Urban restructuring, forced relocation, the counselling process and the newly built replacement dwelling : residents on their decision making process.

(1)

Urban restructuring, forced

relocation, the counselling

process and the (newly built)

replacement dwelling:

residents on their decision

making process.

Roos Schelen 6045898

(2)

Department of Human Geography, Urban Planning and International Development Studies || Master Human Geography 2013 – 2014 || Master’s thesis Human

Geography

Title: Urban Restructuring, Forced Relocation, the Counselling Process and the

Newly Built Replacement Dwelling: Residents on their Decision-Making Process.

Author: Roos Schelen

Address: Derde Oosterparkstraat 246-4, 1092 EL Amsterdam

E-mail: roos.schelen@student.uva.nl

Telephone number: 0648527107 Student number: 6045898

Supervisor: Christian Lennartz MA Second reader: dr. Fenne Pinkster

(3)

Abstract This research looks at the reasons for forcedly relocated households, in the context of urban restructuring, to decline a newly built dwelling offered to them by their housing association.

According to the Amsterdam Federation of Housing Associations, these dwellings are the most fitting to tenant’s needs. Still, many tenants decline the newly built dwellings. This research seeks to find out why, with the assumption that the counselling process by the housing associaiton plays a role. It takes Speare’s (1975) three-stage voluntary residential mobility model as the theoretical

base. Speare’s model is largely applicable to forced relocation. It is assumed that a mismatch between a tenant’s aspiration region and the offered dwelling creates the refusal of the dwelling.

Interviews have been conducted with both tenants who accepted the newly built dwelling and tenants who declined the newly built dwelling offered to them, of two housing associations.

Acknowledgements

I would like to thank several people for helping me make this thesis what it is: First of all Christian Lennartz, for always answering my multitude of e-mails within the same day. Your comments and feedback have really helped. Fenne Pinkster, for taking your time to be second reader for this thesis, I know you already have a lot of theses under your supervision, so thank you. Secondly, I would like to thank commissioners Cathelijn Groot (Amsterdam Federation of Housing

Associations), Elbert van Duijkeren (WijksteunpuntWonen Nieuw West), Laurens de Heus (City District Nieuw West) and Joep Albers (Academie van de Stad) for facilitating this research – your feedback from the field of practice has been of great help in understanding the complexity that is forced relocation. Vanessa Doelwijt (de Alliantie) and Juliska Grahame (Ymere) for their help with sending the letters to forcedly relocated tenants, and their willingness to be interviewed, as well as providing all the relevant documents. Chris Schmid for being such an amazing native speaker willing to check the thesis. Reinout Kleinhans for sending me a very important publication I needed for the thesis.

Then, on a more personal note, Maarten, Melvin, Wendy and Ranesh for sticking with me and taking over things where needed, thank you, my family for taking away some financial

responsibilities allowing me to focus completely on this thesis, last but not least Nataša for believing in me, you keep me alive and kicking. London Grammar, Light Asylum, Bonobo,

Blockhead, the Shins, Haim, Glasser and Trentemøller for keeping me awake during long days of typing, reading and coding.

(4)

1 Introduction

State-led urban restructuring has been prevalent in cities throughout the Western world for the last two decades; the housing stock in so-called disadvantaged

neighbourhoods is being restructured. These neighbourhoods know a large share of social housing in the housing stock. It was believed in the 1990s that demolishing a share of the social housing stock, and replacing it with owner-occupied housing created social mix. More recently however, physical measures were supplemented with social measures such as computer courses and job application programmes (Flint & Cole, 2007). The exact purposes of urban restructuring programmes remain unclear in some cases. Some state the purpose is to improve the economic position of the city, while others state the purpose is to manage ethnic minorities (Uitermark, 2003). Such programmes are a salient dimension of urban change in the

Netherlands: the Big Cities Policy (1997) is the most comprehensive restructuring policy.

These restructuring programmes have come under a lot of criticism from scholars, residents who have been forced to relocate and even policy makers as they imply displacement. The moving process is seen to be stressful for tenants. Some authors, however, suggest that the concept of displacement is not applicable to most cases of urban restructuring, as the residents have a fair amount of choice during the moving process (Kleinhans & Kearns, 2013).

In Amsterdam, about one and a half year to one year in advance of the demolishment of the dwelling, an eviction letter is sent to the tenant, causing them to become

‘stadsvernieuwingsurgent’: urgently in need of a new property. This means the tenant obtains a certificate of urgency to be able to look for a new social dwelling with

priority above others. The Amsterdam Federation of Housing Associations found that many of the so-called stadsvernieuwingsurgenten refuse to accept a new dwelling offer made by their housing association. This is usually a newly built dwelling. These dwellings are usually located in the current neighbourhood of residence, and the

(9)

available to the residential wishes of these stadsvernieuwingsurgenten. These dwellings are usually offered once during the process of eviction. The mover is shown (the plan of) the building and is sometimes even able to help design the dwelling to some extent, and in the end can decide if they move into the dwelling or not. This piece of research seeks to find out why it is that forcedly relocated residents refuse the newly built dwelling, given that if it is supposedly the best dwelling

available to a displaced tenant.

Scholars tend to focus on the post-move situation, reporting characteristics relating to the improved or a worsened living or personal conditions of tenants. Not much

research has been done on the choice processes that actually underlie these

residential outcomes (Posthumus & Kleinhans, 2014; Joseph & Chaskin, 2012). The impact of urban restructuring on the neighbourhood resident’s lives is widely

acknowledged. The aspect of counselling and support during the move is supposed to be of great importance to the upcoming study. Kleinhans (2003), among others, states that the degree of freedom of choice during the move is of great influence to post-move satisfaction. Kleinhans & Kearns (2013) already suggested that

households that have a relative large degree of support by the housing association during the move report higher levels of post-move satisfaction. One could turn this finding around: If the counselling process is not sufficient or supportive enough, according to the resident, one could refuse the dwelling out of spite towards the housing association. It is assumed that the dwelling, the location and the price of the dwelling play a significant role as well.

The research question is therefore:

Why do social housing tenants, who are being evicted due to urban restructuring programmes, refuse newly built dwellings and what role does the counselling process of housing associations play?

Empirical research was undertaken in the Nieuw West district in Amsterdam, the Netherlands. In the Netherlands, most neighbourhoods in Nieuw West are exemplary for being relatively deprived. Nieuw West is one of the largest urban restructuring

(10)

areas in Europe (Gemeente Amsterdam, 2010), and as a logical consequence has a high number of residents forcedly being relocated. Also, the renewal process of Nieuw West has been thoroughly documented in policies and yearbooks of the Amsterdam Federation of Housing Associations (Amsterdamse Federatie van Woningcorporaties, 2011, 2012).

As the counselling process is the focus of this research, two housing associations, specific renewal projects and its tenants are compared. These two housing

associations are Ymere and de Alliantie, who differ substantially in their counselling process. This is explained in further detail in Chapter Five. The projects under examination are West Avenue (de Alliantie) and Nieuw Reimerswaal/Ookmeerhof (Ymere).

The structure of this thesis will be as follows: first, Chapter Two contains a literature review that will outline key literature regarding state-led urban restructuring, the role of housing associations in providing housing to the less better off in society and the choice processes employed by forcedly relocated tenants. The literature review is concluded with a conceptual model based on the literature. Afterwards, Chapter Three elaborates upon the methodology used to answer the research question and its sub-questions. Chapter Four outlines Nieuw West as a renewal area, the housing associations involved, and the two restructuring projects. To provide a context in which the results can be interpreted, I will go on to elaborate upon the rules and regulations surrounding demolition and forced relocation, and the rights for residents. After some relevant countrywide regulations, I will focus on Amsterdam-wide, Nieuw West-wide and complex-wide plans and regulations. The results section follows in Chapter Six. The thesis is concluded in Chapter Seven with a conclusion and discussion – including some policy recommendations on how to best design the relocation process.

(11)

2 Theoretical framework

2.1 Introduction

The housing market has changed rapidly since the 1980s, due to processes such as globalisation and neo-liberalisation. As a result, many deprived neighbourhoods are being restructured through state-led programmes; a phenomenon previously coined third wave gentrification (Hackworth & Smith, 2000). Throughout many Western countries, a multitude of housing restructuring programmes has been developed: HOPE VI (United States), Moving To Opportunity (United States), Housing Market Renewal Pathfinders (United Kingdom), Big Cities Policy (Netherlands), among others. These restructuring programmes aim for social mixing, employing (forced) moves as a way to achieve it (Tieskens & Musterd, 2013; Uitermark, 2003).

Much academic debate has been devoted to implications of urban restructuring for forcedly relocated households. Some argue that forcedly relocated residents are victims of the restructuring projects, being displaced out of their homes. Others argue that most forcedly relocated households find a new dwelling under some restrictions, but mostly have a large degree of choice. The theoretical framework explores

literature on some restructuring projects and their context. It then deals with the decision-making processes involved in forced relocation by lining out classic residential mobility literature and literature in forced relocation. It is concluded with the conceptual model.

2.2 Context: Neo-liberalisation and urban restructuring

2.2.1 Neo-liberalisation and state-led gentrification

The character of housing associations has changed over the past decades due to neo-liberalisation, among other processes.

(12)

Czischke (2009) identifies in a case study of six European housing associations a number of changes housing associations have to deal with due to neo-liberalisation and globalisation, as a consequence have to adapt to. These are:

-‐ Changes in customer profiles

-‐ Retreat of the state from the provision of social housing -‐ Urban decline and segregation

-‐ The clash of organisational cultures (Czischke, 2009)

The second and third developments link neo-liberalisation to this piece of research and practice in Amsterdam. Van Gent (2013) attributes state-led gentrification to two important changes: The first being an upcoming belief in the homeownership

ideology, the Dutch government expects housing associations to sell off a large share of their housing stock. The Dutch government, through the use of subsidies,

encourages owner-occupation. These owner-occupied dwellings are hardly

accessible to lower income groups. This leaves lower-income households in social housing estates (Priemus & Dieleman, 2002; van Gent, 2013). The second change is the retreat of the state from providing subsidies to housing associations, leaving the latter to finance their social tasks with private development – acting on the market (Czischke, 2009; van Gent, 2013). This market thinking leads to viewing the city as a place for the middle classes. Deprived post-war city neighbourhoods (usually located on the outskirts of Amsterdam) are regenerated to physically integrate the

neighbourhoods with the centre, aiming to attract more middle class households (van Gent, 2013, Oude Ophuis & de Haan, 2011; Tieskens & Musterd, 2013).

2.2.2 Examples of large scale urban renewal projects: The Netherlands

The Netherlands has a long tradition of urban restructuring, see table 1. The Big Cities Policy, implemented in 1994, is an area-based approach (Platform31, 2014). The Big Cities Policy (Grote Stedenbeleid in Dutch) is a programme that has the goal to change the quality of life in big cities.

(13)

In the Netherlands, the Big Cities Policy (1997) is the most extensive urban

restructuring policy. This policy aimed to diminish social-economic concentrations by employing physical restructuring measures in areas with high proportions of lower-income households. Policy makers then believed that physical measures to promote social mix would have an influence on lower income households, through social interaction with higher income households (Bolt et al., 2009). A more recent expansion to the Big Cities Policy (2007) adds social support to physical restructuring.

In the table below is an overview of all urban restructuring policies that have been in place in the Netherlands throughout the years.

Name of policy Main goal Period Orientation Slogan

Creating CBDs Stronger urban economy To 1970 Efficiency New jobs

Urban renewal/Bouwen voor

de Buurt Improving urban housing 1970–1980 Social justice

New housing for neighbourhood

City renewal Stronger urban economy 1980–1990 Efficiency Stop urban degradation

Multiple-problem

Help disadvantaged

neighbourhoods 1985 - 1990 Social Justice Stop cumulating problems

Social renewal More social cohesion 1990 - 1994 Social Justice Higher participation

Big Cities Policy 1 Mixed neighbourhoods 1994 - 1998 Social Justice

Inmigration of high incomes

Big Cities Policy 2 Stable neighbourhoods 1998 - 2004 Social Justice

Prevent leaving neighbourhood

Big Cities Policy 3 Stronger neighbourhoods 2004 - 2009 Efficiency Powerful cities

Big Cities Policy

+/Wijkenaanpak Integrated neighbourhoods from 2007 Social justice Prevent parallel societies

TABLE 1; Urban renewal policies, main goals (source: Musterd & Ostendorf, 2008)

The quality of life in Dutch cities was slowly declining in the 1990s. The focus of the Big Cities policy was theoretically on the city as whole, in practice it meant that

certain neighbourhoods that desperately needed improvement were tackled. The Big Cities Policy had three ways of improving cities: physically, economically and socially, the three pillars on which the policy is based. Previously implemented programmes tackled problems in only one of these ways, the makers of the Big Cities Policy believed that these three ways could be mutually reinforcing change. The main goal, however, of the policy was to pursue social mix. It was then believed that social mix would promote social interaction (Musterd & Ostendorf, 2008).

(14)

Essentially, this research is on urban renewal, which is part of the physical pillar and is financially organized through the Investeringsbudget Stedelijke Vernieuwing (ISV) (Ministerie van Binnenlandse Zaken & Koninkrijksrelaties, 2013). Municipalities receive a share of this budget when they draw up a plan for deprived

neighbourhoods. This financial contribution must be used to implement the plans. Until 2009 the national government tested these plans, but in a general trend towards decentralisation municipalities currently take up this task. It is believed that the lower the scale, the better the plan, and the more participation of citizens in plan making. Restructuring policies became known nation-wide in 2003 when the minister of Housing, Spatial Planning and the Environment selected 56 neighbourhoods that were to be restructured (Musterd & Ostendorf, 2008). These neighbourhoods showed problems physically, socially and economically. The number of neighbourhoods was reduced to 40 in 2007, marking a new period in the Dutch history of urban renewal: the Wijkenaanpak.

The financial contribution made to Wijkenaanpak by the national government ran from 2007 until 2014, the policy is officially under implementation until 2018 (Ministerie van Binnenlandse Zaken & Koninkrijksrelaties, 2013).

The national government and the municipality created a so-called charter, to list which parties are involved and what their role is. The aim of the Wijkenaanpak is, just like the Big Cities Policy; to tackle both physical and non-physical problems as a whole. These problems occur on a small scale and therefore most of the

responsibility is in the hands of the municipalities. Citizen participation is believed to be a crucial factor in the success of urban renewal policies; it is believed that other renewal policies failed due to a lack of citizen participation (Ministerie van VROM, 2007). The Wijkenaanpak also marks a renewed involvement of housing

associations. Even though their core task is to provide social housing for the ‘weaker’ in society, they now engage (or are being pushed to engage, according to Musterd & Ostendorf, 2008) in urban renewal activities. This is in line with Czischke’s (2009)

(15)

Ostendorf, 2008; Van Gent, 2013). The policy document for the Wijkenaanpak states that the housing associations have been active in the deprived neighbourhoods for, often, quite long, and know the neighbourhood. The government therefore expects from them active participation in the renewal of these neighbourhoods (Ministerie van VROM, 2007).

For a concluding overview, see table 2 for the Big Cities Policies and their main measures:

Name of policy Typical policy measures

Big Cities Policy 1 Neighbourhood restructuring, attract (higher-) middle classes

Big Cities Policy 2 Creating opportunities in the neighbourhood

Big Cities Policy 3 Restructuring of neighbourhoods, creating social mix

Big Cities Policy +/ Wijkenaanpak Neighbourhood restructuring, involvement of housing associations, Social mix

TABLE 2: recent restructuring policies and main measures (source: Musterd & Ostendorf, 2008)

Proponents of neighbourhood restructuring in the Netherlands state that restructuring aids mixed neighbourhoods, a strong economic foundation of cities and a

qualitatively stronger housing stock. In analysing the role and driving forces of the government in urban restructuring, Uitermark states that there is a lack of institutions that promote the integration of ethnic minorities present in the regulatory framework of the Netherlands. This made it hard for neighbourhood managers to perform their task, which they indicated to the government. This led to the establishment of the Big Cities Policy, which suggested that restructuring and social mixing would make these neighbourhoods easier to manage (Uitermark, 2003).

2.2.3 International examples of large-scale urban renewal projects

Similarly, Cameron (2003) elaborates upon Newcastle’s regeneration strategy Going for Growth. Newcastle was a deprived post-industrial city at the time of development of the plan. It is a citywide strategy, aiming to re-develop low-demand

neighbourhoods with a concentration of poverty. Going for Growth is the predecessor of the UK-wide Housing Market Renewal Pathfinders. Just as the Big Cities Policy, its aim was social mixing:

(16)

Moreover, Going for Growth might be said to be the first large-scale example in the UK of policy which reflects an explicit concern to ‘rebalance’ the population of disadvantaged and stigmatised neighbourhoods through ‘positive gentrification’ – a cross-national trend which challenges some of the traditional models and evaluations of gentrification. (Cameron, 2003, p. 236, emphasis in original).

The United States has two countrywide urban regeneration programmes, HOPE VI and Moving to Opportunity (MTO). There is a large base of research available on the effects of HOPE VI on individual residents and restructured neighbourhoods. HOPE VI’s aim is slightly different to other renewal projects: HOPE VI aims to ‘provide a range of benefits to the residents of distressed public housing’ (Goetz, 2010, p. 6). The HOPE VI programme is based on the concept of neighbourhood effects. The literature on neighbourhood effects believes that the neighbourhood shapes the opportunities of its residents: if a person lives in a distressed neighbourhood this will have significant effects on their life chances (see for instance Buck, 2001). The HOPE VI programme employs physical restructuring (with involuntary relocation as a result) in distressed neighbourhoods, moving people to ‘better neighbourhoods’ (Goetz, 2010; Goetz, 2013; Curley & Kleinhans, 2010, among others).

It is the forced move and the choice strategies employed by households in this situation I am interested in.

2.3 (Forced) residential mobility: the decision making process

2.3.1 Three stages

Speare et al. (1975) distinguish three phases in the voluntary residential mobility process: the development of a desire to consider moving; the search for a new residence; and the decision to move or stay. In the first phase the household experiences stress due to the difference between the current living situation and its aspirations and/or needs. The amount of stress differs per household (Brown &

Moore, 1970) and depends on its generator(s). It is generally assumed that the stress is generated by a change in the life-cycle stage, preference in housing tenure, or

(17)

Rossi’s (1955) life cycle hypothesis states that households’ residential preferences change as the household composition changes. Households can deal with the discrepancy between residential needs and current residential position in 3 possible ways:

1. Adjusting its needs

2. Remodeling the environment (the dwelling or the neighbourhood) 3. Moving (Brown & Moore, 1970).

A couple of factors keeping people from moving, and thus opting for either of the first two ways to deal with stress, could be local ties to the neighbourhood (DaVanzo, 1981) or the costs of the move itself as well as the search costs (such as brokering fees) (Mulder, 1996).

As in the case of this research the move is a forced one, Phase One is constituted with the decision of the housing association to demolish the building, thus leading to the household having to select an alternative location. Kleit & Manzo (2006) argue that some households see the forced move as an opportunity to make earlier developed residential relocation decisions come true, a point also supported by Kleinhans & Kearns (2013). It is the search for the new location that is of great interest to this research.

As the household enters Phase Two, when the demolition plans are announced, it has to make its relocation requirements explicit. The household does this by setting up criteria that have to be met by the new dwelling and its location. It has been shown in many pieces of research on voluntary residential mobility (Rossi, 1955; Lansing & Hendricks, 1967) that households usually take the following criteria in account in their search for a new dwelling:

(18)

-‐ The dwelling itself - rent, size, layout, number of rooms

-‐ Physical aspects of the neighbourhood – architectural features, built-up of the neighbourhood, greenery

-‐ Accessibility of the dwelling – public transport, roads, relative to work, amenities or schools

-‐ Social environment – composition of the neighbourhood, perception of friendliness to certain groups (children, elderly).

-‐ Amenities – quality and/or quality and proximity of shops, schools, etc. (Brown & Moore, 1970; Rossi, 1955; Lansing & Hendricks, 1967).

The importance attached to each criterion differs per household, and per criterion a lower region and upper region is set. The price of the dwelling for instance should not exceed a certain level, while it should not also be too low: this relates to the quality of the dwelling, if the price is low, it usually coincides with a lower quality dwelling (Brown & Moore, 1970). The sum of the criteria and their upper and lower levels constitute the aspiration region.

The geographical search area is shaped by the awareness space, which is in turn shaped by the action space or mental map of the household and secondary sources as newspapers, the Internet or from hearsay (Mulder, 1996; Mulder & Hooijmeijer, 1999; Knox & Pinch, 2010). It is assumed here that forcedly relocated households take into account the same search criteria as voluntary relocated households, but in a different way than the latter group. In some studies on forced relocation most

respondents reported that dwelling characteristics were very important, as most of them had lived in a social rental dwelling of poor quality before (Flint & Cole, 2007; Manzo et al., 2008). After the importance of dwelling characteristics, and possibly more prevalent in forced relocation literature, comes the importance of location.

2.3.2 Constraints and opportunities in forced relocation

A household is never free to pick out any dwelling in their aspiration region. Many households operate under some constraints (Mulder, 1996; Mulder & Hooijmeijer,

(19)

dwelling and time constraints, among others. Eligibility norms are applicable in the case of social housing.

The financial situation seems like the most evident constraint. Fried (2000) states that households with limited financial assets are likely to opt for a dwelling that satisfies their basic needs – in other words, a dwelling that complies with the lower regions set for each criterion taken in account (Fried, 2000).

In searching for a new residence, the voluntary mover uses a number of information sources. The choice and availability of each information source imposes some constraints on the choice for a dwelling. A real estate agent for instance might be overfamiliar with one particular part of an urban region and therefore recommend particular dwellings in that region more over other dwellings in other regions (Brown & Moore, 1970).

Forcedly relocated social housing tenants are barely subject to such limitations of information sources. In Amsterdam and other parts of the Netherlands, social housing is advertised on a region-wide website: Woningnet. This form of choice-based letting is called the Delft model (Kullberg, 1997). All available units at a given time are advertised. It provides relocated households with a relative degree of choice in the move. Households receive a certificate of urgency (the

stadsvernieuwingsurgentie), with which one is able to find a new dwelling with priority on the usually tight housing market of the Netherlands. These households get priority over regular house seekers. Although restricted to a comparable dwelling (a

constraint regarding eligibility criteria), with the certificate of urgency relocated households are able to compete well with regular house seekers. When a relocated household applies for a dwelling, it is certain they get the dwelling over a regular house seeker. The certificate gives forcedly relocated tenants a fair amount of

choice, influencing post-move satisfaction, as Kleinhans (2003) found in two cases in The Hague and Utrecht.

(20)

Some forcedly relocated public housing tenants felt forced by the housing association to accept the dwelling they were offered (Joseph & Chaskin, 2012; Posthumus & Kleinhans, 2014). Posthumus & Kleinhans (2014) argue that, although constrained by certain factors such as time and the institutional context, forcedly relocated households act as strong agents within these contexts. Posthumus & Kleinhans compare two groups: tenants having to find their own dwelling (choice-based letting), and tenants who are offered dwellings by their housing associations and are not able to apply for dwellings themselves (option model). The tenants in this piece of

research are both offered dwellings by their housing association, as well as were able to apply for dwellings themselves delimiting the options available to them. Tenants under the option model tended to accept the dwellings they were offered for fear of not getting a better offer and having to find a dwelling all by themselves. Tenants finding a new dwelling through choice-based letting felt like they had little constraints in finding a new dwelling for the household, especially in cities with relaxed social housing markets. Because Amsterdam’s social housing market is quite tight

(Boterman et al., 2013), it could be that respondents in this piece of research do not experience such little constraints and therefore accept the newly built dwelling they are offered. Tenants with a non-western background were more likely to feel the constraints attached to their certificate of urgency; possibly as they are more attached to the neighbourhood they live in, narrowing down the search area (Posthumus & Kleinhans, 2014).

The passing of time has both positive and negative effects on the search for a new home. As time passes, households are more likely to gain information about the urban area and therefore might expand the search area. Voluntary relocated

residents deal with time constraints (Knox & Pinch, 2010; Brown & Moore, 1970), as forcedly relocated tenants deal with even stricter time limits to find a new dwelling. It has been shown in the voluntary relocation literature that as time passes, households are more likely to ease their relocation requirements (Brown & Moore, 1970; Mulder & Hooijmeijer, 1999). Similarly, forcedly relocated tenants tend to opt for the minimal comfortable option, instead of going for the optimal option as the demolition date

(21)

Household-inherent constraints are rarely mentioned in the classic residential mobility literature, but anecdotal evidence by Goetz (2013) shows that households can have special needs making many dwellings unsuitable for them. One household member was disabled and the dwelling they were offered was not wheelchair accessible. At the last moment this household had to find a replacement dwelling (Goetz, 2013).

2.3.3 Counselling process housing association

Kleinhans (2013) found that the forced move has significant impact on relocated household’s lives, and therefore calls for an increased amount of support by housing associations (Kleinhans, 2013). Flint & Cole (2007) make a similar point: housing associations and the government in the United Kingdom do not pay enough attention to the destruction of ‘home’ and call for more extensive support services and more room for residents in plan-making. Flint & Cole state that some groups need more counselling and support: ethnic minorities and elderly households, among others. These are, as shown above, more likely to move within the original neighbourhood, as being vulnerable at the same time (Flint & Cole, 2007). Kleinhans & van der Laan - Bouma Doff (2008) argue that residents who ‘understand’ forced relocation are less likely to protest against the move. Similarly, Kearns & Mason (2013) showed that tenants who were more satisfied with the counselling process were more likely to report post-move satisfaction.

2.3.4 Attitude towards the forced move

As has already been shown, the attitude towards the forced move plays an important role – Kleinhans & van der Laan – Bouma Doff (2008) showed that residents that understand the forced move are less likely to protest, as residents who already had moving plans see the forced move as a way to achieve these. The attitude towards the forced move is therefore formed by the propensity to move and the satisfaction with the dwelling and environment, in other words, place attachment. Speare’s (1975) model stated that the generation of stress between the current living environment and aspirations and/or needs generates the propensity to move. In the context of forced relocation, Ekkers & Helderman (2010) argue more explicitly that the attitude towards

(22)

the neighbourhood, together with the appreciation of the dwelling itself make up the propensity to move. In short, if the old dwelling and its environment meet a

household’s aspirations the household is more likely to protest against the forced move.

2.3.5 The importance of location and place attachment

The location of the dwelling has been proven to be one of the most important factors in forcedly relocated residents’ decision-making processes. Most residents choose to live within the neighbourhood, close to established social ties (Kleit & Galvez, 2011; Kleit & Manzo, 2006, Stokols & Shumaker, 1981).

Scannell & Gifford (2010) define place attachment as the bond between people and place, which is affected by various processes, such as affection. Riger & Lavrakas (1981) distinguish between physical bonds and rootedness: if a person is bonded to the neighbourhood it means that it usually has a large degree of social contacts, a person is rooted if it has lived in the neighbourhood longer or owns a home. If a household has children, it generally has more social contacts with other households, contributing to a positive attitude towards the neighbourhood (Riger & Lavrakas, 1981; Ekkers & Helderman, 2010). Bailey, Kearns & Livingston (2012), among others, support these findings; they found that once a person is older, or once a person has a longer length of residence in the neighbourhood, they show a higher level of attachment, as familiarity with the neighbourhood grows over time. These groups are more likely to stay within the neighbourhood (Bailey et al., 2012; Manzo, 2003; Slob et al., 2008). Middle class households show a lower degree of attachment to deprived neighbourhoods (Bailey et al., 2012; Pinkster, 2014). The social housing unit may be a safe place where its residents relate to, at the same time some

experience distress due to crime and nuisance (Vale, 1997), leading to expectations for forcedly relocated tenants to want to leave. The emotional bonds with the unit and its environment, however, usually prevail over the distress experienced (Vale, 1997).

(23)

Woldoff (2002) takes a more social approach to place attachment. She argues that space becomes place as one develops more social ties within the neighbourhood, a form of bonding (Scannell & Gifford, 2010; Woldoff, 2002). Kleinhans & Kuythoff (2002) showed that the share of households returning to the old neighbourhood differs per restructuring project – mostly depending on to what degree these

households were offered a way to return to the old neighbourhood. It also depends on the way the demolition process is organised: if the newly built dwellings in the neighbourhood are available before the old dwelling is demolished (which is the case in the two restructuring projects under examination), a larger share of households stays within the neighbourhood compared to the opposite scenario (Kleinhans & Kuythoff, 2002; Slob et al., 2008).

Doff & Kleinhans (2010) used individual-level data in relation with neighbourhood data to determine the degree of attachment to deprived neighbourhoods. One of their main findings is that ethnic minorities (Turks, Moroccans and Surinamese) more often moved into more concentrated neighbourhoods, even when is controlled for household resourced and constraints. Doff & Kleinhans state that the higher

probability of moving to a more concentrated neighbourhood for ethnic minorities lies in the possibility that minorities prefer a more concentrated neighbourhood: due to supportive ties and support networks (Doff & Kleinhans, 2010, Bolt, 2001). In voluntary relocation, ties to the neighbourhood could be a reason to not move, but rather adjust needs or improve the environment. As the move in this case is forced, the household most likely opts for a dwelling in the neighborhood.

2.4 Conceptual model

From the above literature review it is clear that households deal with numerous choices and factors in their decision-making process. Some of the households in this piece of research are still in stage 2 – the search itself. Others have already moved and have passed stage 3 in Speare’s model. As the goal of this research is to find out why tenants refused a newly built dwelling offered to them by their housing

(24)

possible mismatch between the desired dwelling and the dwelling offered to them. This study is also interested in the constraints people experienced: did they feel constrained by the limits of their certificate of urgency – or the time they have to find a new dwelling? Did this influence their choice for a new dwelling? The counselling process is of interest as well: can the process be a ‘deal breaker’?

To be able to answer the research question: the following conceptual model has been drawn up:

ILLUSTRATION 1: Conceptual model

Central to the conceptual model are the aspiration region and the offered dwelling. In the first place a mismatch between the two could make for a refusal of the newly built dwelling. The circle in the center (‘choice’) marks the refusal or acceptance of the newly built dwelling.

(25)

The criteria taken into account in this research will be (following Rossi, 1955) as follows:

-‐ Dwelling characteristics – size, layout, facilities, number of rooms

-‐ Physical neighbourhood characteristics – relative to work, amenities, other activities, built-up of environment

-‐ Price of the dwelling

-‐ Social neighbourhood characteristics – social composition, the presence of social networks, place attachment to the neighbourhood

There are, however, some ‘external forces’ that could influence the decision-making process. It is the argument of this paper that constraints and opportunities influence the aspiration region. Time constraints, for instance (as shown by Brown & Moore, 1970, among others) could force households to go for the minimal comfortable option, whereas some households can see opportunities in the certificate of urgency they receive: with it they can opt for a better dwelling than they could without the certificate. Similarly, the certificate of urgency could be perceived of as a constraint – Amsterdam has a tight housing market.

As shown by Kleinhans & van der Laan – Bouma Doff (2008), residents who understand the forced move, or were planning to move, are less likely to protest against it. It is also believed that a general satisfaction with the old living situation (resulting in little stress between the living situation and the household’s aspirations) makes for a less positive attitude towards the forced move, possibly leading to protest against the move by not accepting the newly built dwelling. I believe that a positive attitude towards the forced move will possibly lead to a positive perception of the counselling process; whereas a negative attitude towards the forced move will lead to a negative perception of the counselling process. The perception of the counselling process in itself could lead to refusal of the newly built dwelling – the counselling process as a deal breaker.

(26)

3 Research methodology & case outline

This chapter will outline the methodology used in the research. First, the

sub-questions to the main research question are outlined, then I will go on to the methods used to answer these sub-questions, followed by the steps taken for the analysis of the interviews with forcedly relocated tenants.

3.2 Sub-questions to main research question

The sub-questions to the main research question are as follows:

- How does the housing association design the counselling process?

- How is the relocation process during urban restructuring designed by law? - What were the main reasons for accepteerders to accept the newly built

dwelling? How did they perceive the counselling process?

- What were the main reasons for weigeraars to refuse the newly built dwelling? How did they perceive the counselling process?

- Are there differences between accepteerders and weigeraars, and in what way does the counselling process by the housing association play a role here?

3.3 Methods

This piece of research is taking a qualitative approach. I am interested in the individual stories of respondents, which together make a narrative of the moving processes for two housing associations in a neighbourhood. The hard numbers and correlations will not suffice, as long responses are needed to uncover all the reasons to refuse the dwelling. The semi-structured interviewing method allows for flexibility during the interviews and is therefore open to other factors taken into account,

(27)

The research concerned accepteerders (people who accepted the newly built dwelling) and weigeraars (people who refused the dwelling) from two different housing associations. The two restructuring projects and their residents are compared, creating a comparative case study (Yin, 1994). Housing associations have different ways of dealing with forced relocation. Accepteerders ended up in housing complexes of the same housing association they were renting from before relocation, weigeraars on the other hand, had the possibility to move to dwellings of other housing associations. As almost all the Ymere weigeraars (except for one household, Ymere tenants who also ended up in an Ymere owned dwelling) are still in the moving process, it is hard to say if they will or will not end up in a dwelling owned by a different housing association. Almost all de Alliantie weigeraars already signed the rental contract for a dwelling in the neighbourhood, let by de Alliantie. The Ymere accepteerders moved recently, in January 2014, de Alliantie accepteerders moved in April 2013.

The research approach has some limits. The findings will not be generalizable for the whole population of forcedly relocated tenants, but will merely provide insights in the perceptions of forcedly relocated tenants of their decision-making process. Yin (2003) distinguishes between statistical generalizability and analytical generalizability.

Statistical generalizability is usually achieved within a cross-sectional research design. Yin (2003) believes that in case studies, the results cannot be generalized to the whole population being studied, but rather contribute to theory about the

phenomenon under study. This is what this piece of research aims to do: provide insights into decision-making processes of forcedly relocated tenants.

An issue with the de Alliantie accepteerders could be the time that has passed since the move. Some may have difficulties recalling certain events.

(28)

3.4 Interviews

3.4.1 Description

Two groups were compared: people who refused a specific newly built dwelling (either in ‘West Avenue’ [de Alliantie] or ‘Nieuw Reimerswaal’ [Ymere]) and

eventually ended (or will end) up in a dwelling that was offered on the regular housing market, and people who accepted the newly built dwelling right away. The interviews took place between the end of April and the beginning of May 2014.

In total, 19 interviews were held: 5 Ymere accepteerders, 5 Ymere weigeraars, 5 de Alliantie accepteerders and 4 de Alliantie weigeraars. Despite efforts to approach one more de Alliantie weigeraar, no one else wanted to collaborate, or wasn’t home at the times the researcher visited their homes.

3.4.2 Approaching respondents

As stated before, the Amsterdam Federation of Housing Associations commissioned the research projects and assigned two students to do the research, each with their own focus.

The two housing associations provided the researchers with a document with the names, duration of occupancy in the old dwelling and the addresses of residents who were offered a newly built dwelling in one of the two restructuring projects and either rejected the offer or accepted it. There are 21 Ymere weigeraars over 84 Ymere accepteerders (20% of the households refused the newly built dwelling). There are 30 de Alliantie accepteerders and 32 de Alliantie weigeraars: 53% of the households offered a dwelling in West Avenue declined the offer.

These tenants were sent a letter by their housing association (see appendix) announcing the research, based at the University of Amsterdam. The fact that the Amsterdam Federation of Housing Associations or the housing associations commissioned it was not mentioned, to avoid any bias. The letter also stated that each participant would get a gift card worth 10 euros, and included the researcher’s e-mail address. None of the possible respondents e-mailed in advance to announce

(29)

When the letter was sent, the researchers went door to door with the documents provided by the housing associations, during school holidays, a time during which many parents take days off from work to be home with their children. This increased the response rate, as well as it decreased problems with language barriers. Many households living in the two renewal areas are of non-Dutch descent (mostly first or second generation), their children could help translate in some cases in which the language barrier was too large for an interview. Respondents were approached at their front door. The researchers did not sample on the basis of ethnicity, household size or age, as we wanted to find out for which groups the relocation process worked the best and for which it did not. Therefore, respondent’s names or duration of

occupancy was not considered. They were asked whether they had gotten the letter sent to them by the housing association announcing the research project.

Participants were then asked whether they had time to participate in the research, stating that they would get a gift card worth 10 euros. Respondents were approached on different times of the week and day, trying to avoid an over-representation of certain groups in the sampling group.

Due to safety issues, the two students collaborated and went door to door together, went inside the participant’s home together but took the interviews separately. All interviews were taped, and if something was mentioned during one interview that was also of interest (included in the topic list) to the other researcher, the question was asked again in the second interview, but as most respondents felt like they had already answered it, the answer was usually much shorter and less usable. The longer version was taken into account in the transcription.

Once, an appointment was made with a de Alliantie weigeraar, through the female head of the household. When the male head of the household found out, he called the counsellor of de Alliantie, stating that he did not want to participate in the research until de Alliantie found him a new dwelling. It could be that more potential respondents thought about it this way, which has to do with the counselling process of the housing association. Table 3 shows the background characteristics of the respondents.

(30)

Housing association De Alliantie 9 Ymere 10 Ethnicity Native Dutch 4 Non-Western Dutch 15 Age 18 - 39 3 40 - 64 14 65 or older 2

Found a new dwelling yet?

De Alliantie - yes 8

De Alliantie - no 1

Ymere - yes 7

Ymere - no 3

Earners

Dual earner household 1

Single earner household 10

Both adults without job 2

Pensioned, health benefits 6

TABLE 3; Background characteristics respondents

3.4.3 Interview topics

The topic lists and first questions for both groups are the same, since the same factors are to be ‘tested’ similarly to accurately compare the difference between the two groups.

The topic list:

First question: can you tell me how the process went from when you got the eviction letter until now?

(31)

- PLACE ATTACHMENT

- living situation before the move - - dwelling

- - building

- - neighbourhood

- attitude towards the forced move

- LOCATION OF THE NEWLY BUILT DWELLING - - physical location

- - feeling with the neighbourhood - THE NEWLY BUILT DWELLING - price

- layout of the dwelling

- HOUSEHOLD CHARACTERISTICS - price of the dwelling compared to income - special needs for newly built dwelling - COUNSELLING PROCESS

- atmosphere during the counselling talks - communication during process

- attitude towards the counselling process in general - attitude towards housing association

- counsellor

- HOUSING MARKET ELSEWHERE - better than newly built dwelling?

All interviews were taped, with the consent of the respondent.

3.4.4 Interviews with housing association counsellors

A relocation counsellor of each housing association was also interviewed on their relocation practices. These interviews served as a general background for the study, in relation as to how the relocation process is designed by law in Amsterdam, Nieuw

(32)

West, as well as by the two housing associations. To back these interviews up, policy documents were summarized to provide a general background of how the relocation process is designed on the national level and Amsterdam level by law. The social plans, describing tenant’s rights and the housing association’s tasks during relocation, for each renewal area were summarized as well. It could be a study in itself to apply discourse analysis to the documents, which is however not the goal of this research project.

3.5 Analysis

Recordings of the semi-structured interviews with tenants were transcribed and then coded according to core topics. Interviews were coded in MAXQDA 11 for Mac, based on these topics; a deductive approach. During the coding process, I stumbled upon one factor that I did not take into account drawing up the conceptual model and topic list: the building in which the dwelling is located. This code was added to the code system.

3.6 Answering of sub-questions

Overview of sub-questions and how these were approached through the empirical research process:

- How does the housing association design the counselling process? Interviewing representative of each housing association, studying and summarizing social plans for each renewal area

- How is the relocation process during urban restructuring designed by

law?

Studying and summarizing policy documents

- What were the main reasons for accepteerders to accept the newly built

dwelling? How did they perceive the counselling process?

(33)

- What were the main reasons for weigeraars to accept the newly built

dwelling? How did they perceive the counselling process?

Semi-structured interviews, analysis of interviews

- Are there differences between accepteerders and weigeraars, and in

what way does the counselling process by the housing association play a role here?

(34)

4 Case context: Nieuw West and the two

renewal projects

This chapter describes Amsterdam’s Nieuw West area where the two renewal projects in this study are located. After the characterization of Nieuw West specific details regarding the two renewal projects are outlined.

4.1.1 Historical development Nieuw West & decline of the city district

City district Nieuw West is situated west of the centre of Amsterdam, roughly west of the ring road A10 (see illustration 2). The current district consisted of multiple districts (Slotervaart, Osdorp and Geuzenveld-Slotermeer) until a merger in 2010, which made it Nieuw West.

ILLUSTRATION 2: Location of Nieuw West in Amsterdam. (source: Google Maps, n.d., own edit)

(35)

The now city district of Nieuw West was built in the 1950s and 1960s, on the basis of an earlier developed plan, the Algemeen Uitbreidingsplan of 1934, created by

Cornelis van Eesteren. Van Eesteren took a highly systematic approach to planning. He distinguished four main functions of urban life: living, working, recreating and traffic. They all got a separate chapter in the plan. The ideals forming the plan were licht, lucht en ruimte (‘light, air and (green) space’). Allotment was open, allowing light into the dwellings and buildings were surrounded by green space. There was little room for variation in allotment due to these ideals (Feddes, 2012). To get an idea of the allotment in Nieuw West see illustration 3.

ILLUSTRATION 3; Allotment in Nieuw West. (source: Dunker van der Torre, n.d.)

Due to the Second World War the Algemeen Uitbreidingsplan was not carried out until the 1950s. The Second World War and the following baby boom created a housing shortage, so there was a desperate need for more housing. Housing was built as quickly and cheaply as possible, using prefab constructions. Dwellings were small, around two-thirds of all dwellings had an area of maximum 60 square meters (Platform31, 2013). The planners and designers divided the area in separate

(36)

Geuzenveld and Slotermeer in the north, Slotervaart in the southeast and Osdorp in the southwest (Feddes, 2012).

The city district was popular among native Dutch in its young years. Native Dutch however moved outside Amsterdam in the 1960s and 1970s. They moved to the so called groeikernen (suburbs of the city), where dwellings were cheaper and larger, but still within reach of the city. This coincided with massive immigration from Turkey, Morocco and Surinam, leaving room for Turkish, Moroccan and Surinamese

immigrants to move into the neighbourhoods of Nieuw West (Dienst Ruimtelijke Ordening, 2013; Musterd & Ostendorf, 2008).

Prior to urban regeneration, housing in Nieuw West was primarily social rental

housing. This should not always be a problem, as long as the quality of the dwellings is good, according to van der Veer & Schuiling (2005). Also, about a quarter of social rental dwellings are occupied by higher income households (van der Veer &

Schuiling, 2005). In this case, there is a demographical and spatial mismatch, which lead to decline of (housing in) Nieuw West (Stichting van na de Oorlog, 1995). Moreover, due to the pace at which these dwellings were built, the quality of the dwellings is relatively poor for the Netherlands. Most of the dwellings do not have a central heating system, are poorly insulated and do not have access to elevators (Beerdsen, 2007). The mismatch is created by a discrepancy between the planning principles of the fifties and sixties and recent demographic developments: planning in the 1950s and 1960s was aimed towards the nuclear family, with two children and two adults. Rarely any dwellings were built for single person households, a growing type of household in the past decades, neither were there enough dwellings for larger families (mostly immigrants). Also, the neighbourhoods were built with the

‘neighbourhood thought’ in mind. Each neighbourhood has its own centre with shops. These shops closed down and the neighbourhood centres needed regeneration (Stichting van na de Oorlog, 1995).

In short, the dwellings were unwanted due to their quality and size and the quality of public space declined as shops were forced to close down. In combination with social

(37)

programmes started. Several neighbourhoods in Nieuw West are on the list of the 40 neighbourhoods selected for urban renewal (Wijkenaanpak) in 2007. One of Nieuw West’s neighbourhoods leads the ranking order of being ‘the worst neighbourhood’: Kolenkit/Overtoomse Veld in former city districts Slotervaart and Bos & Lommer. Other neighbourhoods on the list are (in ranking order): Slotervaart, Slotermeer North-East, Osdorp de Punt, Slotermeer South-West, Westlandgracht, Geuzenveld, and Osdorp East (Ministerie van Infrastructuur & Milieu, 2009b).

4.2 Urban restructuring in Nieuw West

In 2001, the decline of Nieuw West led to a strategy for the deprived city district: Richting Parkstad 2015 (Bureau Parkstad, 2004). Its main goals were a differentiation in habitats and diversity. A central agency, Bureau Parkstad, was also established with the responsibility of restructuring these neighbourhoods, including Nieuw West. Bureau Parkstad was eliminated in 2005, making the municipality of Amsterdam responsible for urban restructuring in the city district. This led to a revision of Richting Parkstad 2015, called Herziening Richting Parkstad 2015. This plan was divided into 6 chapters: social aspects, housing, space, the institutions involved in the renewal, resident participation and economical aspects. The social part of the plan aimed for the attraction of middle class residents to the district. The economic part of the plan aimed to attract young entrepreneurs. In the area of housing the municipality strived for an increase in the quality of the housing stock, by building suitable newly built dwellings. The institutional chapter outlined the institutions involved and their

responsibilities. Housing associations were always involved in plan making in Nieuw West. Outlining rules and regulations for housing associations and tenant’s rights during restructuring maximized resident participation in the projects (Gemeente Amsterdam, 2012; Bureau Parkstad, 2007). After the reduction of the number of so called problem neighbourhoods from 56 to 40 in 2007 the attention for Nieuw West as an important restructuring area grew while, due to the economic crisis occurring at the time, the scale of the projects declined. At the moment, neither of the plans elaborated upon above is under implementation. The housing associations, the city district and the municipality do operate with one vision for housing in the area, dating from 2012. This housing vision strives for a differentiation in the housing stock, both

(38)

by tenure type as well as the type of dwelling. The housing associations operate with their own interpretation of the housing vision (Gemeente Amsterdam, 2012). The Kaderafspraken bij Vernieuwing en Verbetering (2012) lays out the rules and regulations for housing associations dealing with forced relocation and rights of tenants subject to forced relocation.

4.2.1 Nieuw West and the two renewal neighbourhoods in statistics

About half of the city district’s inhabitants are of non-Dutch descent. These are mostly second or third generation Surinamese, Turkish or Moroccans (Ministerie van

Infrastructuur & Milieu, 2009a, Dienst Onderzoek & Statistiek, 2014).

The housing stock in Nieuw West, and Amsterdam as a whole has drastically changed due to tenure conversion, see table 4 (Boterman & van Gent, 2014).

Nieuw West Osdorp Midden Slotervaart Amsterdam

Tenure per year

2008 owner-occupier 28% 17% 28% 26% social rental 60% 82% 45% 50% private rental 12% 1% 27% 24% total 100% 100% 100% 100% 2013 owner-occupier 29% 24% 25% 28% social rental 55% 62% 58% 46% private rental 16% 14% 17% 26% total 100% 100% 100% 100%

TABLE 4: tenure in 2008 and 2013 in each of the restructuring neighbourhoods, Nieuw West and Amsterdam. (source: Dienst Onderzoek & Statistiek, 2014; Dienst

Onderzoek & Statistiek, 2009; Wonen in Amsterdam, 2009)

The duration of occupancy in the two neighbourhoods is relatively high compared to other neighbourhoods in the city (Dienst Onderzoek en Statistiek, 2013), which means that the rents in these neighbourhoods are relatively low.

(39)

Nieuw West

Osdorp

Midden Slotervaart Amsterdam

Average income (in euros)

per person 18 800 17 300 18 700 23 000

per household 29 600 27 300 28 900 30 700

TABLE 5: Average income per household and per person in Amsterdam in 2013, Nieuw West and the restructuring neighbourhoods. (source: Dienst Onderzoek & Statistiek, 2014)

Table 5 shows the average income per person and per household in each of the two restructuring neighbourhoods in 2013. Especially in Osdorp Midden, where Nieuw Reimerswaal is located, incomes are lower than the Nieuw West and Amsterdam average.

4.3 Housing associations and housing estates researched

The housing associations and housing estates were chosen in consultation with the Amsterdam Federation of Housing Associations. The two housing associations, the locations of the estates and their counselling process differ from each other in a couple of ways. The following paragraph and parts of Chapter Five will outline these differences.

4.3.1 Ymere and Ookmeerhof

Ymere is a housing association active in Amsterdam and surrounding cities

Hoofddorp, Almere, Alkmaar, Haarlemmermeer, Leiden and Weesp. They own about 90 000 rental units, of which 80 000 are dwellings. The non-dwellings consist of shops, offices and community centres - commercial activities, in short. Ymere engages in other tasks than just providing housing, it also engages in community building and intervening in deprived neighbourhoods. These latter tasks are funded by the commercial activities Ymere engages in (Ymere, n.d.). Ymere owned 4 327 out of 33 880 dwellings in Nieuw West in 2011 (Amsterdams

Volkshuisvestingsoverleg, 2012).

Nieuw Reimerswaal is the collective noun for the new, post-restructuring neighbourhood Reimerswaal, in former city district Osdorp, in which Ymere is

(40)

involved. This research concerns the specific complex of Ookmeerhof. The residents that lived in a (still) to be demolished housing estate only 100 metres away from Ookmeerhof (see illustration 6), were offered a dwelling here.

Ookmeerhof consists of 120 rental dwellings, of which 26 eengezinswoningen (single family dwellings) and 94 apartments. These are all social rental dwellings.

ILLUSTRATION 4; Ookmeerhof. (source: Ymere, 2012)

4.3.2 De Alliantie and West Avenue

De Alliantie operates in roughly the same geographical area as Ymere: the northern Randstad. De Alliantie owns about 60 000 dwellings (Amsterdams

Volkshuisvestingsoverleg, 2012). The housing association takes the same approach to social responsibility as Ymere; it engages in profit-making activities to fund its societal goals (De Alliantie, n.d.). De Alliantie owned 20 563 dwellings in Amsterdam, of which 4 739 in Nieuw West in 2011 (Amsterdams Volkshuisvestingsoverleg,

2012).

West Avenue (see illustration 5) is a larger scale complex than Nieuw Reimerswaal, located just outside Amsterdam’s ring road A10, in former city district Slotervaart. Here as well were households offered a newly built dwelling if they stated they wanted to be eligible for one. These residents, if they accepted the dwelling, moved

(41)

to West Avenue from about 3kms away in south Slotervaart, from the Henri Dunant neighbourhood, as can be seen in illustration 6.

(42)

West Avenue consists of 43 social rental dwellings and 106 private rental dwellings (Stadsdeel Nieuw West, 2013). Some of these dwellings are 3-bedroom apartments, others are 5-bedroom apartments.

The above illustration, illustration 6, shows the exact locations of the housing complexes in Nieuw West. The close proximity of the newly built dwelling to the old dwelling in Ookmeerhof (Nieuw Reimerswaal) is visible in the top left corner of the map, whereas the distance between West Avenue and the old dwelling is visible on the right side of the map.

ILLUSTRATION 6; Position of complexes in Amsterdam Nieuw West. (source: Google Maps, n.d., own edit)

Urban restructuring, forced relocation, the counselling process and the newly built replacement dwelling : residents on their decision making process.