Gains or Losses from a Fishing Ban

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Gains or losses from a

fishing ban

A study on the influence of the annual fishing ban

on the economics of artisanal fisheries in Tamil

Image taken by Emil Dutour Geerling on 09/05/17

DUTOUR GEERLING, EMIL

UNIVERSITY OF AMSTERDAM

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A study on the influence of the annual fishing ban on

the economics of artisanal fisheries in Tamil Nadu,

India

By

Emil Dutour Geerling

June 26

th

_{, 2017}

Bachelor Thesis Human Geography

Faculty of Social and Behavioral Sciences

Dep. Human Geography, Planning & International Development Studies

Supervisor: Dr. Maarten Bavinck

Second reader: Dr. Dennis Arnold

Student number: 10784233

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Abstract

The fishing ban, that has been implemented in Tamil Nadu for the sixteenth year, is one of the very few tools the government possesses for the management of capture fisheries. Over the years, the development of the industrial boat sector has had a large impact on the artisanal fishing communities. Thus, the ban restricts the mechanized boat sector from all fishing practices for a 45-day period. Since the artisanal fisheries are still permitted to fish during this time, this research investigates the influence of the ban on their economics. During three weeks of research in Samiyar Pettai, a fishing hamlet located in Cuddalore district, it became clear the artisanal fisheries were not able to fully benefit from the openings the ban provided for them. Due to a lack of conflict with the mechanized fisheries in this area, the artisanal fishermen were not as satisfied with the fishing ban as what could expected from the literature. Furthermore, the ur Panchayat of Samiyar Pettai, has also for a number of years implemented a local 7-day ban for all artisanal fishermen including specific gear restrictions directed at fiberglass boat workers which prohibited them from their regular practices. However, research shows that the fishing ban did provide a few significant benefits for the artisanal fisheries. Apart from a 5000 rupees compensation, the traditional fishermen were able to receive higher prices for their catch and more gained increased access to an additional market. However, despite these benefits, artisanal fishermen in Samiyar Pettai were not able to perceive the positive economic effect of the fishing ban. This research concludes that the fishermen were unable to appreciate these benefits due to the remarkably poor condition of the marine fish stock.

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Chapter 1: Introduction

The management of capture fisheries is a difficult task for established regulatory bodies in India. Although they possess multiple instruments, the majority of these have been found to be impractical or non-enforceable. According to Bavinck et al. (2007), time-zoning is an exception to this rule and has proved to be a successful tool for the management of the capture fisheries. The concept of time-zoning means that certain fishing practices are banned for a specific period of time, usually ‘Mechanized boats’ or ‘industrial boats’ which practice large scale fishing are targeted. The state Tamil Nadu, located in South-East India, utilises time-zoning to manage the fishing industry. This method has been used since 2001 by the government of Tamil Nadu which enforces a 45-day fishing ban directed at the mechanized boat sector which, for most part, consists of trawlers and ring seine boats. Thus, between April 15th_{and May 29}th_{such vessels are prohibited from venturing out of the harbours where}

they are situated.

The fishing ban in Tamil Nadu, implemented by the local government, was introduced to safeguard the breeding season and subsequently increase the fish catch (Bavinck et al., 2007). For several decades, particularly the last 10 years, the fish population in the Bengal Sea has declined rapidly. Overfishing and global warming are seen as the main drivers behind this phenomenon (Joseph & Phillai, 2007). The decline in the fish population has thus had severe impact on the livelihoods of the extensive coastal communities in Tamil Nadu. Since the Blue Revolution, a period of extensive modernization in the fishing industry, the industrialised fishing sector in India has accelerated. Before the revolution, only artisanal fishery methods were utilised. Therefore, the subsequent increase in mechanized fisheries has led to an ongoing conflict between the industrialised and the small-scale sectors (Bavinck, 2005). Artisanal fishermen blame the mechanized sector for the rapid decline of fish stock. Stating that they are using controversial fishing methods which damage the ecosystem. Increasing numbers of incidents between the two groups mean that antagonism has escalated. The key reasons for conflict in Tamil Nadu that Bavinck (2001) identifies are competition over fishing grounds and the gear externalities the artisanal fishermen suffer from.

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In Tamil Nadu, artisanal fishing communities have only experienced the negative impact from the development of mechanized fisheries. Poverty amongst fishermen is still significantly widespread among the Tamil Nadu coast (Bavinck, 2011). According to the SECC (2011), over 90% of the coastal population of Tamil Nadu lives below the poverty line. Even though many fishermen have attempted to find labour in other sectors, many have found such a shift implausible due to age difficulties and a lack of education (Charles, 2001). Poverty amongst the artisanal fishermen has further increased with the rise of the industrial fishery sector. Bavinck (2012) suggests that the distribution of wealth is uneven, that those engaged in large scale mechanized fishing are wealthier. Their existence and success means that small-scale fishermen suffer as the coastal waters they normal fish are encroached upon. Additionally, the ecological problems associated with the depletion of natural resources are also compounded by a sense of injustice among artisanal fisher populations.

It is clear that the development of mechanized fisheries has had a large impact on the artisanal fishery communities. Though the annual 45-day industrial fishing ban may enable openings for the artisanal fishermen, the way these fishermen make use of the changes will depend on the perceptions of the artisanal fishermen towards these changes. This paper will research the ways in which the fishing ban is influencing the economics of the artisanal fisheries in Samiyar Pettai, a village located in the Cuddalore district, Tamil Nadu.

By investigating the effects of the fishing ban on the artisanal fishery community this research hopes to lay bare the external effects of a policy on a group that the policy did not originally target. It will thereby endeavour to give a more comprehensive view concerning these effects. The research does not solely add to existing literature about the effectiveness of the fishing ban on communities but can also be used in optimizing policies.

The following section will provide a framework of literature to explain how the artisanal fisheries could respond to a fishing ban. Then, the methods and research questions that have been used will be elaborated upon. The geographical and historical context of Tamil Nadu is also provided. Following up on that are the results from the fieldwork in Samiyar Pettai and eventually the discussion and conclusion will be reached.

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Chapter 2: Theoretical Framework

Existing literature concerning the economics of fisheries, the conflicts between them and overexploitation of marine resources in Tamil Nadu form the basis for this framework. Firstly, the section on the economics of fisheries will describe the nature of the fishing profession to establish the economics of artisanal fisheries. Secondly, the literature concerning the conflicts will pave the way in understanding the antagonism between the respective fishing groups. Subsequently this will enable a better understanding of how artisanal fishermen perceive the nature of the fishing ban and its effects. Finally, the literature concerning the overexploitation of the marine resources shows that perhaps, in a physical way, the artisanal fishermen are not able to benefit from the ban since they are not able to catch sufficient numbers of fish. All three sections will aid explanation as to why and how the artisanal fishermen think and operate in the way that they do.

2.1 The economics of fisheries

The fishing profession globally varies greatly in the way it operates and distributes. Charles (2001) distinguishes four fishing categories based on the nature of, and the background to, particular fishing activities: subsistence fishers, native/indigenous fishers, recreational fishers and commercial fishers. These four groups are all harvesters of the sea but differ in the purpose behind their fishing activities and in their nature. For this research, the commercial sector will be analysed. It must be noted, however, that there is considerable diversity within each single group, there are gradations between groups, and in many cases, some fishers may fit into more than one group. Charles (2001) divides the commercial category into two sub sectors: The artisanal fishers and the industrial fishers. The former catching commercially but at low levels and the latter are the corporate fleets which utilise capital intensive vessels. The groups are, in many cases, also classified in the small- and large-scale category (Charles, 2001). While the large-scale fishers have a broad spectrum of options in terms of fishing grounds and non-fishing investment opportunities, the small-scale fishermen are known to be limited in their options. They are confined to a narrow strip of land and sea around their community and they are intrinsically dependent upon local resources. Charles (2001) also cites five attributes by which artisanal fishers can be characterized: they are highly dependent

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on the fishery for their livelihood, with few job opportunities, and usually earn a low income. Furthermore, they utilize small scale individually owned vessels. Moreover, there is a tendency to utilize a ‘share system’ whereby the income is divided between the owner and the employees, rather than a ‘wage system’ usually deployed by the industrial sub sector. Therefore, small-scale fishers are traditionally outside the centres of political and economic power, on the periphery of the larger society. Finally, they are often viewed by analysts in one of two considerably different ways: as either fishers who are ready for modernization and will in the future, eventually join the industrialized boats, or as fishers whose existence is threatened by external economic forces and in need of protection.

Yet despite the existence of different fishing categories, such groups are always bound to some degree of internal heterogeneity (Charles, 2001). This arises in a number of respects for example the differences in social demography. However, there are also areas of less homogeneity even within commercial fisheries, as there is also a variety in occupational commitment e.g. full-time versus part-time and in occupational pluralism, which considers the differences in the way the fish are being caught and whether fishing is the sole occupation of the fishermen. Furthermore, fishermen also vary in their motivation and behaviour. These two factors may influence the number of fishing trips they are willing to take each week, and whether they are satisfied with their catch or want to increase their catch. Johnson (2006) argues that, at a regional level, more attention should be given to internal heterogeneity instead of solely focusing on human-made categories. He states that, when small-scale fisheries are being observed via categorisation, a considerable part of the diversity, complexity and dynamics within this group is overlooked.

The economics of fisheries are clearly dependent on what is needed to make a successful fishery business. It is important to make the right set of choices since, as scientists have often stated, fishing takes place in a considerably uncertain environment (Acheson, 1981; Palsson, 2015). These uncertainties arise not only from the physical environment, but also from the social environment they take place in (Acheson, 1981). The ecological uncertainties that are beyond the control of the fishermen are: extreme weather conditions, natural fluctuations, location of the fish, overexploitation and the carrying capacity. Beside these forces of nature there are several economic forces that also influence the uncertainty of the fishing occupation: uncertainties with regard to access and use, market and prices, competition and relations with traders (Acheson, 1981). McGoodwin (1990) states that fishermen, in order to

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adapt to these uncertainties, stress independence, self-reliance and freedom of regimentation as important aspects of their occupation. Multiple factors have to be taken into consideration when selecting the type of fishing to practice such as the type of gear and vessel that the fishermen uses in order to fulfil their practice, the capital i.e. investment needed to buy and maintain these instruments, but also the capital (wealth) needed to provide for their households. It is also necessary to consider the amount of and type of labour required to operate the nets and vessels chosen. The fisherman may choose to operate the vessel individually or with family members, however, collectives are also very common in the fishing occupation (van Ginkel, 2005). By forming collectives, the fishermen can share risks of investment and adjust to certain uncertainties. Naturally these factors are interrelated and are dependent on how the individual fisherman chooses to utilise them.

Thus, the choice of fishing methods in any given circumstance depends on a wide range of factors. Fishing is one of the oldest occupations and naturally methodologies have evolved over time. Fishermen have of course tested a wide variety of methods in order to find the most effective methods to catch the most desired mix of species within the constraints of their limitations (Charles, 2001). The fishing method they use is thus a balancing of factors related to the biological nature of the fish species, the economic nature of the technologies and the social considerations in the fisheries. For example, the type of nets used are based on the type of fish targeted. Moreover, the mesh size and the placement in the water column are dependent on the size of the fish and where they swim in the sea. However, certain fish varieties are not continuously prevalent the whole year, therefore fishermen may also have to shift foci (McGoodwin, 1990). The key underlying factor influencing methodology is finance, how much a fisherman can spend and thus invest directly influences the type and scale of fishing practice. The capital available dictates the type of vessel and thus the scale of the business. Naturally, the market value of the fish also largely influences whether it will be targeted or not (van Ginkel, 2005). Many fishermen do not have the luxury of choice. Limited finance, the availability and cost of staff plus transferable knowledge all have an impact on the business model adopted. Therefore, the reality is that local fishermen have to operate within the boundaries of their limitations.

2.2 The conflicts between artisanal and mechanized fishers

One way to understand the response of the artisanal fisheries to the fishing ban is by analysing the nature of the conflict between fisheries over the last 50 years. Understanding

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how the conflict between the artisanal and mechanized fishers led to the implementation of a ban whereby industrial boats are not allowed to fish 45 days a year is key. As a consequence, the artisanal fisheries in principle have the sea for themselves. Thus, the absence of mechanized boats during this period means that the artisanal fishermen may adapt their activities. This paragraph aims to describe the practices of the small-scale fisheries in a time of conflict.

The literature on conflicts between fisheries can be divided into two approaches: The post-modernist approach focussed on explaining scenarios via examining specific cases and the theoretical approach which tries to establish broader reasons for the conflict (Bennet et al., 2001). To understand the conflict between the artisanal fisheries and industrial fisheries this framework will utilise the theoretical approach as it examines theoretical reasons for conflicts. This approach will help to evaluate the underlying reasons for the conflicts that have emerged in Tamil Nadu and therefore the response to the implementation of the fishing ban.

Conflicts can emerge for a variety of reasons (Bennett et al., 2001). Firstly, they can arise due to the differences in social structures. Secondly, they can also be generated by a disparity in power when for example one group tries to maximise their profit in a pool of scarce resources. The issue that is often at the root of the conflict is one group being perceived as having greater influence or advantage at the expense of the other group. This is the case in the Tamil Nadu fishery conflict. Bavinck (2001) for example explains how the small-scale fisheries share a strong consensus that the industrial fisheries are exhausting the resources that the sea provides. The fact that those involved in small-scale- and modernised fisheries belong to differing social orders makes the conflict more complex. The groups have different social realities, economic perspectives and normative perspectives. This makes the conflict significantly more difficult to study and means material factors do not provide a sufficient answer. (Bavinck, 2005).

Warner (2000) distinguishes four main causes for conflicts: Demographic change, natural resource competition, developmental pressures and structural injustices. Three of those causes can be linked directly to the conflicts that have emerged in Tamil Nadu after the Blue Revolution.

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Competition over natural resources can be seen as the main cause of conflict between the small-scale fisheries and the industrial fisheries. After the Blue Revolution, the trawler fishermen mainly operated near the shore: in the same area that the small-scale fishermen were working, attracted by the large numbers of fish that could be caught there (Cacatian, 2010). However, it must be remembered that the majority of fishermen working on or operating trawler boats were former artisanal fishermen hence their familiarity with an preference for working within the coastal fishing grounds (Bavinck & Johnson, 2008). Another reason the conflict escalated was due to the effect of declining fish stocks, which became conspicuous around 1990. The supposed infinite fish stock was rapidly diminishing and catches per unit declining (Bavinck & Johnson, 2008). Most of the small-scale fishermen blamed the industrialised vessels for this decline due to the large numbers of fish they caught. Thus, the competition over the same natural resources made the conflict between the two groups inevitable.

Developmental pressures have also contributed to and escalated the conflict over natural resources in Tamil Nadu. As Warner (2000) finds changing government policy has exacerbated the scale of the conflict. Large investments in the industrial fishing industry by the government ostensibly to develop the fishing industry by upscaling and enabling the use of modernised technology meant the artisanal fisheries faced a new major competitor which had the upper hand. Warner (2000) elucidates how such abrupt change causes displeasure in the group that lags behind. The government did not intend for the Blue Revolution to have such consequences (Bavinck, 2001). The original concept presumed that mechanised vessels would venture out to discover new fishing waters. It was also thought that the Blue Revolution would replace the largest part of the artisanal fishing. Instead, the new trawlers were competing with artisanal fisheries.

The third cause for conflict that can be derived from Warner’s theory is based upon the structural injustices between the two groups. However, though some structural injustices between the artisanal- and mechanized fisheries exist, tis factor is not as crucial as the aforementioned factors. The most prevalent one is the continuing support from the Indian government towards the industrial fishing sector. Since the start of the Blue Revolution the government was so focused on the success of the policies that it mostly took side of the mechanized boats during conflicts. Additionally, when restrictions towards the mechanized

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sector were made, most of the time they were not enforced, leaving the artisanal sector with more uncertainties. This happened in the case of both gear- and area restrictions.

In his paper about conflicts, Bavinck (2005) uses the collective property rights theory from Schlager and Ostrom (1993) to show how the fisheries conflicts are both about stocks and space. In the article Schlager and Ostrom (1993) distinguish two types of property rights: access rights and withdrawal rights. The former being the right to access a specific area and the latter the right to collect certain products from that area. Bavinck (2005) uses these two rights to show that competition is not only about fish stocks but also about the space, hereby referring to the ocean. The Tamil Nadu government tried to regulate the access rights of the trawler boats in 1983 via the Tamil Nadu Marine Fishery Regulation Act (TNMFRA), which states that trawler fisheries are only allowed to catch fish behind a 3-nautical mile radius from shore. However, many fishermen claim this rule is never adhered to.

In his article Bavinck et al. (2015) cites the attempt to control access to the Chennai harbour by boat owner-associations. The motives for action can be seen as a blend of three types of exclusion: exclusion from harbour facilities, exclusion from the market and exclusion from the marine resources. By excluding other members from these facilities, the associations tried to regulate scarce resources and thereby protect their own interests. However, the exclusion has had a negative effect on marginalized groups who do not possess the right social and economic tools to provide them access to these facilities (Bavinck, et al., 2015). The exclusion from the use of certain facilities can easily lead to conflict due to the feeling of injustice it raises amongst the marginalized group. Further, conflict also arose in the case of the artisanal fisheries in Tamil Nadu since many small villages lacked harbour facilities and tried to utilize nearby ones.

All the cited theories concerning the reasons for conflict have significant similarities. Both Bennet et al. (2001) and Warner (2000) explain that conflicts arise due to differences in power relations and structural social injustices. As one group gains at the expense of the other, in a pool of scarce resources a strong sense of injustice develops amongst those marginalized. Bavinck (2005) acknowledges these theories, however, he adds to this that the conflict over common pool resources is both about stocks and space.

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The long period of conflict has left deep scars and affects the way the two fishing groups relate to each other. The fishing ban has enabled the artisanal fishermen to fish in deeper waters and set out gear where it would usually risk damage. It can be argued that the ban has given the artisanal fishermen a sense of justice. This feeling of fairness and lawfulness can also be considered beneficial in terms of strengthening the perception of artisanal fishermen about their relative position within society.

2.3 The overexploitation of marine fish stocks

According to Joseph & Jayaprakash (2003) the decline of the marine fish stock in India can mostly be ascribed to the overexploitation due to fishing. The annual total fish catch in India has risen from 0.5 million tons in 1950 to 27 million tons in 2000. The significant increase in landings per vessel however, does not indicate that the fish stocks are healthy. Despite the high catch rates, it cannot be assumed that the marine fish population is increasing at the same rate. This is corroborated by Bhathal & Pauly (2008) who state that it is possible for landings to increase despite a decrease of the marine fish stock. Joseph & Jayaprakash (2003) predicted that the total marine fish population would drop between 10 to 30 percent depending on the scope of fisheries. Since their research in 2013 fishing practices have kept on increasing and indications of a decreasing fish stock are becoming clearer (Hoefsloot, 2014; Bavinck 2014). According to Bavinck (2014), fish landings have been stagnating in India since 1990 indicating to the fisheries that intensifying the fish stocks will not suffice in the future. Apart from the annual mechanized fishery ban, there are no indications of measures to counter overexploitation. Furthermore, the effect of the fishing ban on the restoration of the marine ecosystem is also being debated by (Haastrecht & Schaap, 2003). Another problem pertains to the nature i.e. composition of the marine fish population due to extensive fishing (Bhathal & Pauly, 2008). There has been a strong decline in predatory species which can be attributed to the excessive capture of these high valued species. Bhathal & Pauly (2008) conclude from this that marine fishing practices are not sustainable and cause severe disruption to the ecosystem’s composition.

In their research, Bhathal and Pauly (2008) make use of the Marine Trophic Index (MTI) as a way of testing the sustainability of the fish stock in India. The MTI measures the mean trophic level of marine resources in a specific area. The trophic level is the place of a specie

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within the food-web of their habitat. Accordingly, at the top of the food-web are the predatory species and at the base the primary producers. The species within a food-web are all interconnected meaning that a disturbance at a certain level within the food-web has repercussions for other levels either directly or indirectly. Moreover, a decrease in the MTI means a relative decrease in high trophic level species which can result in a consequent increase in low trophic level species. When there is only a shock in the MTI, usually the ecosystem is able to recover. However, when the disturbances in the marine ecosystem occur over the long term, as is the case in India, rejuvenation is increasingly difficult. The catches in India, over the past 30 years, have shifted from species with a high trophic level to species with a low trophic level. Bhathal (2014) researched the amount of tuna, pomfret and sheerfish caught over the years and noted a sharp decline while the Indian oil sardine, a specie with a relatively low trophic level, has seen a sharp increase during the same period. The MTI has dropped significantly over the past years in India with a leading role for Tamil Nadu (Bhathal & Pauly, 2008).

The unsustainable fishing of high valued species is, according to Bhathal and Pauly (2008), causing the sharp decline of the MTI in India. However, the MTI can also drop due to an increase in low valued species in the ecosystem. Vivekanandan et al. (2005) point out that the decrease of the MTI in India could also be due to the emergence of the oil sardine. They state the increase in the number of oil sardine is not due to the absence of a predator species but rather a consequence of changing climate conditions. As a response to this, Bhathal (2014) calculated the MTI and excluded the oil sardine in his research to see whether there would still be a decrease. It seemed that even when some low trophic level species were left out of the calculation, the MTI would still drop. This indicated that there is a significant decrease in the amount of high tropic level species in India.

The Indian fisheries are continuing to try to intensify their catches by making use of technologies and by using a larger geographical area. This is leading to even more overfishing what can result in a tipping point for the marine fish stocks near the coast of India. Gunderson (2000) uses the term ecological resilience to explain how an ecosystem will function after multiple disturbances. Ecological resilience is the amount of disturbances an ecosystem can take before reaching that tipping point. When the tipping is reached, the state of the ecosystem alters which means that it completely changes in its composition. The amount of disturbances the Indian fishing industry is putting on the marine ecosystem can have disastrous results when it reaches its tipping point (Gunderson, 2000).

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Proper management is needed to use the marine ecosystem in a sustainable manner. Yet, this is a difficult task since the marine environment is a common pool resource that could be used by anyone at any time. In the past, the government has tried to regulate some controversial fishing nets and make restrictions concerning the area that could be used for fishing but these regulations have not been adhered to (Bavinck et al., 2007). This dilemma strongly resembles the characteristics of the Tragedy of the commons. Garret Hardin (1968) states that each rational being, such as a fisherman, seeks to maximize its own profits. This means that each individual will try to catch as much fish on a given day. The rationale in doing so, is that the individual will receive all the profits without limits, whilst the costs for overfishing, which is a shared resource, is divided by all. Yet, when all fishermen follow the same logic the Tragedy of the commons arises which means, in the case of fisheries, excessive overfishing. On the long term this will result in a system whereby all fishermen will suffer from the negative effects of their actions. Research has to show, however, whether the tragedy of the commons is at the core of this dilemma.

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Chapter 3: The Research Questions and Methods

3.1 Research Question

The existing literature has led to the construction of a conceptual model in order to structurally conduct the research. The prior section has led bare the need to know more about in what way the fishing ban is influencing the artisanal fishermen’s daily lives during this period. This has led to the main research question for this thesis: What is the influence of the

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Derived from this question logistically the following sub-questions followed from the literature.

- What are the economics of the artisanal fishermen? - How is the fishing ban implemented?

- How do the artisanal fishermen perceive the fishing ban?

1. How do the artisanal fishermen perceive their relationship with the mechanized fishermen?

2. How do they perceive the state of the marine resources?

These questions have developed into a number of dependent variables which will be tested by another set of independent variables derived from them. These variables are the economics of the artisanal fishermen (1), the way the fishing ban is implemented (2) and the perceptions of the fishermen towards the ban (3), whereby these three questions will answer the main research question. A large number of independent variables can be constructed from these variables (Figure 1). On the basis of the literature and common sense these questions have been operationalized.

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Figure 1: a simplified conceptual scheme of the independent variables derived from the independent variables

The structure of this methodology is based on Bryman (2012) and consists all the needed descriptions of what is has been used to conduct the research. All the choices that had to be made have been divided into different sections.

3.2 Units of observation

The units of observation of this study are the fishermen that are, or recently have been, actively fishing within Samiyar Pettai. To study the effects of the fishing ban on these fishermen they are the group to provide the most accurate answers. Within the fishermen group, it is important to focus on all types of fishermen from the village. This includes all age groups, but also all the different types of gear they use. To gain a more comprehensive view about the lives and family of these fishermen, also the complete households have been taken into account within the survey. This gives possibilities to see whether the home situation influences the practices of the fishermen. Furthermore, some key figures from within the city council (Panchayat) have been interviewed to gain a holistic image about the what is going on in the village. The Panchayat has proven to have a significant influence on practices of the fishermen. Economics of the artisanal fisheries Economics of the artisanal fisheries gear use income labor Competition Implementation of the fishing ban

Implementation of the fishing ban

time-span enforcement Restrictions Compensation Perception of the artisanal fieheries towards the ban

Perception of the artisanal fieheries towards the ban

On their income On the ecological succes Concerning the absence of mechanized boats

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3.3 Research location

The full research has been conducted in Samiyar Pettai, a small fishing hamlet located in Cuddalore district, Tamil Nadu (image 1). The choice for this village is based on several factors. Firstly, the village has a relatively large population in comparison to the surrounding villages and can thus be expected to have more chance to show the latest developments. For the research, it important to gain knowledge about all relevant developments in the area so the research will be more comprehensive. Secondly, the ur Panchayat in Samiyar Pettai is known to play an exceptionally important role in the self-governing of the fishing population. Where in other villages their power is to a lesser extent, in Samiyar Pettai all the decision making and local conflict are dealt with through the city council. This is interesting for the research because it can show how local regulations can influence the scope of the fishing ban. Thirdly, in a broader perspective, the village had been chosen because of the fishing ban itself for the main reason that the harbours where the mechanized sail out are closed during the time of research.

image 1: aerial photo of Samiyar Pettai. Derived from google earth on: 09/06/17

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The sampling method that has been used for this research is sampling on the basis of relevance (Bryman,2012). In this case, the most relevant respondents were found through the eye of observation. When a boat came in the catch showed how successful the fishermen were that day. On the basis of successfulness, the respondents were chosen. It was interesting to interview both successful and unsuccessful fishermen because their thoughts on the fishing ban policy can differ significantly. Besides, the research also aimed to reach as many people from different age groups and that were using different types of fishing gear (Table 1). During the progress of finding the right respondent, it was important to give each group an equal share on the basis of the group size within the total population. For this reason, more FRP boat users were interviewed that kattumaram fishermen due to the fact that there were substantially more fibreglass boats present in Samiyar Pettai. The sampling method that was used to find the right Panchayat members was snowball sampling (Bryman, 2012). By interviewing the Panchayat president, he provided a list with contact information of all the other relevant members of the city council that could be interviewed.

Kattumaram Motorized Fibreglass boat

Mechanized boat Total Under 30 years 2 5 7 Between 30- 45 years 8 8 2 18 Over 45 years 5 5 10 Total 15 18 2 35

Table 1: Distribution of interviewed fishermen based on age and the fishing method.

3.5 Data collection methods

Three methods of data collection have been used to gather all the necessary information: The participant observation, semi-structured interviews and a household survey. During the

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participant observation, the role of the passive participant has been used to gain a picture of the way the fishermen operate in their daily practices. As a passive participant, the researcher does not participate in the practices but will take the role of bystander (Bryman, 2012). The observational part of the research plays an extremely important role in this research because of differences between the research area and the place or origin of the researcher. The daily practices and the thoughts of the local people are significantly different than they are in the Netherlands. For this reason, it is important for the researcher to experience the area and the people himself to get a good feeling about the area, the people, what type of instruments they use and what types of fish they are catching.

The second method that has been used is the collection of data through the use of semi-structured interviews with the assistance of a translator. The semi-semi-structured interviews have mostly been on the beach when the fishermen returned from a night of fishing. When the research was conducted in the afternoon, you were usually invited to their homes to conduct the interview. The choice of semi-structured interviews is based on the information the study was aiming for. To gain knowledge about everything that was happening in the village it was important to let the respondent speak his mind and when something interesting was being said to further elaborate on that topic. A total of 35 semi-structured interviews with fishermen has been conducted added by 4 semi-structured interviews with Panchayat members of which 2 were currently in the Panchayat and the other two have been in recent years. During the interviews and especially in the beginning of the research a topic list was used during the interviews as a way of reminding all the topics that needed elaboration. Furthermore, most of the fishermen that were interviewed have been chosen randomly on the beach what improves the external validity of the research (Bryman, 2012).

The final method that has been used for the research was a household survey. Together with 3 other students 120 households have been surveyed with a total of 519 people. With a total population of approximately 2100 people (CMFRI, 2010) this survey can give a sharp representation of the village. The survey consistent mostly of demographic questions to gain a comprehensive view of the composition of the population of Samiyar Pettai. Besides the demographic question, two questions concerning the fishing ban were added as an extra tool for understanding the perceptions of the fishermen towards the ban. The first question was whether they perceived if the fishing ban had a positive or negative influence on their income. This question was a good indicator to show how the people thought the fishing ban

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was influencing them. The second question focused on whether they household received the government compensation. This was a check whether the people actually received this compensation.

3.6 Data Analysis

The data analysis of the semi-structured interviews will be on the basis of the corresponding and contradictory answers the respondents gave. During the interviews, only the important information was noted down in keywords and that same day typed out in the field notes. Because of the research could only be done with the help of a translator it was not possible to record the full answers of the respondents and write these down. Therefore, the field notes were the best possible alternative. After the full research was conducted all corresponding topics and responses were structured to get an image what the exact numbers were on certain opinions. The findings from the data collection through the semi-structured interviewed were thus based on the number of corresponding answers of respondents. However, these finding had to be in line with the findings during the participating observation. The analysis of the household survey was done through the use of SPSS Statistics program. The choice for the utilization of SPSS is the possibilities it provides for making graphs and easy calculations with the data.

3.7 Limitations to the research

Despite all effort that was put into the research, some limitations should be taken into consideration. Firstly, the time span of the research was aimed to be a full 4 weeks. This could unfortunately not be accomplished due to some obstacles that happened during the time of research. The first week of the research was completely lost due to troubles with finding housing in the area. The initial plan was to find accommodation within Samiyar Pettai to be close to the research population and to see everything that was happening with regard to the fishermen. However, after a week of negotiation with the ur Panchayat president, it became clear it was not possible to find housing in the village. This made us move to Parrangi Pettai, a considerable larger village approximately 6 kilometres from Samiyar Pettai. The distance seemed reasonable and the coming weeks we drove early in the morning to Samiyar Pettai to conduct our research. Halfway the final week of the research, sadly illness made it impossible

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to continue the study for the final 3 days. These obstacles have cost a considerable amount of precious research time that could have been used to gather more information. Besides the loss of time, other obstacles have to be acknowledged. In the course of the full research, the temperatures in Cuddalore district were extremely high what resulted in a sharp decline in the hours that is was possible to interview respondents. The respondents were only available early in the morning and late in the afternoon. This restricted the time that could be spent in the afternoon and made it difficult to converse with fishermen that were not available at those hours. Finally, because of the language barrier, all research had to be conducted through the use of a translator and although the translator was one of pure quality, still some limitations have to be taken into account. All communication from the respondents had to be done through the translator what made it easy for misinterpretations, miscommunication and a loss of in-depth information.

Another important limitation of the research can be the hidden agendas of the respondents that were being interviewed. It must be kept in mind that the respondent is not always fully aware of the purpose of the research even when it has been explained that it is purely for studying purposes. There is a considerable possibility that the interviewees can respond in a way they think it can be beneficial. It is the challenge for the researcher to see what the reality is. A way for this is to keep asking the same question to different respondents to see if there are any considerable differences between the answers they provide.

3.8 Ethical considerations

To avoid harm to the people that were willing to help share their knowledge for the research it is important to take some ethical considerations into account. In this particular research, the most important things to avoid were the harm to the participant and the lack of informed consent (Bryman 2012: 134). To avoid the former one, it was made sure that the names of the respondent were dealt with care and that they are solely being uses for the purpose of this research. For the latter one, it was made sure that the translator fully explained the purpose of the research to the respondent before starting the research. This way the respondent knew exactly who would come in contact with the information he provided. Besides, the president of the ur panchayat offered us his telephone number so when the respondent had any form of suspicion they could contact him.

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Chapter 4: Fisheries of Tamil Nadu

This section will provide a brief historically and contemporary presentation of the state Tamil Nadu and the practices of the artisanal fisheries. Besides, the geographical context of the research area will be conferred. The information provided in this section is mainly based on existing literature as well as field observations.

4.1 The coast of Tamil Nadu

The state Tamil Nadu is located in the south-eastern corner of India and has a population of almost 70 million people. The coastline, that stretches 1,076 km, covers approximately 15 percent of the total shoreline of India. The state is home to over 1.1 million people who are either directly or indirectly involved in the fishing occupation (Animal, Husbandry, Dairying and Fisheries Department, 2015). With its rich marine resources, the fishing sector plays an important role with regard to employment, food security and livelihood. Additionally, fish provides a cheap source of protein and is an important product for export. The majority of the fishing population is part of the Pattinavar caste, which belongs to the most backward castes, and relies fully on the sea to provide for their income. Tamil Nadu counts 3 major fishing harbours which are based in Chennai, Thoothukudi and Chinnamuttom. Besides these major harbours, there are 8 more medium harbours and approximately 610 fishing villages. Within these fishing locations, there are 5735 mechanized boats and 33.054 (27.899 motorized and 5.154 non-motorized) traditional crafts registered online (Animal, Husbandry, Dairying and Fisheries Department, 2015). As a surprise, after the Blue Revolution, the small-scale sector has continued to grow in India. The number of small-scale vessels almost quadrupled in the period between 1950 and 2000 providing approximately 500.000 additional jobs in the small-scale fishing sector (Bavinck & Johnson, 2008). Although government policies were not focused on the small-scale fishing sector, technological innovation still took place. By the 21st

century, most artisanal fishers were making use of motorised boats and lightweight materials. These technological innovations have increased the catch per unit and made the fishing area significantly bigger. Together the artisanal fish catch still accounts for almost half the annual fish catch (Bavinck, 2011). The high amount of fishing vessels in Tamil Nadu can be attributed to two major factors: The Blue Revolution and the tsunami that hit large parts of the state in 2004. This tsunami has had devastating effects on the population and the

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near-shore infrastructure. After the severe damage was noticed globally, the international community gave, in an attempt to aid the local communities, an abundance of new boats to the fishermen of Tamil Nadu. This led to a high rise in the number of boats that were being used before and after the tsunami.

4.2 The artisanal fishing villages

At the end of the 20th_{century, Bavinck (2001) studied the artisanal fishing villages on the}

Coromandel Coast in Tamil Nadu. He found that most households in the small coastal villages rely fully on the incomes from fishing. Many fishermen continue to see their future in fishing, partly because the occupation comes with a lot of independencies, and partly because of a lack of better alternatives. The fishing occupation in these villages provides a very unstable source of income due to the uncertainty of a good catch (Bavinck, 2001) The technological improvements have made a slight improvement in the uncertainty of the fishing occupation. The motorised vessels have improved the movement area of the artisanal fisheries and the enhanced fishing gear has made the catches less precarious. The advanced types of gear have also lead to a more cooperative way of fishing since they demand collaboration both in terms of capital and labour investment (Bavinck, 2001).

4.3 The artisanal fishing activities

According to Bavinck (2001) the artisanal fishing activities are influenced by several factors that play an important role in the number of trips they go onto and the type of gear they use. These factors differ from natural influencers and human-created influencers. The most important natural influencers are the prevalence of various species and the seasonal conditions and the daily weather conditions. All these three factors are in line with each other for the reason that that in certain seasons specific types of fish are abundant which are also influenced by the ocean conditions. Bavinck (2001) made an annual fish cycle that can be divided into four quarterly periods. The second quarter, which is when the research will be conducted. The quarter is marked by the prime shrimp fishing season and the start of the lobster fishing season. Additionally, large shoals of oil sardine come inshore with peak catches in the period between April to June (Joseph & Pillai, 2007). The oil sardine has developed as one of the most targeted fish species on the east coast both while being targeted

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by the mechanized boats and artisanal boats. Besides the oil sardine, the Indian Mackerel, shrimp, lobsters, pomfret and anchovy are popular fish to target (Bavinck, 2001). The human-created influencers which influence the activities of the artisanal fisheries consist of policies and the demand on the market. The former one has over the course of history not played a significant role in the practices of the artisanal fishermen. While in most cases being the affected one, the policies have usually been aimed at protecting the small-scale fishing community. Nonetheless, they have witnessed some small regulations in the form of gear bans and other restrictions (Bavinck, 2007). What does play a considerable role on the fishing practices, and in particular on the target species, is the demand of fish on the market. The prices of fish fluctuate remarkably and thereby influences which types of fish are popular to catch.

The daily practices of the artisanal fishermen are based on regularity (Bavinck, 2001). They usually go fishing around 1 and 3 a.m. because they have to back early before the village auction begins. The actual fishing practices are thus more a nightly profession. During the afternoon, the fishermen spend their day maintaining and repairing the nets and the boats. After everything is fixed, they will spend time with their family or conduct free time activities. However, there are multiple reasons for the crew to cancel the fishing activities on a particular day. The most important reasons being the absence of high valued fish, bad weather conditions and strikingly the relatively high amount of income in the preceding days. The nets that are being used by the artisanal fisheries on the east coast are mainly gillnets, trammel nets and different types of seines. The scope of the area where the artisanal fishermen go fishing varies between the motorised and the non-motorized fishing crews. The former one going further that the latter one. The motorised boats will not go further than 10 km from shore but do go to adjacent villages to fish.

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Chapter 5: The results and analysis

This section will cover the results from the fieldwork in Samiyar Pettai together with the analysis of the findings. It has to be kept in mind that the findings are a combination of the responses of the fishermen and observations made by the researcher. These realities can vary substantially and will both be depicted. First the fisheries in Samiyar Pettai will be described and after that the responses and views on the annual fishing ban.

5.1 Fisheries in Samiyar Pettai

The entire research has been conducted in Samiyar Pettai, a small fishing hamlet located in Cuddalore district. According to the president of the Panchayat, the total number of inhabitants counted approximately 2500 people from which 1000 of them are directly involved in the fishing occupation. It is a difficult task to know the exact numbers on the population of the village since the government registration system has proven to be inaccurate in the past. However, due to a lack of more accurate information, this research will use the data the CMFRI (2010) provided. As stated in the CMFRI (2010), Samiyar Pettai consisted of 605 fishermen with a total population of 2100 people from which the largest part has a Hinduist background. Within the village, there are 92 fiberglass boats and 40 kattumarams that were in use during the time of research. However, according to the numbers of the CMFRI (2010), an additional 42 mechanized boats are owned by inhabitants of Samiyar Pettai. These mechanized vessels are harboured in Chennai and Cuddalore and owned by (former) inhabitants of Samiyar Pettai.

One of the respondents (48 years and trawler boat owner) said that he owned a mechanized boat that was located in the harbour in Cuddalore but he works a on FRP boat during the ban. Most of the people from Samiyar Pettai sold the mechanized boats because the lack of a harbour and that only 15 people still own a mechanized craft.

The largest part of the population is involved in the fishing business to provide for their daily income. This can either be direct fishing, which is only done by the male part of the population, or, for instance, the trading of the fish, which is mostly done by the women in the village. These women, called the brokers, are usually widows or have husbands who are not able to provide sufficient income for the household. The rest of the women, and by far the

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largest share, is considered to be a housewife and thus take care of all the indoor tasks. Other activities that are being done in Samiyar Pettai are the running of small shops, rickshaw drivers and part-time jobs at the nearby power plant. Also, a large share of the respondents stated that relatives or themselves have been abroad as labour migrants. These labour migrants will mostly go to the Gulf States or to Singapore to earn money in the fishing industry or as a construction worker.

As mentioned before, the only fishing crafts that are being used in Samiyar Pettai are the fiberglass boat (FRP) and the kattumaram. Although, these crafts vary a lot in size with especially the latter having many different types of models they also know a lot of similarities in the instruments they use. Still both groups can be seen as two separate entities due to many differences in their behaviour and their perceptions.

5.1.1 The fibreglass boat fishermen

The fibreglass or fibre-reinforced plastic (FRP) boats are mostly operated by 3 to 5 fishermen who all share the income of the daily catch (image 2). All fiberglass boats in Samiyar Pettai were operated with an outboard motor and can thus be counted to the motorized boat category. Most fishermen will venture out early in the morning around 1 to 3 am and return around 6 to 8 am. After returning from the sea, the profits are directly divided equally between the labourers and the boat owner. In all cases, the boats were owned by a single person or household. When the owner of the boat is not operating in the fishing practices he will also get an even share of the income. Furthermore, the owner of the boat is responsible for covering the costs of the kerosene, the maintenance of the boat and for the tractor to pull the boat onshore each day. The daily kerosene costs for an FRP boat vary between 200 and 400 rupees depending on the distance and time of the fishing trip and the cost for the tractor are 100 rupees each time they make use of the service. These costs are considerably high keeping in mind that the remaining income has to be divided among all shareholders and frequently the entire revenue of a catch is barely more than 1500 rupees. There are, however, days when a remarkably high amount of fish is caught and considerable profits can be made. In terms of fishing gear, all FRP boats were making use of gillnets and in most cases the kavalaivalai (Indian oil sardine gillnet) with a mesh size of 25mm. This did not come as a surprise since the time of research was the main season for Mathi (the Indian oil sardine). Besides the sardine gillnet, the mackerel gillnet (kaanankizhuttivalai), with a larger mesh size of 45mm, was also widely used. Apart from mackerel, the net is also suitable for catching the

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vanjaram (the king seer) which could also be sold for a relatively high price. These three fishes were mostly caught during the ban period in Samiyar Pettai. The reasoning behind the use of these specific nets was based on the big amounts of money people were willing to pay in this period and because they were not allowed to use other nets during the ban period. Most fishermen usually made use of the raalvalai (trammel net) because of the higher capacity of fish they could catch with these nets. However, the ur panchayat did not allow these nets during the ban period. Both the bottom- and drift gillnet were used during the period of research. Although all fishermen used some type of gillnet, none of the nets were exactly similar because the fishermen adjusted the nets to the way they perceived they were the most effective.

image 2: FRP boat fishermen unloading their catch on Samiyar Pettai beach. 30/04/17. Photo credits: Emil Dutour Geerling

5.1.2 The kattumaram fishermen

The operation of the kattumaram craft differs significantly from the fiberglass boat. The kattumaram is a considerably smaller craft and is usually operated by manpower. The kattumarams that were being used in Samiyar Pettai were all made of fibre. Only 5 out 40

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kattumaram operators within Samiyar Pettai operated a kattumaram with a small outboard motor. The kattumaram is operated by either one or two people and will sail for a substantially shorter period of time than the FRP boats. Besides, the boats fish near the shore where they find different shoals of fish than the FRP boats do. The traditional boats without a motor do not have daily costs when they go out fishing, only when they fish with more than one person they have to split the interest. The absence of daily costs makes the kattumaram fishers go on more fishing trips than the FRP fishermen. All kattumaram fishermen interviewees said they venture out 6 to 7 days a week. The only costs for the kattumaram owners are the maintenance costs for the net and the boat which are also considerably lower than those of a fiberglass boat. Despite the catch of the kattumaram is significantly lower than that of a fiberglass boat, the kattumaram fisher often made more money that the employees of the fiberglass boat due to the absence of high salary and kerosene costs. It is only possible, however, to catch a low amount of fish per trip because of the capacity of the boat. In the case of the fiberglass it is possible to gain high catches with substantially high revenues. There are significant similarities between the types of nets that the kattumaram fishermen and the FRP fishermen use. Both parties make use of gillnets and also the kattumaram owners uses the kavalaivalai the most. This can be explained by the season of the Mathi and the high value of the fish within this period. It must be noted that some kattumaram fishermen were also using different nets like the trammel net and a gill net with a mesh size of 70mm aimed for catching big conches. The reason they gave for the use of these nets was that they were not able to sail deep enough to catch the Mathi and therefore they aimed at species that stayed in the inshore area.

5.1.3 The decline in fish

The time in which the research was being conducted was not considered the best fishing season by the people of Samiyar Pettai. Most of the people in the village were having a hard time catching enough fish to make a sufficient profit. The villagers did not only blame the poor season for the low catches but said that overall the fish population has been declining the past years. The reasons they provided for the lack of fish were overall very similar. Firstly, the fishermen accused the overfishing of the mechanized ring seine fishing for the strong decline in the fish population. Since a couple years, the mechanized ring seine boat has been introduced in Cuddalore district. The controversial way of fishing has had a lot of opposition over the years but is still being used reportedly over the whole east coast. Because

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of the destructive character and the high bycatch the ring seine is seen as one of the main reasons for the decline in the fish population in Samiyar Pettai over the past years. The ring seine practices in the area are mostly done by mechanized boat fishermen from the harbours in Cuddalore and Puducherry. What is striking from these findings is that none of the respondents blamed the trawl fisheries for the overfishing even though they still catch the largest amount of fish within the area. It seems that over the years a strong aversion towards the ring seine boats has developed what brought the attention towards the trawl boats on the background. Secondly, the fishermen blamed the tsunami of 2004 for the disturbances in the sea. According to all fishermen, the behaviour of the fishes changed drastically which made it noticeably challenging to find the species they were aiming for. The tsunami has had a severe impact in Samiyar Pettai and even after 13 years since the disaster the terror still plays a tremendous role in the people’s minds.

5.1.4 The strong ur Panchayat

Most regulation in Samiyar Pettai is being done by the ur panchayat, a non-governmental body that is mostly concerned about the regulation of the fishing community and solving discrepancies within the village. Besides, the ur panchayat can be seen as the mediator between the government and the village. This village council is being elected annually by the population of the village and consists of 8 members and one president who leads the discussions and has the final word. The influence of the ur panchayat differs noticeably between villages since it is not lead by the government but is governed by a tradition from within the village itself. The influence of the ur panchayat in Samiyar Pettai is considerably high regarding the way the village is following their rules and regulations. During the time of research, a remarkable amount of village quarrels had to be resolved by the ur panchayat. The tool they used for this was by holding a village meeting whereby all the villagers were invited to discuss the topic. In order for all villagers to attend the meeting, all fishing practices were prohibited for a day. Another tool the ur panchayat possesses is the regulation of the fishing practices and gear that they are allowed to use. After interviews with the president of the ur panchayat and villagers concerning the role of the panchayat in Samiyar Pettai, it became clear that the people of Samiyar Pettai are trying to set an example for the other villages by making strict regulations and also by following these regulations. They felt strongly in favour of a strong ur Panchayat.

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A former ur panchayat member (58 years) told me that when there are quarrels in neighbouring villages they proceed to the police office to resolve their issues. This is not the case in Samiyar Pettai, all problems will be taken care of within the village by holding the meetings and resolving the problems themselves.

5.2 Artisanal fisheries and the mechanized fishing ban

From the start to the end of the research the fishing ban was implemented in Tamil Nadu and therefore mechanized vessels were prohibited from leaving the harbours. Because of the absence of mechanized vessels in Samiyar Pettai, the fishing ban was not directly noticeable during the research on the beach. However, the fishing ban did play a considerable role in the practices and minds of the fishermen in Samiyar Pettai. In the following paragraphs the causes for the changes in the perceptions and economics of the fishermen will be depicted.

5.2.1 A different harbour

An important development the fishing ban enabled for the artisanal fisheries was the accessibility for the artisanal fishermen to sell their fish in the harbour in Parangi Pettai. When the fishing ban is not being enforced, the mechanized boats from around the area use the harbour in Parangi Pettai to sell their catch. The fish is being sold in large amounts usually aimed for export. While the mechanized boats use the harbour, it is remarkably difficult for the artisanal fishermen to sell their fish there. The main reason for this is the relatively low amount of fish they are able to sell when comparing it to the catches of the mechanized vessels. Furthermore, there is only limited space in the Parangi Pettai harbor and the large mechanized boats usually get or take priority over the artisanal boats. In this case the artisanal fishermen are partially being excluded from the harbour and the market (Bavinck et al., 2015). The mechanized boats take the limited space in the harbour as a way to legitimize the exclusion of the artisanal fishing boats. In this case, the access rights of the artisanal fishermen from villages around the Parangi Pettai harbour are being limited by the mechanized boat owners (Bavinck, 2005). Now that the mechanized boats are not using the harbour during the ban period, it creates opportunities to earn more money for the artisanal fishermen. The demand for fish during the ban is considerably high for the reason that a considerable gap on the offer side of the market occurred due to the absence of the industrial fisheries. The traders in the harbour will therefore not only be very keen on buying fish but also pay a considerably higher amount of money for the fish than in different periods. The

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fishermen from Samiyar Pettai went to the Parangi Pettai harbour considerably more than when the fishing ban is not enforced (image 3). Returning to the beach of Samiyar Pettai, they already sold their catch with amounts that varied from 3000 to 10.000 rupees for a day of fishing which was considered to be significantly more than when they would sell the same amount of fish in the harbour of Samiyar Pettai. Most of the fish that was being sold in the Parangi Pettai harbour was the oil sardine since it was the season for oil sardine and due to the seemingly unlimited demand for the fish from Kerala (Joseph & Pillai, 2007). It must be recognized, however, that the year this research was conducted was a very poor Mathi season and a great deal of the fishermen from Samiyar Pettai did not succeed in finding the shoals of Mathi on a regular basis. Accordingly, the fiberglass fishers did not venture out more than during other seasons because of the risk of making high costs without getting enough revenue.

image 3: The fishing harbour in Parangi Pettai fully packed with artisanal fishermen trying to sell their catch. 29/04/17. Photo credits: Emil Dutour Geerling

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To compensate the mechanized fisheries for the loss of income during the fishing ban the government provides an amount of 5.000 rupees for every fisherman in the possession of a ration card. The artisanal fisheries, who are still allowed catch fish during the ban, also receive the compensation from the government. The money the fishermen receive from the compensation adds to their income and therefore has a positive effect on the income. The compensation has existed from the start that the fishing ban has been enforced. However, over the years the amount of the compensation has grown from 2.000 to 5.000 rupees. Besides, the government has made it easier to receive the compensation. Since the beginning, there have been a lot of cases whereby the large group of fishermen was not able to receive the full compensation from the government. The respondents were clearly delighted with the upturn in the amount of the compensation but they noted that it was clearly not enough to provide for their families. Furthermore, two complications concerning the compensation were brought forward by several fishermen. Firstly, one can only receive the compensation when being in the possession of a ration card. However, the ration card is provided per household and there are a lot of cases where there are multiple fishermen living in one household. Secondly, the government has decided that only fishermen between 18 and 60 years are able to receive the compensation which also excludes some families from receiving the money.

One respondent (35 years) stated that the reason the small-scale fishermen also receive the compensation is an incentive to lower their fishing practices. Following up on that, he remarked that when they receive enough compensation to at least provide sufficient food for their household everyone he knew would be willing to stop fishing during the ban to let the ecosystem recover.

As an addition to the incentive of the government to lower the fishing practices it can be stated that the government provides the compensation to the artisanal fishermen as a way to avoid further conflicts between both groups. When the government would solely provide the compensation to mechanized fishermen it presumably raises a lot of questions under the artisanal communities since they perceive themselves to be the group that earns the lowest amount of money.

5.2.3 The ur Panchayat’s response to the ban

Not only the mechanized boats were restricted from fishing during the time of the fishing ban for the ur Panchayat of Samiyar Pettai had decided that the artisanal fishermen were also

Gains or Losses from a Fishing Ban - A Study on the Influence of the Annual Fishing Ban on the Economics of Artisanal Fisheries in Tamil Nadu, India