John Sterk
B.A., University of Alberta 1964 LL.B. University of Alberta, 1967
A Thesis Submitted in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree of
MASTER OF ARTS in
the
Department of HistoryWe accept this thesis as conforming To the required standard
0 John Sterk, 2004 University of Victoria
All rights reserved. This thesis may not be reproduced in whole or in part, by photocopy or other means, without the permission of the author.
Supervisor: Dr. Paul B. Wood
ABSTRACT
This thesis deals with the Patriot revolt that dominated Dutch political life during the 1780s. An anonymous pamphlet, An Address to the Peovle of the Netherlands, was distributed throughout the Dutch republic in September 1781, during the Fourth English War. Its author was Joan Derk van der Capellen tot den Pol A detailed study of his pamphlet, its printing history, its author and its
readership can help us assess the extent to which the pamphlet and the political press generally shaped the Patriot movement and the new political culture which emerged. Methods used include analyses of Dutch newspapers, pamphlets and other literature of the period to gauge the impact of the pamphlet and the study of other
manifestations of the new political culture. The conclusion is that the pamphlet in particular and the political press
in
general had a profound impact on the Patriot movement and the new political culture.TABLE OF CONTENTS
Abstract
Table of Contents
Dedication and Acknowledgments Note on Text and Translation List of Abbreviations
Glossary
Map of the United Provinces CHAPTER
1. INTRODUCTION
Review of the Literature
2. DUTCH GOVERNANCE AND POLITICAL CULTURE IN THE EIGHTEENTH CENTURY
Setting the Stage The Historical Setting
State Structure and Governance
Dutch Decline and the Rise of the Patriot Movement 3. "A NOBLEMAN TAKES THE LEAD"
Background
Van
der Capellen: Education and entry into the nobility Political Development and InfluencesThe Anonymous Personality Behind the Pamphlet The Final Years
.
.
ll...
ll1 v vi viiix
4. THE PAMPHLET AAN HET VOLK VAN NEDERLAND The Message and the Medium
The Search for the Author
The Printing History of the Pamphlet 5 . RECEPTION AND READERSHIP
Initial Reactions
The
Search for Readers The Rise of the Political Press Politicizing the NationThe Patriot Movement 6. CONCLUSION
DEDICATION AND ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS
This thesis is dedicated to my mother, Geertje Louisa Sterk-Strangmann and the memory of my late father, Jan Sterk They brought me to Canada in 1% 1 when I was ten years old. They taught me the importance of assimilating into Canadian society, while at the same time, respecting and takmg pride in my Dutch origins. This thesis is one manifestation of that respect and pride.
This thesis is the result of the encouragement, endeavors and input of many people. I would first thank my thesis supervisor, Dr. Paul Wood for his critical advice and guidance throughout the research and writing stages. I acknowledge and thank the committee members, Dr. RS. Alexander, Dr. Sara Beam, and Dr. Susan Lewis
Hammond for the time and energy expended in reading the text and providing valuable comments which improved the final product.
My research in the Netherlands was made easier because of the assistance of the personel of the Gemeentearchief (Municipal archive) of Amsterdam, the Library of the University of Amsterdam, the Press Museum at the International Institute of Social History in Amsterdam, and the Royal Library in the Hague. Without their untiring efforts in guiding me through the intricacies of Dutch archives and the library systems, and in
ensuring I joined them for lunch on time, this thesis would not have been completed. I also wish to acknowledge and thank my relatives in the Netherlands who not only put me up during my ten week stay there, but also put up with me, Finally, I could never have written this thesis without the unfailing support of my wife Jane. She was patient in
teaching me to use computer programs to prepare the thesis, and her proof?eading of the text was invaluable.
vi NOTE
O N
TEXT AND TRANSLATIONThe fact that much of this thesis is based upon Dutch sources poses a problem of presentation. To increase the readability of the text, I have opted to put some of the original Dutch language on which the translations are based, into the body of the text, while some of the lengthier originals are placed into the footnotes. As well, I have provided a Glossary of several oft-used Dutch words such as Stadhouder, which, when used in the text, are not translated.
All textual references to Joan Derk van der Capellen's pamphlet Aan het Yolk van Nederland are to the English translation of 1782, as cited in the Bibliography. Several Dutch family names contain the particles "van", '%an der", or "de". In both the footnotes and Bibliography, I have followed the tradition of both Dutch and English language texts and alphabetized them according to the family name. Thus van der Capellen would appear as "Capellen, van der".
All translations in the text and Bibliography, unless otherwise indicated, are my own. The full titles of the works ref& to in the footnotes may be found in the Bibliography.
ABBREVIATIONS Libraries and Archives
BVBBB: Bibliotheek der Vereeniging tot bevordering van de belangen des Boekhandels, in De la Fontaine Verwey Zaal in de
Universiteitsbibliotheek, Universiteit van Amsterdam (Library of the society to promote the importance of book trade).
GAA: Gemeentearchiefl Amsterdam (Municipal archive). ISH: International Institute of Social History, Amsterdam.
KBH: Koninklijke Bibliotheek, the Hague (Royal library).
UB: Universiteitsbibliotheek, Universiteit van Amsterdam (University library). Bibliom~hical B&N: BMGN: DAE: DBL : Dv/dR: DNR:
-
DW:-
JMH:
Britain and the Netherlands, vol. IVY eds. J.S. Bromley and E.H. Kossmann (Martinus Nijhoff, 197 1).
Bydragen en Mededelingen betreffende de Geschiedenis der
Nederlanden (Studies and announcements regarding Dutch history). De Achttiende Eeuw (The eighteenth century).
De Bataafsche Leeuw (The batavian lion).
De Droom van de Revolutie: Nieuwe benaderingen van bet Patriottisme (The dream of the revolution: new approaches to patriotism), eds. W.W. Mijnhardt and H. Bots (Amsterdam: DBL,
1988).
1787: De Nederlandse Revolutie? (The Dutch revolution), eds. Th. S.M. van der Zee et aI (Amsterdam: DBL, 1988).
De Wekker van der Nederlandse natie: Joan Derk van der Capellen, 174 1
-
1784 (The alarm clock of the Dutch nation), ed. E.A. van Dijk Zwolle: Wanders, 1984).KG:
-
Kn: TDR:-
m:
m:
TVG:-
TvSG VVV: viiiKantelend Geschiedbeeld. Nederlandse historiomtph~ sinds 1945 (Reversal of historic images. Dutch historiography since 1945), ed. W. W. Mijnhardt (Utrecht-Antwerp:
Hd
Spectrum, 1983).Knuttel catalogue of pamphlets situate in KBH
The Dutch Revublic in the Eighteenth Centurv, eds. Margaret C. Jacob and Wijnand W. Mijnhardt (Ithaca and London: Cornell University Press, 1992).
Theoretish Geschiedenis (History theory). Theory and Society.
Tiidschti voor Geschiedenis (Journal of history).
Tiidschrift voor Sociale Geschiedenis (Journal of social history). Voor Vaderland en Vryheid (For fatherland and freedom), eds. F. Grijzenhout et a1 (Amsterdam: DBL, 1987).
Burgemeester. The ruling magistrate of
a
town, appointed by the regency.Burger. Citizen of a town with voting rights either inherited or purchased, as opposed to a
mere resident.
Drost. In Overijssel, a regional administrative and judicial official, appointed by the
provincial Staaten.
Drostendiensten. Feudal labour service required of rural farmers in favour of the drost.
Generality Lands. Territory recaptured f?om Spain after 1579, not sovereign or autonomous, under the direct rule of the Staten-Generaal.
House of Orange. The dynasty constituting the Stadhouders, Captains-General and Admirals-General of the Republic.
Orangist. Supporters of the House of Orange.
Patriots. Opponents of the Stadhouder and his Orangist supporters, who rose to promhence in the late 1770s.
Patriottenbeweging. Patriot movement.
Patriottentijd. Patriot times.
Regents. Governing oligarchy of the towns and cities of the Republic.
Ridderschap. Provincial nobility.
Staten. Provincial Estates or assemblies.
Staten Generaal. Estates General, a permanent assembly constituting the delegates of the
provinces and members of the Ridderschap.
Stadhouder. The leading official of the Dutch Republic, appointed by the Staten, with
patronage powers, but less than a monarch.
Union of Utrecht. The 1579 defensive alliance of the 7 provinces which came to be regarded as the Dutch constitution
Volk. The people of the Netherlands
Map
ofthe
SevenUnited
Provinces, Circa 1 775 Mapmaker unknownINTRODUCTION
The main objectives of this thesis are: to discuss the pamphlet Aan het Volk van Nederland (hereafter abbreviated to Aan het Vok),
'
its author and its readership; to study the influence of Aan het Volk in the larger context of the rising political periodical press; to trace the role of the press in politicizing the Dutch Republic and in giving voice to the new political culture which emerged; to analyze the extent to which Aan het Volk augmented this process; and, finally, to assess the extent to which Aan het Volk and the political periodical press more generally shaped the Dutch Patriot movement in the period1 78 1
-
1787, otherwise known as the Patriottentijd. The methodology used is partly derived fiom the work of Robert Darnton. In particular, I have used Darnton's concept of the "communications circuit" to structure and provide unity to the t h e ~ i s . ~This thesis includes a review of English and Dutch literature on the rise of the political periodical press and an assessment of the reception and readership of the pamphlet made on the basis of an examination in various archives of Dutch newspapers, journals, periodicals, pamphlets, and lists of libraries' and booksellers' catalogues of the
Patriottentijd. Inasmuch as there is no extant statistical evidence surveying actual readership of the day, or published bestseller lists that make reference to the pamphlet, I rely on other evidence. To study periodicals and pamphlets fiom the period, I undertook archival research at the Press Museum housed in the International Institute of Social History in Amsterdam. To the extent that the Press Museum did not provide inclusive enough press materials, I supplemented this work with research fiom the
1 [J.D. van der Capellen tot
den Pol], Aan het Volk van Nederland (Ostende: N.p., 1781, Kn. 19864).
Gemeentearchief (municipal archives) of the City of Amsterdam, fiom the special collections section of the University of Amsterdam Library, and the valuable records section of the Royal Library at the Hague. Using these sources, I was able to conduct a comprehensive review of numerous periodicals and pamphlets. Archival records of literary, reading, and cultural societies provided valuable insight into, and data with which to assess, the extent of the pamphlet's readership and its reception within the Republic.
Darnton's "communications circuit" derives fiom his conclusion that there is a general pattern in the life cycle of a book. He argues that a book begins the cycle with the author, and then moves on to the printer or publisher, the distributors and sellers, until it finally reaches the reader.3 Darnton asserts that the phases of the circuit are interrelated and that all of them are subject to external influences such as press fteedom and the economic, social and political circumstances existing at the time.4
To assess the usefulness of Darnton's model to my research, I looked at a number of Dutch sources similar to those that Damton consulted in Switzerland and France when he formulated his theory. This allowed me to acquire sufficient information to M e several major components of his "communications circuit". Darnton's sources include archives of bookseller guilds, societies and judicial records, as well as various cultural phenomena.5 Although I was able to consult similar sources, neither judicial nor societal archival records produced any relevant information, and I was unable to explore all of the
Darnton, Lamourette, 1 10-1. Darnton, Lamourette, 112-3.
Robert Darnton, The Literary Underground (Harvard: Harvard University Press, 1982), vi; and m e
this thesis I develop a bbcornmunications circuit" for Aan het Volk using some of Darnton's techniques. The following schematic model illustrates a way to envisage the entire "comrnunications circuit".
__.._... ... + Author ++ Publisher __.- .... __.. ...- Readers: Purchasers warehousemen peddler binder. etc.
adapted kom Robert Darnton,
In fiaming this thesis, Darnton's model was useful because of its ability to tie the author, the printer(s), the distributors, and the ultimate readers together inasmuch as the activities of each of them relate to those of the others. As well, Darnton's identification of the economic, social, political, cultural, and intellectual systems existing in the
surrounding environment and serving to influence each stage of the cycle guided my research on the broad social, cultural and political milieu into which Aan het Volk
entered and to suggest how its publication reverberated within the Dutch Republic. These external influences form an essential element of the "communications circuit", and it is
arguable that political and economic factors had a greater impact on each stage of the circuit than the relations among the various stages inter se.
Darnton's model has proved to be extremely influential but his work remains controversial. He has been criticized for his focus on the commercial aspects of the book trade and on the printing, publishing, selling and consumption of books, rather than emphasizing their content and the ideas emanating •’tom those
content^.^
Moreover, the "comunications circuit" as sketched by Darnton does not incorporate an important feedback loop, namely the impact that readers can have on the economic, political, cultural and social systems shaping the "communications circuit" as a whole.Consequently, Darnton's model proved an insufficient tool for a comprehensive analysis, given that one objective of this thesis is to detamine the impact of Aan het Volk on the political culture of the Patriot movement. Furthermore, the scarcity of material
concerning the pamphlet's printing and dissemination, that is, those phases of the "cornrnunications circuit" about which Darnton has the most to say, fhther limited the utility of the model for this study.
In Chapter Two, I undertake a detailed examination of the historical development of Dutch state structure and governance, since the political problems that the Republic faced in the eighteenth century contributed to the author's motivation to write his pamphlet. The author's background, his literary and political career and his personality are the subject of Chapter Three. Chapter Four inquires into the next phase of the
"comunications circuit", namely the printing history of Aan het Volk. This chapter also For a sustained assessment of Darnton's approach to the history of the book see the various studies in
Darnton Debate, ed. Haydn T. Mason (Oxford: Voltaire Foundation, 1998), 105-28. Another way of
mceptualizing the history of the book is to be found in Roger Chartier, ' b e Order of Books: Readers, Authors, and Libraries in Europe between the Fourteenth and Eisrhteenth Centuries (Cambridge, UK: Polity
surveys the pamphlet's contents and how the identity of this anonymous pamphlet's author was discovered. The last phase of the circuit, the pamphlet's readers, forms the subject of Chapter Five. As part of my investigation into the pamphlet's readership, I examine the rise of the political press and the new political culture which emerged in the
1780s, as well as sketching an outline of the Patriot movement. The thesis will conclude with an assessment of van der Capellen, his pamphlet, and the political legacy of the Patriot movement after its demise in 1787.
Review of the Literature
A survey of the literature upon which the body of this thesis is based will attempt to address some of the questions raised: was van der Capellen the author of Aan het Volk? What was the printing history of the pamphlet? What was the reception and readership? Overall, the thesis relies mainly on Dutch literature in discussing the political culture extant during the Patriottentijd. Much of the literature relating to Dutch political culture is of recent origin, the result of various symposia, conferences and exhibitions held during the 1980s to commemorate the Patriottentijd generally and van der Capellen's pamphlet and his death specifically. There are no detailed English works available which deal with van der Capellen's life and contributions. The same may be said for the printing history of Aan het Volk and the search for the identity of its author. English works, including translations from the Dutch, are available in suficient quantities to provide a complete study of Dutch political and diplomatic history from 1 58 1 to 1787. Some Dutch reviewers have questioned some of the nuances and interpretations of English and
American writers, but, on the whole, such critiques do not detract from the utility of those works for the purposes of this thesis.'
The best contemporary English work of general Dutch history is Jonathan Israel's The Dutch ~ e v u b l i c . ~ Israel's work deals with all aspects of the Republic's history: its ideas, religion, culture, economics as well as its politics and diplomacy. It is useful because it combines both Annales and narrative history in a single work. Israel draws on secondary literature for data, and he also used archival sources. Earlier general histories are Petrus Blok's five volume History of the People of the
etherl lands,^
and Pieter Geyl's Histo? of the Low ~ountries." A study of the Republic's foreign relations is informed by several English works, including the British historian Alice Carter'sscholarly analysis of Dutch global foreign policy fiom 1667 to 1795." C o w r y specific sources are K.H.D. Haley's The British and the Dutch and Alfked Cobban's
Ambassadors and ~ ~ e n t s , ' ~ the latter dealing with the British role within the Republic during the Patriottentijd. Dutch sympathies toward, and relations with, the Americans are assessed in the work of J.W. Schulte Nordholt, The Dutch Republic and American
See for example, the review of Simon Schama's Patriots and Liberators in N.C.F. van Sas, "Simon
Schama: exponent van em nieuwe orthodoxie?, 19 (1978): 276-83; in the same vein: E.O.G. Haitsma-Mulier, "De geschiedschrjjving over de Patriottentijd en de Bataafke tijd,," in KG, where he discusses Palme's The Age of the Democratic Revolution, at 21 7; Schama's Patriots at 222; and Leeb's
The Ideological Ori~ins of the Batavian Revolution, at 224. Israel, The Dutch Reuublic (OxFord: Clarendon Press, 1998).
Petrus Johannes Blok, Histow of the People of the Netherlands, vol. V, trans. O.A. Bierstadt and Ruth
Putnam (blew York: AMS Press, 1970).
lo Pieter Geyl, History of the Low Countries (London: MacMillan & Co. Ltd., 1964).
lice Clare Carter, Neutralitv or Commitment: The Evolution of Dutch Foreim Policv, 1667-1795
(London: Edward Arnold, 1975).
''
K.H.D. Haley, The British and the Dutch (London: George Philip); Al&ed Cobban, Ambassadors and1ndependence.13 Barbara Tuchman adds her perspective in detailing Dutch trade with America during the American
evolution.'^
The role of the Stadhouder bears some detailed analysis because that office and the persons occupying it were the subject of much discord during the Republic's history. Most of the general histories briefly sketch the origins and development of the
Stadholderate within the Dutch political system The stadholderate as an institution has never been examined across its whole history in the republican period, except for the detailed works of the American historian Herbert ~ 0 w e n . I ~ There are biographies of various stadhouders, but there is no adequate scholarly study of William V, the last Stadhouder. l6 The origins and development of the Republic's constitution and its political structure are succinctly discussed by I.J.H. Worst in his essay on the eighteenth-century political debate.17 Likewise, Leonard Leeb and Herbert Rowen share their perspectives on the documents and ideas underlying the Dutch con~titution.'~ E.H. Kossmann adds his analysis of "Dutch decline" in the eighteenth century, and how that decline was one of
''
J.W. Schulte Nordholf The Dutch Republic and American Independence, trans. Herbert H. Rowen(Chapel Hill, N.C. and Londm: The University of North Carolina Press, 1982).
l4 Barbara Tuchman, The First Salute (New York: A l W A. Knopf, 1988).
" H.H. Rowen, The Princes of Orange (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1988); 'The Dutch Republic in Comparative Perspective," in The Rhyme and Reason); and "Neither Fish nor Fowl: The
Stadholderate in the Dutch Republic," in Politcd Ideas and Institutions in the Dutch Republic (William Andrews Clark Memorial Library, University of California, Los Angeles: l985), 3-3 1.
l6 Rowen, 'Neither Fish nor Fowl," 29-3 1.
" I.J.H. Worst, ''Constitution, History and Natural Law: An Eighteenth Century Political Debate in the Dutch Republic," in TDR. 147-69.
l8 Leonard Leeb, ?he Ideoloaical Orinins of the Batavian Revolution (The Hague: Martius Nijhoff, 1973);
the underlying causes of the Patriot movement's emergence in the 1780s. He also provides some reasons why the movement was bound to fail.19
The Patriot movement itself received scant attention &om historians until the early twentieth century. Any study must begin with the multi-volume De Patriottentiid by H.T Colenbrander, which includes much documentary and archival materiaL2' Colenbrander holds the Patriots in low regard, dismissing it as a movement guided by foreign
influences. Geyl's De Patriottenbeweging (The Patriot Movement) took issue with Colenbrander's view that the movement was guided by foreign influences and concluded that it was a uniquely Dutch reform m~vement.~' A •’&her reassessment of the period was given by C.H.E. de Wit, who introduced a class basis for the movement and its r e ~ o l u t i o n . ~ ~ A further refinement was provided by Nick van Sas who favoured both political and cultural emphases based upon the concept of "political culture" as defined by Keith ~ a k e r . ' ~ Simon Scharna's well known Patriots and ~ i b e r a t o r s ~ ~ contains a general account of the Patriot movement, though it must be noted that it is now somewhat dated in light of the voluminous materials published during the 1980s. As well, the
Patriot movement itself is discussed in only one of thirteen chapters, for Schama chose to concentrate on the Batavian Revolution of 1795 and its consequences. Similarly, Leonard
l9 E.H. Kossmann, "1 787: Ihe Collapse of the Patriot Movement and the Problem of Dutch Decline," The Creighton Trust Lecture, University of London, London, 1-1 1, in 1987.
20 H.T. Colenbrander, De Patnottentiid (The Hague: Martinus Nijhoff, 1897-99).
2' Pieter Geyl, De Patriottenbeweging (Amsterdam: P.N. Karnpen, 1947).
" C.H.E. de Wit, "Het jam 1787 of we1 de nieuw-republikemsrne beweging van de jaaren tachtig, in
-
23 N.C.F van Sas, "The Patriot Revolution: New Perspectives," in
TDR
91-1 19.Leeb's The Ideological Origins of the Batavian
b evolution^^
emphasizes the 1795 revolution, but Leeb does trace the development of Patriot and Orangist ideology prior to1795. R.R. Palmer sketches the Dutch Patriot movement as one of a series of eighteenth- century democratic revolutions throughout Europe and ~ m e r i c a . ~ ~
Several micro-histories exist of the Patriot movement in specific locales. The most comprehensive is Wayne Te Brake's Reyents and ~ebelt?' which traces the development and consequences of the Patriot revolution in Deventer in the eastern land province of Overijssel. Te Brake uses the local revolution for a comparative analysis with the more broadly based Patriot activities. He stresses that the Patriot movement was not
monopolized by the strong maritime provinces such as Holland. As well, Te Brake explains the international context of the Patriot movement.
As noted above, much of the Dutch literature surveying the Patriottentijd arose from several celebrations and symposia during the 1980s to commemorate the Patriots' aborted struggle against the old regime. First, an exhibition was held in Zwolle which focused on the life and death of van der Capellen and which produced De Wekker van de Nederlandse Natie (The alarm clock of the Dutch nation):8 which includes a series of essays by various academics dealing with van der Capellen's life, his fiiends, his
influence, the poetry, dramas and fbneral orations on his death, as well as a listing of the prints and engravings which were exhibited. The Zwolle exhibition was followed by fbur
25 Leonard I. k b , The Ideolonical Orinins of the Batavian Revolution (The Hague: Martinus Nijhoff,
1973).
26 RR Palmer, 'Ihe Aae ofthe Democratic Revolution (Princeton, N.J: Princeton University Press, 1959).
" Wayne Ph. Te Brake, Regents and Rebels (Cambridge, Mass: Basil Blackwell Inc., 1989).
10 major historical conferences in 1987 in Utrecht, Nijmegen, Paris and Washington, D.C. The papers delivered at the Nijmegen Conference were edited and published.29 The essays emphasized both the breadth and diversity of the Patriot movement and its long- term impact on Dutch politics.
Utrecht, considered the center of the Patriot crisis, held an exhibition in 1987 entitled ' Voor Vaderland en Vrijheid' (For fatherland and fieedom). This was followed by a publication of the same name which brings together a number of essays intended to generate a new historical image of the Patriot rev~lution.~' It includes essays on the military dimensions of the political movement, an account of the battle for control of public opinion, and a survey of historiography of the period.
The Utrecht conference itself was organized by the multidisciplinary Werkgroep Achttiende Eeuw (Workgroup for the eighteenth century), which, since 1968, has
produced the journal De Achttiende Eeuw. The essays produced for that conference were published as De Droom van de Revolutie (The dream of the revolution) and emphasize the political-cultural interpretation of the ~ahiottenh$ 3' Finally, the papers &om the
conference in Washington were published in 1992 as The Dutch Republic in the Ebhteenth ~ e n t u r v . ~ ~ This volume represents the Dutch revolutionary process as "the
29
-
DNR30
m.
3 1 DVfdR.
political and cultural aspects of this period.'3
Taken as a whole, these five volumes have done much to open up this important period of Dutch history to a wide audience. They provide information and insights about many cultural aspects covered in this thesis, especially the rise of the political press and its impact upon the politicization of the general public. The discussion of the political press, of course, ties into van der Capellen's pamphlet Aan het Vok. The historical importance of pamphlet literature in the Republic is revealed in the catalogue compiled by
W.P.C.
Knuttel between 1899 and 1921, which lists over twenty thousand pamphlets produced between 1486 and 1784.34 There are, in addition, several catalogues which list pamphlets not contained in the Knuttel c o l l e ~ t i o n . ~ ~The starting point for any study of Dutch newspapers is Sautijn Kluit's 1881 Geschiedenis der Nederlandsche Dagbladen (History of Dutch dailies).36 It contains a complete listing and the publication details of Dutch dailies to the late nineteenth century, De Nederlandse Krant 161 8- 1978~' updates the earlier work and also analyzes the
editorial bent of major newspapers. The chapter "Opkomst van een politieke pers" (Rise
33 Margaret C. Jacob and Wijnand W. Mijnhardt, bbIntroduction," 15.
34 W.P.C. Knuttel, Catalogus van de Pamfletten-verzamelinft berustende m de Koninkliike Bibliotheek vol.
5 (The Hague: N.Q., 1905).
35 CataI0e.u~ der Pamfletten van de Bibliotheek der Riiksrrniversiteit te Groninaen 1542-1 853, prepared by
G. van Alpha (Groningen: J.B. Woltas, 1Wfi Cataloaus van de Nederlanbdse ~amfletten, vol. 2 (Middelburgh: Zeeuws Bibliotheek, 1944); Catalonus van de pamfletten aanwezia in the Bibliotheek
Arnhem
-
1537- 1795, eds. M. W. Huiskamp et a1 (Hilversum: Valoren, 1995).36 W.P. Sautijn Kluit, Geschiedenis der Nederlandsche Daabladen (N.p, n.p., 188 1).
37 M. Schneider and J. Hmels, De Nederlandse Krant 161 8- l978,4' ed. (Baarn: Het Wereldvenster,
of a political press) is particularly useful to this thesis.38 Van Sas' article "Opiniepers en politieke cultuur" (Press and political c u l t ~ w e ) ~ ~ covers the entire spectrum of publications fiom pamphlets and newspapers to journals, and explores the battIe for public opinion among the various factions in great detail. Other works which focus on the Patriottentijd in particular include P. J.H.M.Theeuwen's lengthy analysis of the leading Patriot oriented newspaper, De Post van der Neder-Rhiin and the career of its editor, Pieter 't ~ o e n , ~ ' and its counterpart by J.M. Peterse which examines the Orangist De Ouderwetse
Nederlandsche patriot!' Jeremy Popkin has also studied print culture in the Republic and provides statistical information on literacy and booksellers throughout the country.42
Several other components of the political cuIture in the Dutch Republic are discussed below. Details of societies and similar organizations during the period are listed in J.J.Kloek's "Literaire genootschappen, 1748- 1 8 0 0 ' ~ ~
and
W. W. Mijnhardt's work covering the same period is usefbl for its analysis of these organizations.44 Henk Reitsma explores societies in ~msterdam~' while C.F.B. Singeling studies literary38 Schneider, De Nederlandse Krant, 85-104. 39
N.C.F. van Sas, "OpOpiniepms en politieke cultuur" in VW, 97-130.
40 P.J.H.M. Theeuwen, Pieter 't Hoen en de Post van dm Neder-Rhiin (1781-1787 (Hilversum: Uitgevery
Verloren, 2002).
4' J.M. Peterse, "Publicist voar h j e . R U van Goens en de Ouderwetsche Nederlandsche Patriot (1781-
3)" BMGM 103 (198812): 182-208.
42
Jeremy Popkin, "Print culture in the Netherlands on the Eve of the Revolution," in 9 1- 122.
43 J.J. Kloek et al, "Literaire genootschappen 1748- 1800, " 15 (1983): 2 1-89.
44 W. W. Mijnhardt, Tot Heil van 't Menschdom: Cultureele nenootscha~pea in Nederland 1750- 18 15
(Amsterdam : Rodopi, 1988).
Wilson has analyzed Dutch economic history fiom its "Golden Age'' to the end of the eighteenth century.47
One of the best original sources for the study of van der Capellen's life is the diary of his co-Patriot van der
ern^!'
Further, the collection of van der Capellen'scorrespondence assembled by W.H. de Beaufort forms a vital source of information which was relied upon by his biographer M. de De Jong and others also put much reliance on the five-year study of Aan het Volk by A. ~ o o s j e s . ~ ~ The reprints of Aan het V
& in 1981 by W.H.Wertheirn and A.H. Wertheim-Gijze weeninks' and in 1987 by H.L z w i t d 2 both contain detailed introductions revealing much of van der Capellen's life and thought.
Details of Aan het VoIk and its printing history can best be obtained by concentrating on the writings of Loosjes, G. van Rijn, and the 1924 pamphlet by de
46 C.F.B. Singeling, "Van eendracht naar broederschap. Literaire genootschappelijkheid en 1787," in DNR, 166-73.
47 Charles Wilson, '%e Decline of the Netherlands," in Economic History and the Historian: Collected
Essays (New York and Washington: Frederick A. Praeger, 1969), 22-47.
F.A. van der Kemp, Francis Adrian van der Kemn 1752-1 829: An Autobiwa& edited with an historical sketch by Helen Lmklaen Fairchild (New York: G.P. Putnam's Sons, 1903).
49 M. Hm. de Jon& Joan Derk van der Capellen: Staatkundig Levensbeeld uit de Wordingstiid van de
Moderne Democratic in Nederland (Groningen and the Hague: J.B. Wolters, 1922).
'O A. Loosjes, Een krachtia libel: studie over het ~amflet Aan het Volk van Nederland (Haarlem: de Erven
Loosjes, 1886).
" [van der Capellen], Aan het Volk van Nederland: het democratisch manifest van Joan Derk van der
Camllen tot den Pol I78 1, with an introduction by W.F. W h e i m and A.H. Wertheim-Gijze Weenink
(Weesp: Heureka, 1981).
'*
[van dea Capellen], Aan het Volk van Nederland: Het ~atriottisch wwam uit 1781, with an introductionon^.'^
Following the 1879 publication of van der Capellen's correspondence, Loosjes embarked on a five year study of the pamphlet to identify its author, its printing and its distribution history. Van Rijn followed the Loosjes' study with two of his own based upon research in the Rotterdam library and archives. De Jong tried to resolve some confusion inherent in the Loosjes' and van Rijn works. Van Rijn and de Jong concentrate only on the printing history, whereas Loosjes also discusses the contents of Aan het Volk. The discussion of the history of Aan het Volk in this thesis tests whether Darnton's vocabulary and research methods are useful tools to study the pamphlet.54 There are several Dutch studies which use some of the same methods that Damton used. Among them are Han Brouwer's "Rondom het ~oek,'*~ J.L. Bode1 Nyenhuis' book on the laws and their enforcement as they related to booksellers,s6 and H. Verweys' Uit De Wereld van het ~ o e k . ~ 'As noted earlier, there was ample literature in both languages to do a
comprehensive study of Aan het Volk and its place in the Patriot movement of 1781
-
1787. The studies of the 1980s mentioned above were particularly useful in enhancing our knowledge of various interesting aspects of the Dutch political culture. Local studies done in the last twenty years in the larger centres have contributed to this knowledge and53 Loosjes, Krachtig Libel; G. van Rijn, Het Pamflet'aan het Volk van Nederland, in Biilage tot de
Rotterdamse Librve (Rotterdam: N.p., 1884), 2-24. and Het ~amflet 'am het volk van NederIpnd, reprinted
&om the Rotterdamsch Jaarboekie voor 1888,l-50; M. Hzn. deJong, De oudste uitmvm van het pamflet Aan het Volk van Nederland (Groningen and the Hague: J.B. Wolters, 1924).
54 Robert Darnton, The Kiss of Lamourette (New York: W.W., Norton & Company. 1990).
55 Han Brouwer, "Rondom he$ Boek," 20 (199811): 5 1-120.
"
J.I. Bodel Nyenhuis, De Wetnevina of Drukmen Boekhandel in the Nederlanden tot in het begii der XIXde eeuw (Amsterdam: P.N. Kampen & Zoon, 1892).there is still much more to be learned in the rural areas and smaller villages. Further studies of the social forces and political consequences of the Orangist counter-revolution of 1787 may reveal the depth and relative permanence of the divisions it exposes in Dutch society.58
In summary, this chapter has presented the objectives of the thesis, the role of Darnton's "communications circuit" in providing a guide to research on Aan het Volk, its author, its printing history and readership, and the external influences which shaped the circuit's various stages. The main body of literature relied upon has been outlined. A detailed history of the Republic and its institutions is necessary to understand the background to the problems faced by the Dutch Republic during the 1780s. For this reason, we now examine the history and state structure of the Republic.
CHAPTER 2
DUTCH GOVERNANCE AND POLITICAL CULTURE IN THE EIGHTEENTH CENTURY
Setting the Stage
Except for a brief period early in the nineteenth century and during the German occupation in the Second World War, the modern nation that we know of as the Kingdom of the Netherlands has been f?ee of foreign domination since it declared its independence &om Spain in 158 1. For over two centuries, it was a small republic known as the United Provinces of the Netherlands (hereafter sometimes the United Provinces, the Dutch Republic, or the Republic), which consisted of seven provinces and various territories known as the Generality Lands. The largest, wealthiest, and most powerful province was Holland.
During the seventeenth century, the Republic was a leading political, economic, and cultural participant on the European stage. It was a country of commerce whose ships explored and traded in the fhr corners of the world. As well, the Republic was involved in various wars (including its eighty year struggle with Spain), which culminated finally with peace with the signing of the Treaty of Munster in 1648.' The Dutch Republic also engaged in three wars with England during the third quarter of the century, and became a victim of the expansionary aggression of France in 1672.
The seventeenth century represented the Dutch "Golden Age" when the Republic had the highest per capita wealth in Europe, it was at its most influential in international politics, and it was counted among the power elite. Its society and culture were admired
'
The Treaties of Munster and Osnatxuck are commonly known as the Peace of Westphalia, fi-om which themodern state system emerged, and the era of religious conflicts which had begun with the Refmation
and envied throughout Europe. It was the age of Rembrandt and other famous painters. In
the physical sciences and mathematics, the names Huygens and van Leeuwenhoek are prominent. Hugo Grotius, who was influential in his time, is still respected as the 'father' of international law. Dutch citizens enjoyed liberty, tolerance and civil order. The Republic was highly urbanized and literate, with an active press. The country was stable and was able to withstand several coups d'e'tat and various changes of government without the devastating civil wars that characterized other European nations. E.H. Kossrnann posits that some of the state's flaws actually contributed to this stability. He suggests the Dutch constitution's vagueness made it adaptable to changing circumstances. As well, religious divisions played a role in the sense that the various dissenting religions could not agree inter se "about the fbndamental problems of life,'" contniuting to
flexibility and debate. Clearly, the country's prosperity helped as well.
The favourable position of the Dutch Republic in Europe deteriorated during the eighteenth century, creating a situation which stood in sharp contrast to the prominence it enjoyed during the "Golden Age" of the previous century. In the international sphere, it was no longer one of the miin actors in European politics and diplomacy. Its economic structure was in decline; its armed forces were depleted; and its cultural life rested on references to its past glory and a general desire by everyone to return to that former age. As a result, internal turmoil manifested itself in various ways. Underlying the tensions was a mood of dejection or malaise in all levels of Dutch society. The nostalgia for what was gave rise to the establishment of numerous improvement societies determined to find solutions to the many problems then facing the Republic.
18
Dutch politics during the eighteenth century represented a return to the kinds of internal conflicts which had
marked
the country's history after its declaration of independence fiom Spain. The primary hostility existed between sections of the ruling patricians, the Regents, and the House of Orange in the person of the stadhouder as to which would provide leadership for the entire country. Another important conflict was the perpetual discord between dominant Holland and its main city of Amsterdam on the one hand, and the remaining six provinces on the other.3 Dissension also existed between urban and nual populations, as well as between the various dissenting religions and the Dutch Reformed state c h u .Following the Republic's participation in the War of the Austrian Succession in the middle of the eighteenth century, its foreign policy became one of neutrality. This stance favoured the mercantile province of Holland. During the American War of Independence in the late 1770s, the Republic traded with the American colonists, supplying provisions as well as armaments and munitions. As a result of its decision to join the League of Armed Neutrality in the fall of 1780, coupled with British displeasure with the Dutch trade with the Americans, war was declared on the Dutch Republic in November, 1780. The Anglo-Dutch War of 1780-1784 became known as the Fourth English War and the war represented humiliation for the Dutch, a condition that was reinforced when they were not invited to participate in the peace conference that ended the American War of Independence in 1784.
The Fourth English War served to divide the Dutch people as never before, and it exacerbated their internal problems. Not only was the
war
a series of disastrous militaryK Wansink, "Holland and Six Allies: The Republic of the Seven United Provinces" in 133-55
defeats, but it was also a political and economic calamity. The Republic's treasury was bankrupted, it lost colonies and trading posts, and its shipping, so vital to its economic health, was severely damaged. Political factions began to attribute blame for this state of affairs. Orangists accused the Amsterdam Regents of treasonous conduct for their trading activities in the Americas. The anti-Orangist Regents and their supporters defended Amsterdam's policies and blamed the Stadhouder, William V, and his advisers for the disastrous course of the war.
The widespread discontent, the changed status in how the Republic defined itself and how it was viewed internally, together with the war, all contributed to the rise of the Patriot movement during the 1780's. The movement grew and precipitated a crisis during the summer and fall of 1787, when, at the request of William V, it was suppressed by Prussian troops to prevent the breakout of civil war. Evidence of the heightening internal divisions was found in the increase in the pamphlet literature that was circulating within the RepubIic. This occurred during the late 1770s and early 1780s at the same time as the Dutch press became highly politicized and began to lead public opinion, rather than simply reporting and commenting on political evenb4 As a result, politics became more popular than ever before, and most of the reading public was affected by one or other press organ. Politicization of society was not the exclusive domain of the press however. The civic militias, societal memberships of various kinds and petitioning were also instrumental in this regard, as were music and theatre.5
'
W.RE. Klein, Patriots Republikanisme. PolitiekeCultuur in Nederland (1766-1787)- (Amsterdam: Amsterdam University Press, 1995),92-3.20 The rising and increasingly influential voice of the Patriots was expressed in
September 1781 in the compelling pamphlet Aan het Volk. It was a fiontal attack on the
Stadhouder and ended with an agenda for popular political action The author, unknown
at the time, turned out to be Baron J. D. van der Capellen tot den Pol. Among the several causal factors of the rise of the Patriot movement, the publication and distribution of this pamphlet had a significant impact. It was widely referred to in other pamphlets and was a subject of broad debate in the political press. As well, many of the ideas contained in
&
het Volk were reflected in the Patriot reform proposals known as the GrondwettigeHerstelling (Constitutional Restoration), a two-volume work published in 1784 and 1786.
As Jonathan Israel notes, if Am het Volk "was the clarion call of the Dutch Patriot Revolution, its weightiest publication was the Grondwettige ~ e r s t e f l i n ~ . " ~ In the foreword to this proposed constitutional change, the authors paid homage to van der Capellen's participation and acknowledged the instructive suggestions he had made prior to his death.'
The pamphlet was, therefore, one of the factors which raised the level of debate and political activity within the Republic. Aan het Volk especially, but other pamphlets as well, reveal the depth of the social and political crisis that was occurring. For the first time in the Dutch Republic's history, the Patriot movement offered the Dutch a choice for their political allegiance other than the traditional antithetical Regent or Orangist fictions.
Coupled with this generalized discontent was the weakness and complexity of the Republic's political system. There was no central power to
unie
the country; rather, theJonathan Israel, The Dutch Rmublic (Oxford: Clarendm Press, 1998), 1102.
'
W.F. Wertheim and AH. Wertheim-Gijze Weenink, "Introduction" in Aan het Volk van Nederland: hetRepublic was highly decentralized. Much sovereignty resided at the local level in the towns. Political leadership of the country was notionally exercised by the office of the
Stadhouder, who was appointed by the provinces in their assemblies. At times, there were
different Stadhouders occupying the position in different provinces; at other times, the post was vacant in several provinces, and, sometimes one Stadhouder served in the position in several provinces. As a result of this state of affairs, decision making was cumbersome. To enhance our comprehension of some of the causes of the political conflicts of the l78Os, the remainder of this chapter will examine the development of the Dutch constitution, the Republic's political institutions, and the problems faced by the country in the late eighteenth century.
The Historical Setting
The Dutch Republic had its origins in the eighty-year struggle to gain independence fkom its Spanish rulers fiom 1568 to 1648, with an interim twelve-year truce fiom 1609 to 1621. The first leader of the revolt was the Stadhouder William I, or 'the Silent', so called because of his taciturn nature. The seventeen provinces then constituting the 'Low Countries' included the seven northern provinces which became the United Provinces, the duchy of Luxembourg, and what is today the nation of Belgium. These provinces concluded the Pacification of Ghent in 1576, which united them in their opposition to Spanish rule. This union only lasted until 1579, when Spanish military forces regained control of the southern provinces. In response, the seven northern provinces joined in a defensive alliance in the same year by signing the Union of Utrecht. The purpose of this treaty was to create a defensive structure for those provinces but as we shall see, it had enduring political consequences as well.
The Union of Utrecht was not yet a declaration of independence fiom Spain, though it does "represent the real beginning of the Dutch Republic as a federal state." The Dutch declaration of independence was proclaimed in 1581 in the Act of Abjuration, and the state henceforth became known as the Republic of the Seven United Provinces. The Republic also comprised various territories known as Generality Lands.
William I was appointed as Stadhouder, Captain-General and Admiral-General of the maritime provinces of Holland and Zeeland, and acted in those capacities until 1584
when he was assassinated. The role of the office of the stadhouder will be examined in more detail below, but it should be mentioned at this point, that until 1747, several provinces appointed someone other than the Stadhouder of Holland and Zeeland, and at
times, appointed no stadhouder. William I was followed in turn by his sons Maurice and Frederick-Henry in 1585 and 1625 respectively. Maurice was appointed as Stadhouder by
several additional provinces: Utrecht and the inland province of Overijssel in 1590;
Gelderland the following year; and adding Groningen and the territory of Drenthe in 1620. Thus six of the seven provinces were part of his stadholderate by 1620.
It was during the Twelve Year Truce, when Maurice was stadhouder, that the Republic experienced its first internal crisis. This crisis began over religious differences within the Dutch Calvinist state church, but soon the quarrel assumed political overtones. The occasion of the crisis was a quarrel over the relationship between church and state. Within the Calvinist church, moderate Anninians advocated the supremacy of the state's secular authority, while the traditional Gomwians took the opposite view. By 161 8, the quarrel became a full-blown political struggle. The Arrninians were supported by the
powefil Holland regents, led by Holland's leading spokesman and advocate, its Grand Pensionary Johan Oldenbarneveldt, together with Holland's Attorney-General, Hugo Grotius. This coalition wished the Truce to continue so that Holland's commercial interests could remain competitive and expand. The orthodox Gomarians were supported by Maurice himself who favoured continuation of the war against Spain. The crisis came to a head when Maurice ordered the arrest of Oldenbarneveldt and Grotius for treason and subversion of the state?
The exact course of this controversy is beyond the scope of this thesis, except to note that Oldenbameveldt was beheaded in 1619 while Grotius was imprisoned, and the war against Spain was resumed in 1621 .What matters is how these events affected the office of the stadhouder. Until this time, there had been no antagonism between the Holland regents and the stadhouder. After these episodes, however, the tensions and, at times, hostility between the regents and the stadhouder became a regular feature of the Dutch political scene until the end of the Republic in 1795."
Following the death of Frederick-Henry in 1647, his son William 11 was appointed Stadhouder, but he served only three years in that capacity before he died. William I1 was survived by an infant son, William 111, who would become known as William of Orange, the future King of England. The various Staten determined not to appoint a stadhouder at that time, and the first Regent Regime in the Republic was created to govern the seven United Provinces
and
Generality Lands. Johan de Witt was the leader of this Regime which lasted until 1672, when William I11 attained the age of majority and becameIsrael, Dutch Reuublic, 42 1-47, p s i m
24
Stadhouder of all of the provinces except Groningen. De Witt and his brother were
attacked by an Orangist mob in the Hague and murdered in the same year.
When William I11 died without an heir in 1702, the Republic entered a second period without a stadhouder. This second Regent Regime lasted until 1747, when the
cousin of William 111, William Friso, then the Stadhouder of Friesland, became William IV and was appointed as stadhouder of all seven provinces and the Generality Lands. For the first time in the Republic's history, the entire country was now served by one
stadhouder. In addition, the Staten resolved to permit succession in both male and female lines. Following William W s early death in 175 1 leaving an infant son (the future William V), his widow, Princess Anna, daughter of King George I of England, assumed the regency of her son during his minority, assisted by the Prussian Duke of Brunswick. When Anna died in 1759, Brunswick became young William's guardian and at the same time became acting Captain General of the Dutch army. When William V came of age in
1766, he signed a secret Act of Advisorship appointing Brunswick as his legal adviser." This was to have far-reaching implications as we shall see.
To this stage of its evolution, the Dutch Republic had been involved in a number of wars beginning with its war with Spain and the three seventeenth century commercial wars with England previously mentioned (See p. 16). Between 1 688 and 1697, the Republic allied with P m i a , Austria, England and Spain to contain French expansion. The next confrontation with France was the War of the Spanish Succession fiom 1702 to 171 3, when the Republic and several allies fought to prevent the union of France and Spain under a single crown It should be noted here that the Peace of Utrecht of 17 13
I 1
The actual title was Acte van Consdentschap, a consulent being a legal advisor. Herbert H. Rowen, 'j&
which concluded that war, provided that the southern provinces (today's Belgium) be ceded by Spain to Austria, thereafter becoming the 'Austrian Netherlands'. Rowen notes that although Dutch strategic security was assured by a barrier of fortresses along the border of the Austrian Netherlands with France, the Peace of Utrecht "marked the definitive passage of the United Provinces fiom the status of a first-rate power to one of the second rank."12 The last war to this point was the War of the Austrian Succession &om 1740 to 1748, when England and the Republic fought alongside Austria against French claims to succeed Austria's deceased Emperor Charles VI. The historical account will resume after the discussion of the machinery of the Dutch state, its constitution and the office of the stadhouder.
State Structure and Governance
An examination of the political structure of the Republic reveals the existence of a combination of archaic institutions which served as an impetus for the Patriot cause. The starting point for this inquiry is an analysis of the nature of the Republic's constitution. I then assess the various institutions and their h c t i o n s and discuss the unique role of the
stadhouder.
The Union of Utrecht of 1579 is generally recognized as the constitution of the Dutch Republic. The Union created a federation of seven equal and relatively
independent provinces, and within each province, there existed several autonomous cities and towns. However, the creation was not a true federal state because there was no
central executive authority to unite the constituents. As well, it was not really a federation of equals because of the dominance of the province of Holland. In addition, the Union did
26
not provide mechanisms to settle differences or to coordinate joint actions among its signatories.
In
reality, the Union wasan
alliance for defensive purposes which preservedall privileges and rights that existed
prior
to its enactment, without specif)ing the nature of those rights and privileges.Both Herbert Rowen and Leonard Leeb assert that the Union of Utrecht was not really
a
constitution in the formal sense, if the main function of a constitution is to provide a framework of government and to delineate the specific jurisdiction and powers of each of its constituent parts. In the Republic, the political institutions had been in existence for some time preceding the union.13 The Union itself did not confersovereignty; sovereignty was eventually created in 158 1 when the Act of Abjuration was proclaimed. Leeb cites other shortcomings of the Union: the republic it created was without explicit legislative, executive or judicial branches; and, the role of the stadhouder
was ambiguous because it was unclear who was to appoint him or what was his mandate. Leeb goes on to suggest that the vagueness of leadership "must have been deliberate [because the drafters of the Union of Utrecht] had among them experienced lawyers and politicians" who were klly aware of the historic rights and privileges of various officials and their right to oppose the ruler in certain
circumstance^.'^
As a consequence of a debate over which of the Republic's institutions was the repository of sovereignty, an attempt was made to clarify the issue in the mid 1580s. The Gouda Pensionary, Franpis Francken was appointed to provide an opinion on the matter.
l3 Herbert H.Rowen, The Rhvme and Reason of P o l i t i c sin. Craig E. Harline
(Dor&echt, Boston and London: Kluwer Academic Publishers, 1992), 217; Leeb, Ideolonical Origins, 16. '4 Leeb, Ideolopical Origins, 16.
In what became known as the "Francken Deduction of 1 5 8 7 , Francken concluded that on the basis of historical precedent, the ultimate source of political authority resided in
the staten of each province, and that the exercise rested with the
ruling
patricians of the towns and cities. He argued that the stadhouder was appointed by the staten "with the'advice and consent' of [the] Nobles and ~ities.""
The Republic's political system was both unique and complex. It was unique in that it combined some elements of similar institutions found elsewhere in Europe, but in distinctive ways. For example, it was a republic like the Swiss confederation, but unlike the Swiss, its system included the institution of the stadhouder 's office.I6 The political machinery of the Dutch state was also complex. Dutch government and its administration were limited by highly decentralized and particularistic institutions. Decision-making was
.
.
a slow and cumbersome process. Some decisions required umnmty and every matter of importance was referred back to the next lower, though more significant, level of
government for consultation and direction." There was great variety in the political institutions and the manner in which they functioned differed, both among and within the seven provinces. The localized nature of the Dutch political structure meant that the towns and cities, particularly the major ones of Holland, "served as the political centres of gravity."18 Holland's dominance is not surprising when one considers that it had almost one-half the population and contributed almost sixty per cent toward the general
''
Leeb, Ideological (highs, 22. The 1 1 1 translated text of the 'Francken Deduction' is contained in theAppendix.
l6 Rowen, Rhvme and Reason, 206. l7 Leeb, Ideolonical O r i ~ s , 17-8.
''
I.J.L. Worst, "Constitution, History and Natural Law: An Eighteenth Century Political Debate in the28 revenue of the ~ e ~ u b l i c . ' ~ I.J.H. Worst asserts that the most effective governance
prevailed when powerfid Holland or "a determined and capable stadholder imposed its view of the common interest"
on the other
provinces
and authorities?'
The fbnction of the Staten-Generaal, situated in the Hague, was limited to foreign affairs, defence of the Republic, the waging of war, and the administration of the Generality Lands which had been recaptured fiom Spain after 1579. Its delegates were appointed by the Staten of the several provinces. The mode of appointing delegates differed in the seven provinces, and each province was permitted to send as many representatives as it wished, although each province was limited to one vote.2' It was not so much a national legislature as an assembly for the purpose of discussing issues of national importance
and
its powers were strictly limited by the provinces. The stadhouderwas an ex ofJicio member with one vote.
The ultimate legal power to enact laws resided in the staten of each province. It was these bodies which had sovereignty and their powers were unlimited within their own province. On a practical level, sovereignty rested with a small number of wealthy Regent families in the cities and towns. The h c t i o n s of the staten included the duty to pass legislation, to provide for the provincial military force, to control the province's finances, and to choose delegates to the Staten-Generaal. The composition of the staten included members of the nobility, organized in the Ridderschap of each province, as well as the
l9 E.H. Kossmam, "The Dutch Republic in the Eighteenth Century," in
m&
22. 20 Worst, "Cmstitution, History and Natural Law," 148.21 Katherine Wallberger Lindley, "The Rise of the Dutch Patriots and the Revolution of 1787" (Ph.D. diss., University of Wisconsin, 1949), 2 1728-30.
cities and towns.22 The voting mechanism of the staten illustrates the point made above about cities and towns being the "political centers of gravity" of the nation. The
ridderschap, as a unit, was entitled to one vote while, for example, the eighteen
enftanchised cities and towns in Holland each had one vote. The nobility in Holland was therefore of little significance in political matters. The situation differed in some of the eastern land provinces. In the Staten of Overijssel, the three enfranchised cities of Zwolle, Kampen and Deventer together possessed only one vote, while the Ridderschap as a bloc also voted as one. There were, not surprisingly, several instances of legislative inertia when the cities and nobility could not agree on some proposed action23
The cities and towns were ruled by small, closed bodies of the leading wealthy families, the Regents. As a result, the large majority of the population had no
representation in the municipal government. The Regents were bourgeois and their ultimate power was exercised in municipal councils (woedschappen). Within the municipal borders, they ruled supreme, administering their own laws and customs. Amongst themselves, they chose the burgemeester to act as the civic leader and
spokesman, and they also appointed various judicial and other officials from within their ranks. During periods when a stadhouder was in office (i.e. excluding the periods 1650-
1672 and 1702-1 747), he selected new council members fiom a slate of candidates submitted by the ~ e ~ e n t s ? ~ As a result of this control by the wealthy few, membership
22 Rowen, Rhyme and Reason, 207. Note that the members were not the representatives sent by the cities
and towns, but the corporate bodies themselves.
" Hetty Wertheim-Gijse Weenink, "Early 18" century Uprisings in the Low Countries: Prelude to the
Democratic Revolution," History Workshw Joumal IS (1983): 98.
3 0 increasingly became hereditary amongst a small number of families until the latter part of the eighteenth century when the "ruled", who had been excluded from membership in the ruling elite for so long, demanded
a
voice in their own governance. Until then, Regents controlled both the staten and Staten-Generaal, and always ensured that local interests predominated. This situation epitomized the decentralized and particularistic nature of the Republic.The office of stadhouder in the Dutch Republic was vaguely defined. The
institution was unique and it bctioned like "no other political structure of the time, and political theory had no category for it."25
The
stadhouder was an elected servant of the provincial staten who was without sovereign status. However, to conclude that thestadhouder was a mere figurehead, an emperor with no clothes, would be a mistake. The
Stadhouder was the leader of the Dutch army and navy. He had rights of nomination to
the staten and to municipal bodies, and had the power to grant pardons. As well, he
headed the Dutch East and West India Companies. Internally, the stadhouder acted as a counterweight to the Regents and was "a unifLing force in a state that lacked a real ~entre.'"~ Foreign powers recognized the stadhouder as the leader and spokesman of the Dutch Republic. Thus a strong stadhouder could be and was very influential.
Various stadhouders made attempts to increase their influence at the expense of the Regents, by trying to extend the authority of the Staten-Generaal and by increasingly direct involvement in the nomination of municipal officials. It was William of Orange
Herbert H. Rowen , "Neither Fish nor Fowl: The Stadholderate in the Dutch Republic." In Political Ideas and Institutions in the Dutch Reoublic (William Andrew Clark Memorial Library, University of
California, Los Angeles: 1985), 3.
(William 111) who was particularly successfbl in the latter regard. When he became stadhouder in 1672, France had invaded and occupied the inland provinces of Gelderland, Utrecht and Overijssel. At the end of the occupation, the Staten-
Generaal required the three provinces to alter their provincial governance as a condition for their readmission to that institution. The resultant Government Regulation
(Regeerings reglement) of 1674 gave the studhouder the exclusive right to nominate members of town councils, the burgemeesters and high provincial The Regulation also provided that in disputed matters within the staten, the stadhouder was given the exclusive right to arbitrate and determine the controversy. In this way, William
111 gained greater power within the Republic than had any of his predecessors.28 Rowen contends that the reasons why the Republic's institutions lasted as long as they did was that the Dutch 'federal' system was not seriously questioned until the early eighteenth century, when the cumbersome decision-making process in foreign policy became a severe problem He also argues that criticism of the lack of internal unity did not become widespread until the advent of the Patriot It is to that movement that we now turn.
Dutch Decline and the Rise of the Patriot Movement
A combination of forces after William V attained the age of majority in 1766 produced the political climate that resulted in the Patriot movement, which flourished from 1780 to 1787. The underlying political problems of the Republic recounted above
27 Rowen, Princes of Orange, 138.
Israel, Dutch Republic, 8 14-5.
did not exist in a vacuum Rather, they were constantly influenced by economic, cultural and other factors. Before examining the Republic's political culture, a political and military debate serves to introduce the topic. From the middle of the eighteenth century, there was a constant rivalry between Holland which wanted to strengthen the navy, and the stadhouder, supported by several inland provinces, who wanted to augment the army. The Republic's finances could not afford to reinforce both. As a result, nothing was done, and both the army and navy deteriorated.
Kossmann suggests that the army-navy debate exemplified a more general problem which had occupied the Dutch public for some time, namely that of "Dutch decline".30 The Dutch decline represented a major cultural shift and pervaded all levels of society. There was nostalgia for the Golden Age of the seventeenth century and a desire to resurrect it in the eighteenth century. The debate was also fbelled by what Kossmann terms "a moderate version of the ~nli~htenment.'" Such a version was adapted to the b'religious, political and intellectual values of the ~ e ~ u b l i c . " ~ ~ In the literature of the period, this brand of Enlightenment stressed a moral revival to solve the nation's economic and political crisis and halt "Dutch decline". Scharna asserts that the ideas of the philosophes had limited attraction
in
the Dutch Republic because the Dutch already enjoyed toleration and there was little press censorship. As well, religion was highly socialized and the Republic's citizens enjoyed a great deal of political liberty. Schama30 E.H. Kossmarm, "1 787: The Collapse of the Patriot Movement and the Problem of Dutch Decliney* (The
Creighton Trust Lecture, University of London, 1987), 2,3.
31 Kossrnann, "Dutch Decline," 3.
