empowerment is useless. It only serves to sell [she makes a reference to Riachuelo1 t-shirts with sayings like ‘feminism’ or ‘girl power’]. Through collective action, we make noise, like the women’s march.’
Both meetings/events here described unleashed a set of feelings that I was not expecting to experience during my time in the field. Most of the time, feelings of frustration towards myself were recurrent. Briefly, I felt I have been wasting time all those years. It was only after reflecting on my experience in the field that I was able to connect my feelings to my position in society (and) as a feminist. Frente de Resistência Feminista showed me that, first, I lacked action. More than words are required to be/become a feminist. It is, indeed, a great step to be for feminist topics, i.e. equality between genders and abortion. Nevertheless, it is through action or militancy that being a feminist is concretized. More than participating in protests or posting about feminism on Facebook, being a feminist is a statement you make before
1Riachuelo is a fast-fashion store famous among Brazilian teenagers, similar to international companies as H&M
society, a commitment to other women. This leads to the second lesson about collective empowerment. Activism and its actions need to be done in a way that embraces all women as much as it is possible. Individual empowerment, in this case, is not only useless but at some point dangerous because of its capability to create a gap within the same social movement. In order to be a feminist, collectiveness and action are required. One without the other is
ineffective. I had to spend three months among feminists to learn it. I am glad I did because I became a feminist again.
Outline of the Thesis
This thesis will consist of four chapters, an introduction and a conclusion. The first chapter will present the historical context in Brazil. I will discuss the most important aspects of the patriarchal system in force during the colonial period, as the model of family, notions of gender and sexuality, and finally, men and women’s role in society. Moving from the past to the present, I will present how gender and sexuality still work in Brazil in more recent years, and the contradictions surrounding these notions. Finally, machismo will be the last topic of this first chapter, presented as an oppressive system perpetuated in Brazil and as a matter of structural violence against women. The pattern that I intend to draw between the present and the past will give support to the statement that there is an issue of structural violence against women in Brazil.
Moving on, Chapter two will explore mechanisms used by individuals and the group to cope with such structural issues. In order to do so, it will first focus on an element called mística used by members of Frente de Resitência Feminista to approximate people and feminism and to facilitate the understanding of feminist topics. Nevertheless, drawing on data gathered in the field, the mística revealed itself as more than just a concrete example of a previous debated topic. Sharing stories and experiences is encouraged by the way the mística is
presented within the group. Therefore, sharing, in its turn, brings out emotions that affect both the individual and the group. On the one hand, members feel relieved to share emotions and to find out they were not the only ones experiencing a given situation. On the other, sharing generates knowledge about oppression, disadvantages and social injustice. In this sense, the last section of this chapter will briefly explore emotions, and focus more on how it influences the group’s formation of identity and community building.
Chapter three, following the lead left by the previous chapter, will explore how the group positions itself in the face of society. It will be introduced the concept of espaço de fala, seen both as a coping mechanism and a way to resist to the oppressive social system in a public sphere. First, espaço de fala, a place within society from which one speaks about his or her life experiences, will be defined and analyzed based on the point of view of men and women. Acknowledging the difficulty to achieve a unified voice or a voice that speaks fairly for a big group of people, it will be addressed the issue of different espaços de fala within the feminist movement by reflecting on how Frente de Resistência Feminista organizes/deals with this issue. The claim for their own standpoint has outcomes that will be presented in the last section of this chapter.
After describing how women have been coping and resisting to structural violence, the final chapter of this research, Chapter four, will be dedicated to addressing the reasons for the backlash initiated after gang rape cases became public. It is already known that social media influenced in the re-emergence of Brazilian feminism which will be analyzed deeply in this chapter. Starting with a discussion on the role of the media, two sides will be presented: the negative and positive. Both sides were mentioned by members of Frente de Resistência Feminista that were aware of this double role. Focusing on the positive aspects of media, digital media is considered a tool used to generate knowledge and spread awareness regarding structural violence against women. Finally, the results of using social media are discussed. By the common expression ‘enough is enough,’ informants of this research have demonstrated saturation regarding the oppressive system established in Brazil.
Chapter 1: Brazil: The Legacy of a Patriarchal Past
The reason chapter one is dedicated to Brazilian history is that it plays a great role in this research. As I intend to demonstrate, structural violence against women is not a recent issue in Brazil. It has been a topic of discussion among social scientists and feminist groups.
Nevertheless, its relevance seems to have increased in the last years in Brazil. Before focusing on why it is an issue to members of Frente de Resistência Feminista, it is important to
contextualize concrete notions of gender and sexuality in Brazil, and machismo, the great problem of Brazil according to data gathered. The main purpose of chapter one is, by delineating a rough timeline of the history of Brazil, to demonstrate that structural violence against women in Brazil is a reality rather than an assumption of Frente de Resistência Feminista and the Women’s movements in Brazil.
Patriarchal Heritage
Patriarchy as known because of its references to the casa grande and the senzala. Briefly, the
casa grande or main house was where the core of the model family lived, whereas the set of
individuals external to this nucleus lived in the senzala, accommodation for slaves. Although it is not a reality lived in Brazil nowadays, it shapes how people perceive social order and self-interpret themselves as members of society and as individuals (Parker 2009: 34). Through the patriarchal model of family, more than a social structure, an ideological pattern was established. The simplest way to describe this model as established in the colonial period is as follows: a nucleus formed by the patriarch, his wife, and children. Outside this nucleus are the patriarch’ mistresses, illegitimate children, and slaves.
The link between the nucleus and its periphery is the patriarchal power that transforms it into a unit. Considered to be a dualistic structure (Cândido 1951, Freyre 1956, Vianna 1955 cited in Parker 2009:35), the patriarchal model of family in Brazil, in fact, consisted of a core and a periphery in which the patriarch exercised full authority over the casa grande and his extended households (Besse 1996: 12). The patriarch’s authority is demonstrated based upon his
relationships with his children, women, and slaves. Through the use of force or, as Parker puts it, ‘his right to invoke violence’ to its ultimate consequence - the right to kill - (2009: 35), the patriarch had absolute power to administrate his own family - the core, mistresses, and
illegitimate children - and his slaves (Freyre 1963 cited in Parker 2009: 35). The element of violence is central to the understanding of the patriarch’s power and authority. The right to invoke violence distanced the patriarch from the others. It created a hierarchical structure that perpetuated patriarchal domination, hence it established a (natural) social order in Brazil during the colonial period.
The presence of violence as a constitutive element of the patriarch’s power explains the relationship established between men and women in that period as well. The patriarch’s ability to invoke violence according to his will placed men in a different (and higher) position than the one occupied by women. As if on a spectrum, men and women are on completely different ends representing opposition to one another. A characteristic within the patriarchal structure was ‘for man to make of a woman a being as different from himself as possible’ (Parker 2009: 36). The fact that men were the power holders influenced on their status and hierarchy within society. Whereas men were considered to be active and superior, women were everything that men were not. Although women were understood as beautiful and desirable beings, their inferiority was evident, as well as their subjectivity to the patriarch’s domination.
When it comes to sexuality, complete freedom was given to men, whereas women had a very limited purpose: to procreate and raise the children (Parker 2009: 36). As in the dualistic model of family, men’s sexuality is also filled with dualism. It means that men were allowed to have mistresses and pleasures. Women, on the other hand, were obliged to stay only with their husbands and fulfill their purpose as a wife and as a mother. More than that, the
patriarch’s domination over women meant the domination over their bodies. Contrary to men, women did not have complete freedom. Instead, they were supposed to obey the patriarch, and satisfy his needs/will. The same was expected from the mistresses, who should wait for the patriarch’s call.
Because of the differentiation of sexes, men and women’s roles in society became well defined during the patriarchal period. It defined to which domain each sex belonged. Men, because of their supposedly superiority, belonged to the public domains. Those involving politics, social interactions, and economy. To women, a more private sphere was reserved. Women were supposed to take care of the house. In this domain, women had authority to supervise employees - slaves, most of the times - and decide about matters concerning the
house. Nevertheless, this authority could not be compared in any way to the patriarch’s authority. In hierarchical levels, women always came below men. In the same way, genders and sexuality were opposed, so was the domain of the patriarch and the domain of women. The patriarch’s domain was related to being active, while women’s domain was understood as inactive or passive (Parker 2009: 37).
Gender and Sexuality in the 21st Century
The societal configuration of casa grande and senzala do not exist anymore, neither slavery. From the colonial/agrarian period to present days, much has changed, and women have achieved more rights. Nevertheless, these older structures/ideologies of gender have
influenced the social organization of Brazilian society. Gender and sexuality are co-concepts because of the close relationship between their definitions (Rubin 1975 cited in McCallum 1999: 276). The understanding of male and female in Brazil is very much related to his and her sexuality, and how it is accepted/defined within society.
Gender ideologies in Brazil are based upon biological differences. According to Parker, patriarchal notions of gender are translated into the language of the body in everyday life in Brazil, in which words elaborate the superiority of male genitals and inferiority of female genitals (2009: 41). By being connected to sexual features, notions of gender reflect on how men and women’s sexuality are perceived. In this sense, because of men’s (supposedly) biological superiority, they are understood to be sexually superior as well. Following a structure of opposition, such as the one established by the patriarchy, men have virility and potency; they are active and aggressive (Parker 2009; Baldwin et al. 2001). Hence, women are passive, available to men and sexless (Baldwin et al. 2001: 11). As much as in gender ideologies, male sexuality relates to power, whereas female sexuality to weakness. It is through the realization of anatomical differences that people recognize themselves as members of society and as individuals (Parker 2009: 72). This process reveals a much more delineated way to look into gender.
Whereas men’s sexuality is seen as the representation of virility, women’s sexuality is mostly the representation of fertility (Parker 2009: 49) and reproduction capabilities. Understood as being the women’s ‘nature’ - to reproduce - it conflicts with the idea of women as sexual beings (Eldmonds 2010: 177). On the one hand, women’s sexuality is mostly related to
reproductive characteristics, therefore with a lack of sexual agency. In assuming procreation as the main purpose of women’s sexuality, it assigns to the female gender roles of
motherhood and wifehood, only, that still highly valued in Brazilian society. Women’s sexuality needs to meet moral discourses, by remaining virgin until marriage and, after marriage, faithful to her husband by staying at home (McCallun 1999: 278-279). In order to correspond to women’s sexuality in this reproductive sphere, men’s sexuality is seen as indispensable to reproduction, again, highlighting the importance and vital role of men in society. On the other hand, lays the more recent recognition of a woman’s sexual desire, search for pleasure, and satisfaction, just like men’s, however not totally accepted by society. The difference is that while men’s sexuality is seen as both essential to reproduction and its freedom as acceptable, women encounter more obstacles by having to, no matter what, fulfill reproduction standards (Baldwin et al 2001: 21).
The premise that men are superior to women prevails in the social construction of both gender and sexuality. Note, however, that the element of power is what links biological to social definitions of gender and sexuality. A man’s virility is translated into power and authority, therefore superiority. In this way, Parker describes the Brazilian society as a structure in which ‘homens [men] are distinguished in terms of their authority and dominance, while
mulheres [women] are distinguished according to their submission and subjugation’ (2009:
73). This system is accepted and reproduced by Brazilians, consciously or not. More than that, it is sustained in different levels of society by both men and women. The initial biological-only definition of gender and sexuality turns into something of a bigger scale. According to Peggy Lovell, the ‘persistent gender hierarchy […] advantages men over women in material resources, power, status, and authority’ (2000: 89).
The Celebration of the Feminine
Beauty and sensuality are notions linked to Brazilian women nation and worldwide since a long time. Standards of beauty have been established in Brazil since the patriarchal period. In current days, beauty became a culture that worships youth and the female body making women shape their bodies in order to achieve the ideal look. Although the beauty culture reaches men and women, it is widely known that women tend to be more subject to beauty standards than men (de Andrade 2010). As Alexander Edmonds (2010) argues, beauty
The beauty market targets women by selling fresh notions of ‘rights and cultural citizenship,’ therefore the notion of belonging to a collectivity (Ibid: 110). In this sense, women seek for identification by getting (numerous) plastic surgeries. The need to be beautiful reflects on the need to be sexy or sensual, but not vulgar.
Beauty is usually associated to the high miscegenation of Brazil. In this sense, although light faces dominate all means of communication as being the ‘ideal beauty,’ women of color also holds a high status of beauty and sensuality. Morena or mulata (translated to brown or browness) is used to describe a broad range of skin color from ‘a European brunette to a person with African and/or indigenous’ traits (Edmonds 2010: 32). It is important to highlight that not every skin color is seen as beautiful. Morenas or mulatas commonly referred as the true Brazilians (in terms of physical appearance, and because Brazil’s population is thought to be derived from this high race mix) have their bodies highly eroticized. On the other hand, black skin women are stigmatized since black skin color is understood to be linked to lower social classes (Ibid: 26). In this sense, Edmonds argues that in the celebration of beauty, race issues in a country once thought to be extremely mixed, and therefore tolerant regarding diversity, are revealed.
The celebration of the feminine has another peculiarity/contradiction. In Brazil, sensuality and sexuality are closely related. Regarding sexuality, the juxtaposition of the images of madonna (or model of Maria) and the whore is part of the everyday life of a woman in Brazil. Usually associated with the figure of a mother, the image of madonna values women that are faithful to monogamy, dedicated to raising their children, and have their sexuality controlled (by men). The image of the whore, on the contrary, portrays complete sexual freedom and equal sexual desire like men’s. Although the madonna image is present and strong in Brazilian culture, modernity has changed the perceptions of women’s sexuality (McCallum 1999: 275). Although it has become more acceptable that women share similar sexual desires as men, a limit is imposed to women’s sexuality. McCallum demonstrates this contradiction through the example of a mother and her daughter, who is dancing a very sexualized song in a
provocative choreography. Looking at her daughter, the mother sees the perfect model of a beautiful and sensual woman. However, if the mother realizes that her daughter is drawing too much attention from a particular male group and/or seems interested in it, the sexualized dance becomes negative (Ibid: 285). In other words, women need to be able to provoke a man’s desire but also control their sexuality. An even more contradictory understanding of
sexuality in Brazil, especially women’s, rests on Richard Parkers argument that there ‘still exists a time and place where complete freedom is possible’ (2009: 157): carnaval. Although this argument is built without differentiating men and women, due to historical freedom men’s have been used too, it helps to highlight women’s sexuality and its contradiction between passiveness and sexiness.
Brazilian context is full of ambiguities and contradictions when it comes to women’s
sexuality and their role in society. From being sexless to being sexy, desirable and beautiful, women need to be careful to meet all requirements without exaggerating in any of them. It gets more complicated when all these impositions fade away for a certain amount of time, as Parker (2009) argues, during carnaval when Brazilians find a gap to escape reality, including the ‘gender/sexuality norms’ reality. Furthermore, the celebration of beauty in itself becomes of more complex understanding when instead of celebrating women in general, it discloses and/or perpetuates race issues in Brazil (Goldstein 1999). In a context of deeply rooted patriarchal traditions, it is argued that the idea of beauty and being beautiful bring an illusion of empowerment to women that, in fact, hides male-domination (Edmonds 2010: 29). The more beautiful, the better. But also, the more submissive and fragile, the better. Different critiques have emerged in the sense that by establishing an ideal of beauty, thus controlling the female body, is the best way to maintain male dominance intact (Wolf 1991: 3 cited in Edmond 2010: 30).
Machismo: perpetuating structural violence against women
While feminist groups have been positioning themselves against this (unexplained) authority of men, subjugation, and domination of women, machismo is the glorification of such
behavior and attitude. It ‘describes both a behavioral and social hierarchy of men over women and provides an ideological justification for the maintenance of that hierarchy by articulating males as superior to females in performing certain social tasks’ (Neuhouser 1989, cited in Baldwin et al. 2001: 11). It is, in other words, a system of oppression derived from patriarchy (Debert et al. 2016: 183), which dictated the sexual relations between men and women. Considering the context of a ‘slave-owning colonial society’ in the patriarchal period, it is argued that machismo may be greater in Brazil than in other indigenous societies. It is so because of the tradition in which the patriarch, a white man, owned (as goodies) his slaves - black women - (Neuhouser 1989, cited in Baldwin et al. 2001: 11). It is important, however,
to remind that the control of the patriarch was not only over his slaves but also over his wife, a white woman.
Through machismo, an oppressive system was perpetuated in Brazil in which all advantages are assured to men (Baldwin et al. 2001: 24). Women, on the other hand, have a set of obstacles imposed on them. From inequality in the workplace to women’s sexual rights, lack of freedom concerning the most basic daily activities, i.e. the clothes one decides to wear,
machismo has placed women in a position of constant fear and confrontation for being
female. In its most extreme cases, machismo led to common consequences as physical violence and death. It not only restricts women’s agency, but it also represents a danger to women’s lives. Therefore, to look at machismo as a matter of structural violence against women is essential to understand that more than an assumption, structural violence against women in Brazil is a social issue present in society for a long time.
Violence against women became a part of the public agenda as a social issue with the rise of feminism in Brazil during the 1970s. For long before that, violence against women was a taboo in Brazilian society (Fried 2003: 89), and so was machismo. After a period without occupying a place as the most important matter among society, feminist groups have strongly raised this issue again after the 2016 shocking cases of violence against women. Back in the 1970s and nowadays the goal still the same: to make violence against women unacceptable (Ibid: 90). While looking for “rape culture” in Brazil, machismo would constantly overlap with any other discussion carried on by Frente de Resitência Feminista. As the great problem among all, machismo embraces discourses on gender, sexuality, inequality, and many others. Violence or, in the case of my initial research, rape are the consequences of a highly machista society, a society in which machismo is reproduced by a considerable amount of its members. Although it is important to develop measures to end violence against women, to resist against
machismo seems to be a priority among Brazilian feminist groups.
Conclusion
Common social structures of the colonial/patriarchal period remain present in Brazil in the 21st century. Regarding the model of family, it established family as formed by the white man, woman, and children. Slaves did not integrate the patriarch’s family but were also under his control. This model is perceived nowadays as the traditional model of family. For this
research, the model of family has given insights on the relations between men and women. The man, as the power holder, has the right to exercise it over all those below him. The element of power, and who has the right to hold it, was decisive to establish differences between men and women back in the colonial period, which lasts until nowadays. By the capacity of holding power and invoking its consequences such as violence, men have been occupying a higher position than women in the social structure, in which the former is seen as powerful and the latter as weak.
This inherited structure is noted in Brazilian society by the way gender and sexuality are perceived. Men, as the active members of society and strong ones, rule the public domains, while the roles of women are connected to the private domain - the house - such as in motherhood and wifehood. Sexuality, closely linked to gender notions, is also defined in terms of strength and weakness. Men’s sexuality is related to virility and freedom, while women’s sexuality to fertility or availability to satisfy men without considering women’s sexual desires. Here, I highlight the contradictory legacy of this patriarchal past. Since patriarchy, supposedly sexless women are expected to be beautiful and desirable too. This norm has also lasted throughout the times in Brazil. More than in any earlier period, the 21st century has been prioritizing women beauty and sensuality, if combined with women’s obedience to men. In a certain way, women hold the power of seduction and the pride to be beautiful. However, it has been argued that beauty norms are dictated by a male-dominant society. Thus, beauty ideals are required to be achieved in order to please men. Following this contradictory legacy is women’s sexuality. Male dominance is also played out by controlling women’s sexuality. In this sense, it is expected from women to be always available to men.
A final legacy, the system of oppression derived from patriarchy named machismo is what led to the institutionalization of structural violence against women in Brazil. While machismo glorifies oppressive attitudes towards women, structural violence restricts the power of agency of these women who tend to live in fear. Although violence against women is known to be present in Brazil since the colonial/patriarchal period, only in recent years it made the public agenda. By becoming a prime issue, groups started to organize themselves again in order to end machismo and structural violence against women. Strategies, even when
unconsciously, were established by feminist groups to deal and cope with structural violence in both private and public domains.
Chapter 2
:Recognizing Oppression
On March 7th around 6 pm, the meeting happened at Marina’s house, an active member of Frente de Resitência Feminista. Her house was small but fitted us ten (nine women and one man) seated in one big circle. At this point of my research, I had lost access to the university facilities for unexplained reasons. Meetings at members’ houses were the only ones I was able to attend from then on. As to the meetings I did not attend - at the university -, I relied on my informants to tell me how was the meeting. I was informed by Ana, an active member of the group, that last Thursday’s meeting was about abortion. That meeting had no specific
readings but was interesting according to my informant. As for the meeting at Marina’s house, Ana informed that we should talk about the místicas of abortion. Briefly, the mística is an example of a concrete case regarding a given topic.
Laura, an active member, is the one in charge to present the mística. Loudly, she starts to read a decision from the Supreme Court of Brazil stating that abortion is not a crime if the woman has it until the 3rd month of pregnancy. This decision of the Supreme Court is considered to be liberal. It shows that the State is walking towards a progressive change. Of course, it divided opinions once again. Those who are conservative heavily contested the decision rendered by the Supreme Court. For members of Frente de Resitência Feminista, ‘it is about time’ for something like that to happen, according to Ana right after Laura had finished reading. By the reaction of other members, they agree with Ana. Back when the decision was rendered, members of Frente de Resitência Feminista expressed agreement to it through social media.
Ana asked Laura to explore her mística, to share her thoughts and opinions about that
decision. The group is used to this format: one meeting to discuss a reading, and one meeting to discuss a mística. Usually, there are more than one mística, but just one is chosen to be discussed more deeply. The member who presented that mística is, therefore, responsible for leading the discussion. Laura starts by saying that she loves to be a mother, but fights for abortion rights. She believes that no one but the woman has the rights over her own body, and agrees with Ana ‘it’s about time, indeed.’ She highlights the fact that women already have abortions in Brazil, but not in a safe way ‘rich people abort, but they have money to pay for a clinic of more trust. Poor women do it in many unsafe ways, and they are the ones dying. It is
a matter of public health’. She moves then to machismo and how related it is to the
prohibition of abortion. Compulsory motherhood is how she defines it ‘they [society/men] see us as mere objects of procreation. I am a mother, but I understand not every woman wants to be one, and I completely disagree that every woman was born to be a mother.’
Laura is a single mother, and I have noticed through all meetings both of us attended that matters concerning motherhood, such as pregnancy and abortion, have a different effect on her when compared to the effect it causes on the other women of this group that are not mothers. Once I had a conversation with Laura about being a university student and a mother. She told me about this one demonstration Frente de Resitência Feminista organized to support her. Last year she had an important exam to take but was denied entrance to the university because she was carrying her daughter. She missed her exam. Therefore, she could fail the course. After being denied entrance into the university many other times, and sharing this frustrating experience with members of Frente de Resitência Feminista, a demonstration was organized in opposition to university policies that does not allow mothers to enter their facilities with their children under any circumstance. This remains a main fight for Frente de Resitência Feminista, but at the time, it made a difference for Laura. It was given to her a new opportunity to take the exam. It was a long interview I conducted with her. She talked proudly about the demonstration and the results, and impulsively about all the difficulties a single mother and student has to face. Laura relates to these topics in a way most of other members do not. On the other hand, there are at least five more members that are students and single mothers. More than once through fieldwork, she spoke passionately about these matters.
The purpose of telling Laura’s story is to demonstrate how the group has intervened in her life. It also shows how Laura recognized the oppression she had been suffering from the university, how she dealt with it, and how she became an active member of Frente de Resitência Feminista. This story is one among many. Hence, in this chapter, it will be addressed the ways members of the group, individually and in a group in the private sphere, cope with structural violence against women. It will focus on the mística, an element that incentives members to share experiences, and on the results of sharing, such as consciousness raising and the formation of a collective identity.
The concept of mística was introduced to me by Isabela, during an interview. When Frente de Resitência Feminista was still a study group, the mística was already used as a non-theoretical element of the topic under discussion to approximate people to the reading/article. Examples of music, dances, news/articles from newspapers, and magazines, are místicas brought to meetings as an attempt to connect what is being theoretically described to concrete and real cases. ‘For example,’ Isabela adds to her explanation of the mística, ‘once we discussed sexual freedom and men and women’s sexuality. To compare how these are treated in our society, we used as mística magazines with naked women and men to see how they, and their bodies, were portrayed.’ Isabela defined the mística as an element to approximate people to important topics of feminism, usually considered to be a taboo within society.
Through the meetings of Frente de Resitência Feminista, the mística presented itself as more than an element of approximation only. Literally translated to English as mystic/mystique, the
mística from feminist groups have nothing to do with religion or beliefs. A common concept
among feminists with whom I had contact during fieldwork, mística is not a term randomly chosen. The first time mística was related to women was in Betty Friedan’s book ‘The feminine mystique,’ as Spigel argues, a study of middle-class housewives in the postwar world (Friedan 1963 cited in Spigel 2004: 1213-1214). Contrary to its literal translation, the feminine mystique is the marginalization of women, reduced to the role of housewife and mother only, and oppression in that period in the history of the United States. Hence, the
mística from feminist groups in Brazil is a subtle reflection of the feminine mystique. In a
very similar way, as the feminine mystique of the 1940s and 1950s was disclosed (Ibid: 1214), the místicas disclose issues of modern times, as the matter and comparison between men and women’s sexual freedom as in the example given by Isabela.
A second result provided by the mística is the recognition of social issues. The mística is, as Isabela explains, ‘the proof that what is in the reading is, in fact, true. It makes the reading easier when one understands what sort of problem the article is dealing with.’ Whereas it helps to approximate people to feminism and make them interested in it, the mística also explains or stimulates discussions of concepts in a practical way. Within the discussions created around it, members of Frente de Resitência Feminista are able to understand problematic concepts. For instance, Laura’s mística on abortion raised the issue of compulsory motherhood. To begin with motherhood, in general, a taboo among different feminist ideologies, in which many different views of feminism do not include it as an
important topic of discussion. As to Frente de Resitência Feminista, the group not only added motherhood as a pertinent issue to feminism but also has a subgroup dedicated only to
mothers, coordinated by Laura. Moving on, the matter on compulsory motherhood raises discussions on gender ideologies. ‘They still see women as an object of reproduction. It is naturally assumed that if you are a woman, you have to, you are going to be a mother. If a woman is pregnant, she has no option other than having the baby’ said Bruna, after the discussion on Laura’s mística started.
Lastly, because of the realistic nature of the mística, it is used as a parameter for the actions and events planned by Frente de Resitência Feminista. Risking to sound a bit futile, members of the group - especially those in charge to organize the annual calendar of the group activities or, as I name them, the leaders - use this element to measure which topics are more relevant or in what matters other members of the group seem to be more interested in. The way a
discussion around a given mística goes is a signal to the leaders of how important a certain topic is to the main public of Frente de Resitência Feminista. In this sense, místicas influence directly on the organization of the group’s events and activities.
Joanna Swanger (2007) reasons that community building strategies sometimes are taken for granted or not always recognized as an important element or practice for members of a particular group. During a research on feminist community building in the northern border zone in Mexico, Swanger came across the term convivio, a practice among the staff and members of Casa Amiga2, in which everyone comes together during lunch time to enjoy life by ‘sharing, warmth, and good humor.’ Through convivio, literally translated into ‘to live together,’ a culture of solidarity and respect arises, in which both staff and members come together with a common purpose to take care of each other. In the case of Frente de Resitência Feminista, whereas Isabela sees mística as just the term chosen to represent this element of reality, it definitely plays a bigger role within the group, its activities, among its members, and in the community building process. More than a simple element, the mística works as an exercise that clarifies many aspects of feminism and Brazilian society for old and new members. It brings out aspects of social structure that may not be as evident or that people may not be conscious about. In the same way, convivio is understood as something ‘full of
2 Casa Amiga is the ‘first women’s crisis center in the Mexican northern border zone’ that give shelter to women
and children victims of violence, and ‘one of the few organizations explicitly identifying itself as feminist’ (2007: 116)
potential’ (Ibid: 117), I argue that mística has the potential to disclose oppression in the macro level, and emotions in the micro level regarding members of the group. It encourages
members to open up about their stories and experiences.
Sharing Experiences and Emotions
‘I went to the university this one day, and I had to take my daughter with me because she was sick. Usually, my mom takes care of Clara when I have classes or when I’m working, but she was away that day. I thought I wouldn’t have any problems, you know? I had to hand in an essay, and that was it. I didn’t even have classes that day. But no one allowed me to get in. No one. It happened to me three or four more times after that. Now, if I have no option I just miss class. The first time I mentioned this to the girls of the group was during a discussion on feminism and motherhood we had. Someone brought a mística about it. I can’t remember exactly. Eventually, I told the girls about what had happened to me, and for my surprise, they told me about situations that had happened to other mothers.’
Laura told me while explaining how the group ended up organizing an entire demonstration in her (and other mothers) favor, and against the university policies. Different emotions were expressed by Laura while telling me her story. She was angry because she was not allowed in the university facilities. She also seemed confused, because she did not understand why she could not go in, especially after she explained that what her daughter had was not contagious. It is through the mística, and its realistic characteristic, that members of the group feel more comfortable to share their own experiences and stories. Whereas more theoretical meetings create an environment of formality, the environment created by the mística is one in which talking is encouraged. After sharing her story with the group, Laura felt relieved, accepted and encouraged to do something. The way Laura describes her experience after sharing her problem is similar as few other members describe it. As being ‘the feeling of not being alone’ (Daniela).
Explicit ‘not being alone’ comments were made just a few times by two or three members of Frente de Resitência Feminista during my time in the field. Other opinions were more common to be heard during informal conversations, in which the role of the group in each member’s life was expressed. Passing by a few members after a meeting finished, I overheard
Ana talking to a new member. She expressed, among other things, how much she likes the group, especially because there - with/within the group - she can ‘talk about things that she can’t with other friends.’ The group is, therefore, a sort of safe place where these women come together and share their thoughts and stories. They find acceptance and understanding within the group. Sometimes it is because they share common aspects among each other, and other times it is because they share the same ideology: they are feminists, or at least interested in feminism.
Based on previous works on the anthropology of belonging, Matei Candea argues that the sense of belonging may arise from two different aspects: categories or connections (2010: 124). In the case of Frente de Resitência Feminista both aspects can be identified. Some members relate the sense of belonging to a specific category: sex - i.e. belonging to a feminist group is a natural outcome for women -, gender or age. The university is a mean of
connection to members of Frente de Resitência Feminista. However, connections established through the university are linked to political ideologies and where members place feminism politically. At the beginning of my interview with Isabela, when she was telling me the history of the foundation of the group, she made a reference to the politics of the group ‘you know how it is hard to find a left-wing group in our university.’ In relation to the university as a connection, more than feminism, people are also looking for a connection regarding
political ideologies. Later in my research, Isabela also refered to the politics of the group as a cause for members to give up on attending the meetings ‘Some girls start to come. But then they see how related feminist ideologies are with the left-wing… then, they stop coming because they don’t agree with our ideologies’. Yet, it is more common for members to feel welcomed by connections they establish with other members, such as sharing a similar experience or a personal connection.
One informal conversation I had with Daniela also gives insights upon belonging to a community and acceptance. She was one of my informants in charge to update me about the weekly meetings after I lost access to the university. It was an emotional story for Daniela. Through our conversation, she had tears in her eyes. Daniela also expressed repeatedly how important was the role played by the group into her life, and how important other members are to her.
‘I went to my first meeting in 2015. I heard about the group from a colleague of mine who was criticizing the group and feminism in general. I was like - I wonder if they’re [the group] just as they say. So, I went to one of the meetings and then I felt that ‘that was it you know?’ Like, I belong there. Since then, I never missed one meeting, discussion, event. […] 2015 was a tough year. Don’t get me wrong. It was a good one, but tough, hard. I kind discovered myself that year. I’m gay. The group helped me 110% on that. I feel completely comfortable to tell those women anything. Even some stuff that I wouldn’t tell my best friends. I realized I was so comfortable with those women because I could be myself and tell them whatever. It is like I come to the group, complain about my life and personal stuff, they hear, they help me, and then they show me that we all have something in common. It doesn’t matter who you are, what you do, where you come from. If you’re a woman, you’ll always have something in common with them, us. In my case, I just came out of the closet, and still, they showed me sorority, friendship, and as a bonus [laugh] a fight worth fighting. I was living in the dark sort of, you know… Not being myself and all. But also, ignoring all these attitudes in our society, all the machismo. It was like ‘well, this is it and we have to accept it.’ When I became a member of the group, they showed me that we actually have to fight for what we believe. Suddenly, I started to notice a lot of things that were wrong. I opened my eyes, I read and studied
feminism.’
Daniela and Laura approached Frente de Resitência Feminista in the same period for different reasons. Whereas Daniela was dealing with her sexuality and self-acceptance, Laura was facing obstacles with the university for being a mother. Despite different motives, the struggles they were facing for being women brought them together with the group. By becoming more familiar with feminist theories, and sharing experiences that once were thought to be exclusively personal, Daniela and Laura describe unexpected outcomes regarding the recognition of oppression as a Brazilian woman. Acquired knowledge in the sense that an experience may be widely shared by several other people helps to raise a
collective consciousness of an oppressive system, a consequence of patriarchal structure. It is through consciousness raising, a common practice in Latin American feminism, that a
common dialogue is established among women. It raises collective awareness of oppression and encourages the development of actions in favor of the community (Snyder 2008: 184; Swanger 2007: 116). Sharing experiences is a tool used to generate knowledge to understand
the system and process of oppression. As Daniela put it in our conversation, it was through dialogue with other women/feminists that she became aware of deeply rooted patriarchal traditions and machismo, hence structural violence against women in Brazil.
Outlet: going from singular to plural
To recognize oppression is not always an easy process. It can be, at some point and to some women, painful to become aware of submission, domination, and violence, i.e., in cases of abusive relationships and domestic violence. In this sense, whereas sharing generates collective knowledge towards the disclosure of oppression, it is also a coping strategy in itself. I argue that the coping process happens in two phases simultaneously. The first one is related to the individual. Laura describes her personal experience of sharing her story with the group as having positive outcomes: to acknowledge that more people experience similar difficulties, therefore triggering off the sense of belonging, was a relief; and, to feel relieved by simply talking with someone that understands, or at least is open to understanding. The second phase of sharing as a coping mechanism refers to dealing with structural violence against women as a group. Emotions brought out by sharing are also perceived on the collective level. It is possible to realize that discussions about machismo, sexism, and violence, disclose emotions shared by two or more members of the group. During the discussion on the mística of abortion, Laura makes a comment about victims of rape and the details about their personal lives ‘[…] television news and newspapers bring as headline ‘the victim was a single mother’ as if it was an excuse for her rape. As if that woman was so used to sex that she is already a mother. In this case, rape would not be that big of a deal.’ Laura’s comment is enough to create a different atmosphere among the members of the group. What affects Laura on topics such as motherhood is now affecting the rest of the group.
A similar group reaction was noted during the first Saturday meeting I attended led by Lucia, a member of Frente Negra Feminista from a public university in the city. Briefly, this meeting had the purposes of informing people about the schedule, events and future meetings. Apart from just a few people, everyone else seemed to be familiar with members of different groups. Four members of Frente de Resitência Feminista and I were sitting in the back which allowed me to have a broad view of the room. At the end of the meeting, Lucia started a powerful speech
