s2079275
Master of International Relations: Thesis
A neoliberal institutionalist approach of Brazilian foreign relations with
Guinea-Bissau, Cape-Verde and Sao Tome and Principe
Thesis supervisor: Dr. Edmund Amann
Faculty of Humanities
Leiden University
Table des matières
List of abbreviations 3
Introduction 4
Literature review 6
Brazil’s foreign policy in the literature 6
Theoretical approach 10
Neoliberal institutionalism 10
Neoliberal institutionalism key indicators 13
Absolute gain 13
Information 13
Iterated relations 14
Power over outcomes 14
Study cases: 15
Guinea Bissau 15
Geographic overview 15
Iterated relations: diplomatic relation intensification 19
Technical cooperation 21
Trade 24
Diminished role of military power 25
Analysis 25
Cape Verde 26
Geographic overview 26
Iterated relations: diplomatic relations intensification 28
Technical cooperation 31
Trade 33
Diminished role of military power 34
Analysis 35
Sao Tome and Principe 35
Geographic overview 35
Iterated relations: diplomatic relation intensification 38
Technical cooperation 39
Trade 41
Diminished role of military power 42
Analysis 43
Conclusion 50
Bibliography 52
Annexes 58
annex 1: African students taking part to the PEC-G program (2000-2017) 58 annex 2: African students taking part to the PEC-PG program (2000-2013) 59
List of abbreviations
ABC: Agência Brasileira de Cooperação
ARFA: Agência de Regulação e Supervisão dos Produtos Farmacêuticos e Alimentares BRIC: Brazil, Russia, India, China
CAPES: Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior CNI: Confederação Nacional da Indústria
CPLP: Comunidade dos Países de Língua Portuguesa Embrapa: Empresa Brasileira de Pesquisa Agropecuária Fiocruz: Fundação Oswaldo Cruz
IBAS: India, brasil, Africa do Sul fórum
IEFP: Instituto de Emprego e Formação Profissional IPEA: Instituto de Pesquisa Econômica Aplicada MERCOSUR: Mercado Comum do Sul
NGO: Non Governmental Organisation MRE: Ministério da Relações Exteriores MAC: Movimento Anticolonialista
MPLA: Movimento Popular de Libertação de Angola PAICV: Partido Africano da Independência de Cabo Verde
PAIGC: Partido Africano da Independência da Guiné e Cabo Verde PALOP: Países Africanos de Língua Oficial Portuguesa
PT: Partido dos Trabalhadores RCN: Registro Civil Nacional
SENAI: Serviço Nacional de Aprendizagem Industrial
UNESCO: United Nation Educational Scientific and Cultural Organisation UNICEF: United Nations Children's Fund
UNIOGBIS:United Nations Integrated peace building Office in Guinea Bissau UNPD: United Nation Development Program
UNSC: United Nation Security Council
Introduction
Nossa parceria se inspira no herói da independência de Guiné-Bissau, Amílcar Cabral, para quem “o maior desafio no caminho do desenvolvimento está em superar nossas próprias fraquezas”. (Lula; 2010)
This dissertation offers a reflection on Brazil foreign relations with Cape Verde, Guinea Bissau and Sao Tomé and Principe. These are three African countries, part of the CPLP. They are related for being of relatively similar economic, demographic and geographic dimensions, notably in comparison to Mozambique and Angola, the two other PALOPs. Based on the study case of Brazil’s foreign relation with these three countries, the analysis puts in perspective the international intention in which Brazil draws its foreign policy.
Brazil is known for its impressive international ascension in the 1990s, which was driven by a will of international empowerment. It was rewarded, when in 2001, Jim
country and political regime trend (polity IV) GDP 2016 (dollar US) (world Bank data) GDP per capita 2014(current US$) (world Bank data) population 2016 (World Bank data) size, km2 (CIA world factbook) group 1 Mozambique (open anocracy) US $11 billions US $623,3 28 millions 799 380 km2 Angola (closed
anocracy) US $90 billions US $4707,6 28 millions 1246700 km2 group 2 Cape Verde
(full democracy) US $1,6 billion US $3529,6 500 thousands 4033 km2 Guinea Bissau (open anocracy) US $1,1 billion US $610,4 1 million 28 120 km2 Sao Tome e Principe (not referred) US $350 thousands US $1613,5 199 thousands 964 km2
O’Neil included Brazil among the four biggest growth potential on the international scene, the BRIC. Being part of the BRIC might be seen as an achievement, it also brings a heavy look of constant comparison with the three other countries. Since 2001, the international dynamic has changed and Brazil is often seen as the one of the BRIC country which has the less succeed to thrive. Yet, one would argue that Brazil inclusion on the international scene is being constructed according to a different international strategy. Rather than opening a direct competition with the traditional northern powers it would have chosen to extend its influence notably toward developing countries. Brazil’s will of empowerment is known, it was clearly exposed when the country expressed its intention of getting a seat at UNSC. The strategy used by Brazil isn’t looking to overthrow the current great powers through military power nor excessive trade activity (hard power). Despite, Brazil has turn toward a strategy of cooperation and institutional interactions (soft power). It aims at increasing its influence by gathering allies through international agreements, enhanced diplomatic relations and information sharing. Considering his international position, Brazil strategy to rise as an international power is to promote itself as the voice of the Global-South. South-South cooperation is a field in which Brazil can find international advantage compare to the rest of the world. Indeed, Brazil can claim its colonial past as a similarity to most developing countries, and so notably due to the social, economic as well as the politic barriers it has faced and is still overcoming. In many cases in Africa and Latin America, it can also put forward geographic, geologic and climatic similarities. Insisting on increased south-south cooperation is also a way to put aside the northern and traditional powers. The choice to focus this study on Brazil foreign relations with Guinea-Bissau, Cape-Verde and Sao Tome and Principe is based on the shared language as well as institutional, historical ties and at least the weak international status of these countries. Leading the reflection on foreign relations with the three smaller PALOPs is interesting, as contrarily to Mozambique and Angola, they don’t represent economic stake. The choice of these study-cases puts Brazil in a position of clear power, economic and resources superiority. This position could provide an insight of Brazil actions devoid of greed. It is also interesting to study these particular countries as they are not much studied. Indeed, their small dimensions and the current crisis in Brazil, brings the general attention far
from this restrained aspect of Brazil foreign policy. The table below divides the PALOPs in two groups according to basic aggregates.
The research question through which we are going to approach the topic is the following:
To what extent does Brazil’s foreign relations with Guinea-Bissau, Cape-Verde and Sao Tome and Principe belong to a neoliberal institutionalist international approach of international relations?
This paper is organized as follows: firstly, a literature review will presents a state of art on Brazilian foreign relations dynamic with African countries focusing on Guinea Bissau, Sao Tome and Principe and Cape-Verde. Although, the topic of Brazil foreign relation with these three countries isn’t much addressed in the academic literature nor in institutional reports; while Brazilian foreign relations with the African continent is a topic covered by a wider range of academics. Consequently, the literature review contain material which addresses Brazilian international relations policy regarding Africa or small countries. The next section defines the research method used, it explains how qualitative comparative analysis will be led in that research. Afterwards, we will proceed to the study cases of Guinea Bissau, Cape Verde and Sao Tome and Principe. Then the comparative analysis will provide a cross-look of the outcomes of the study case.
Literature review
Brazil’s foreign policy in the literature
The literature on the international relation nature of Brazilian foreign policy isn’t much focused on the relations with Guinea-Bissau, Cape-Verde and Sao Tome and Principe. Most authors reflect on Brazil foreign policy in general or with the African continent. However, the literature on Brazil foreign policy does also refer to the three
countries we will be discussing. Brazil’s foreign policy has evolved as Brazil’s position on the international scene was growing. Brazil is known for its regional influence, on which most of the literature focuses (Stolte; 2015; 3). The regional emergence of Brazil can be associated to the creation of the MERCOSUR in 1991, which is a successful example of the cooperative and institutional binding process Brazil is working on in Latin America. The dimension of Brazil, its size, natural resources, 200.000 inhabitants, having borders with all South-American countries except Chile also makes it a natural leader in the region.
Brazil’s foreign policy is directed by an aspiration to global influence, the strategy used by the country appears to rely mostly on Joseph Nye’s concept of soft-power. This notion was defined as «The ability to get what you want through attraction rather than coercion or payment » (Mares, Trinkunas; 2016; 13). Measuring and defining soft-power may be difficult, thus it is also a notion which is construct in opposition with hard-power; soft-power is what hard-power isn’t. Hard-power is the use of military, economic or
political power to obtain what is wanted, nevertheless it carries a notion of threat if one refuses to obey. The threatening aspect in hard power doesn’t only concern military violence, it can also be economic or political. The 1990s embargoes against Iraq is a common example of the economic and political form of hard-power. Brazil has relatively limited military capacities and it doesn't possess nuclear military force. Brazil is not only not having a nuclear weapon, it is part of the non-proliferation treaty of nuclear weapons. Considering this position, it is more likely for Brazil to build a strategy on soft power. Authors such as David Mares, Harold Trinkunas and Christina Stolte agrees that Brazil has an active soft-power strategy. According to them it is a way to access greater power. Indeed, Brazil hasn’t hidden its aspiration of getting a seat at the UNSC. Christina Stolte defends the idea that the increased engagement of Brazil in Africa is a strategy to compete with other great powers by gathering the voices of small allies. It recalls Keohane article «The Big Influence of Small Allies » published in 1971. In this publication, Keohane develops the idea, that arrangements of powerful countries with small countries benefits both part of the deal. The greater power will obtain support on the international scene from less powerful states hence increasing its legitimacy in front of potential opponents; while the smaller countries will have their interests defended on the international scene. It assumes that not listening to smaller allies entails a loss of legitimacy. Keohane mentions as examples the behavior of the Portuguese empire toward its African colonies in the 1970s to explain the importance of paying attention to small power.
The academic literature regarding Brazil’s strategy toward Africa carries as a latent aspect, the international status-seeking question. The will of becoming a more important international player is clearly exposed in Christina Stolte or David Mares and Harold Trinkunas researches. International empowerment can happen through different methods. Various authors highlights that Brazil engagement in Africa relies on economic interests and natural resources exploitation. A point of view which is highlight by Christina Stolte in her publication «Brazil in Africa: Just another BRICS country seeking resources? ». This position brings the question of Brazil’s interest in Africa and the wonder of the good intentions Brazil’s bears in its bilateral relations. It also brings forward the competition in south-south cooperation in Africa operating among China and
Brazil. In front of that position the main arguments are the natural resources, which Brazil already have. Some would argue that Brazil’s activity in Africa is largely focus on natural resources and infrastructures because it is in these fields that Brazil is the most qualified. In the cases of Guinea-Bissau, Cape-Verde and Sao Tome and Principe the natural resources exploitation argument cannot be brought up considering the limited resources they have.
An element of understanding of Brazil increased interest in Africa during the past decades is the growing worldwide attention Africa is getting. Indeed, the African continent is expected to become the second most populated one and to gain weight on the international scene. Hence, Brazil’s early interest and cooperation programs would put it in a favorable position. However, this hypotheses rely on the supposition that African countries with which Brazil is cooperating are going to successfully developed themselves. Further, the study cases chosen concern countries with a level and a potential of development relatively narrow.
David Mares and Harold Trinkunas insist on the intention of Brazil to gather southern allies to build a counter voice to the established international governance structures. It opens the door to the discourse of a process that would not be only inscribed in a constant competition of exceeding one another among international powers. Contrariwise, it suggests an alternative and global sustainable project. This aspect echoes a critic regularly formulated against neoliberal institutionalism, which is that this approach would carry a too genuine or idealized vision of international relations.
The sources used to build the reflection developed in this paper are not only academic but as well publications from the governments, ministries and institutions or international organizations. These publications tend to present Brazil’s foreign relations as enshrined in a will of mutual benefits for Brazil and its partners. For example; «The Bridge over the Atlantic » is a joint publication from IPEA and the World Bank. It presents Brazil’s foreign relations with African countries, it insists on the south-south cooperation aspect. An interesting element of this publication is the support brought by the World Bank to Brazil’s engagement in Africa. There is notably a chapter in which the
World Bank propose a list of solutions in which this institution could support and promote South-South cooperation. Which would promote Brazil’s empowerment goal.
Theoretical approach
To address the topic of Brazilian foreign relation with Guinea Bissau, Cape-Verde and Sao Tome and Principe through a qualitative comparison, a theoretical frame is to be set. Therefore, the neoliberal institutionalist approach of international relation is going to be introduce in this chapter. The comparison will be constructed around the definition of neoliberal institutionalism, in which, the pillars of the theory are established. These pillar or key concepts will be used in the analysis as qualitative indicators.
Neoliberal institutionalism
Neoliberal institutionalism is an approach of international relation which finds its roots in the new understanding of liberalism developed in the 1970s. It is principally theorized after the conference “Transnational relations and global policy” organized in 1970 by the specialized review: International Organizations, and led by Joseph Nye and Robert Keohane (Battistella, 2012, p224). The neoliberal institutionalist approach brings together the notions of collective intelligence and the idea that competitiveness and cooperation are compatible. Cooperation and competitiveness can be seen as mutually exclusive as one can use the progress generated by cooperation to weaken his partner. To a certain extent competitiveness hinders progress because of lack of trust enhancing reluctancy to share information and the absence of technological and technical partnership. While cooperation, when well assorted with competitiveness will bring improvement and peace. Providing benefits to each partner despite the idea that benefits might not be equals. The neoliberal institutional approach of international relations is rooted in the broader theory of liberalism to which it incorporates the institutional attempt to endogenize the evolution of institution.
Neoliberal institutionalism borrows to its mere theory, the idea of an international scene in a state of anarchy where states are the only sovereign actors. Notwithstanding the natural anarchic state, in the path of seeking their own benefits state gathered and created institutions and democratic governments. Liberal institutions and democracy favor iterated interactions. Liberalism already tends to advance that international institutions help avoiding chaotic relations that can be entailed by the state of anarchy. In its fourteen point’s speech on the League of Nations, in 1918, President Wilson clearly explicit how inter-state arrangement would be beneficial:
“XIV. A general association of nations must be formed under specific covenants for the purpose of affording mutual guarantees of political independence and territorial integrity to great and small states alike” (Wilson, 1918).
The neoliberal bases are rooted in Kant theory of self-interest, notably detailed in Idea for a Universal History with a Cosmopolitan Purpose. Kant describes humanities relations as a group of actors whose behaviors are tailored by their will of improvement which is stronger than they're naturally hostile and egocentric pre-disposition. This understanding leads to the idea of necessary interaction and cooperation, as humans voluntarily gather under a set of law in order to be able to pursue more efficient activities in a state of peace. Indeed, evolving in a state of peace offers a comfort, that can be seen as elementary, and that allows to spend energy in other fields than defending oneself and its properties from others. From this state of humans reunited under a common ground of law, is grown the republican scheme, seen as the most efficient to obtain the good of the greater majority. To these basics of classical liberalism shall be added the notion of rationalism. According to liberalists, international actors or human beings act conforming what will bring the most improvement while requiring the minimum effort.
The “Neo” prefix, is due to the renewed approach of liberalism, more accurate to the 1970s period because of the economics and technical changes that had happened. These changes also happened in the international order, the former lead of the traditional “North countries” isn’t accurate anymore. In 2011, John Ikenberry explains neoliberalism in these terms:
“Indeed, today’s power transition represents not the defeat of the liberal order but its ultimate ascendance. Brazil, china, and India have all become more prosperous and capable by operating inside the existing international order” (Ikenberry; 2011; 58).
Neoliberalism main aspects are driven by economics and competitiveness, on a national scale the state intervention is limited and directed toward enhanced international exchanges. On the international scale neoliberalism comes with the account that international actors are multiplying notably through the increasing number of NGOs and International Organizations. One of the major changes in that approach is that if security and war remain an essential element of international relations dynamics, neoliberalism balances it with economics.
Neoliberalism differs from neoliberal institutionalism as it considers that cooperation can’t really be achieved because international actors are too much driven by self-interests and greed. The neoliberal analysis defines an anarchic state where mutual suspicion can entail military competition and distrust toward multilateral agreements. This point of view isn’t favorable to international cooperation, and even if an arrangement would benefit all parties involved, it would be hard to maintain due to the natural wariness of neoliberal actors (Janik, Sterling-Folker; 2011; 1674). According to neoliberal institutionalism, transnational cooperation is achievable, notably through inter-states arrangements. Within that approach, the rational cost/opportunity reflexion leads to the idea that inter-state cooperation is the most efficient manner to satisfy individual interests. It can be illustrated through the origins of the European Union, for example in 1957 when states gathered to create the European Economic Community. European states developed the process which led to the European Union notably to maintain peace among them and further increase their economical and commercial interactions as well as gaining competitiveness on the international scene. In that case the development of formal international arrangement was done to provide peace among state and increasing economic exchanges which can be seen as the best interests for all parties. In that perspective, neoliberal institutionalism challenges the pessimistic point of view developed by neoliberalist with the same initials paradigms, they adopt a different path of action. Neoliberal institutionalists agree that cooperation isn’t easy to obtain, considering the egocentric nature of international actors and the anarchic
international state, although to defend their own best interests, states have to cooperate and gather in inter-state arrangements.
Neoliberal institutionalism key indicators
The following part details the concepts determined as the qualitative indicators used to test Brazil behavior with Guinea Bissau, Cape verde, Sao Tome and Principe through a neoliberal institutionalist prism.
Absolute gain
Neoliberal institutionalist argues that states can be motivated by achieving absolute gain. States would be inclined to cooperate in order to improve their situation regardless to the relative gain of the countries it is cooperating with. This approach doesn’t deny that international cooperation is hard to reach, notably as countries intend to maximize their benefits. Nonetheless, inter-state cooperation can be seen as a tool to reach that objective and de facto institutional arrangement alleviate the anarchic scheme of international relation. When gathering in a multilateral agreement, parties involved, have a word to say in what they agree to comply to. Therefore, multilateral agreements are composed with the terms of each parts, making them easier to endorse.
Information
Increased transparency is also among the positive outcomes of neoliberal institutionalist approach. As cooperating actors get to have increased knowledge of their partners. It is due to the simple act of interacting and developing common objectives and designing projects as partners as well as the information necessary prior to enter the negotiations and further the fact of having iterated interactions afterward. The more information states share with each other, the more the feeling of apprehension and distrust diminishes. By defining the rules of the game as a group and becoming interdependent, states get to know each other.
Iterated relations
Neoliberal institutionalism also stands for long term gains, when actors such as states manage to define, write and submit to an international agreement it tends to favour repeated interactions. Multilateral arrangements offer a field for long term relations and enhanced cooperation, it isn’t one time interaction type of process. The repeated type of interaction has, according to scholars, a positive spill-over in various fields such as security, human rights, health and international political economy (Janik, Sterling-Folker; 2011; 1675). Actors are more vulnerable to each other actions, if remaining independent, they are more sensitive. This entails a less important chance for states to engage in hostilities or violent types of war. The increased sensitivity of institutionalism brings others lever of actions less likely to touch civilians, as states are politically and economically related. To sum up institution forces state to act according to a more complex scheme of information than their own immediate or irrational will, they must take into account their partners and allies’ needs and stakes. To obtain what they intend to get states needs to take action considering the interest of the others. Theoretically this process entails more peaceful or at least less violent international dynamics. Jaap de Wilde describes how wide international cooperation is likely to diminish military actions in its book Saved from Oblivion: “The more complex the network of relationships in which countries are involved, the stronger the constraint on all-out war” (De Wilde; 1991; 2).
Power over outcomes
In the neoliberal institutionalist theory, military and use of war type of violence isn’t as much at the heart of international relations as it is in the realist approach. Contrariwise, military is not the most relevant mean to get advantage as countries are in a situation of asymmetrical interdependence. The notion of asymmetrical interdependence is developed by Robert Keohane and Joseph Nye in their book “Power and Interdependence”. In that reflection is discussed the concept of complex interdependence, where is combined the facts that international actors can be states, sub-state institution or non-state actors to the fact that in international politics there is no clear boundary between each field whether it is economical, ecological, military, demographic etc. and at last the diminishing place of military intervention as a way to
obtain satisfaction. R. Keohane and J. Nye do not reject the classical realist approach where A has the ability to obtain from B to do something he wouldn’t do if that wasn’t from A superior power over him. According the “Power and Interdependence” reading, this power isn’t necessarily military, they favor the concept of “power over outcomes”. “Power over outcomes will be conferred by organizationally dependent capabilities, such as voting power, ability to form coalitions, and control of elite networks: that is, by capabilities that are affected by the norms, network, and institutions associated with international organization” (Keohane, Nye;1997; 47).
Study cases:
The study cases of Guinea-Bissau, Cape-Verde, Sao Tome and Principe are all constructed according to the same structure. A general overview of the country’s situation which determines the main fields where cooperation is needed and sets differences and similarities with Brazil (geographic, demographic, politics etc.) Then diplomatic relation and their evolution during the past decades are detailed, technical cooperation programs, trade relations, and military power or institutional forces are deepened. At last, an analysis of the bilateral relations regarding these five points and the key concepts of neoliberal institutionalism.
Guinea Bissau
Geographic overview
Guinea-Bissau is located on the western coast of Africa. Its northern border is with the Republic of Senegal and it is enclaved in the South and east in the Republic of Guinea Conakry. The Bijagos archipelago is part of the territory and composed of over 100 islands. The country is about 36.125 km2 including territorial sea. It has a tropical climate, hot and humid with monsoon season from June to November entailing a favorable condition for rainforest and potential for agriculture. The land is flat and 55, 2% of it is covered by forest and 44,8% is used for agriculture. (CIA; 2018).
The Bissau-Guinean population is of 1,792,338 habitants divided among ethnies: Fulanis (28, 5%), Balantes (22,5%), Mandingas (14,7%), Papel (9,1%) and few other minorities (CIA; 2018). The detail of the population is interesting on different level, as it indicates first that the population isn’t uniform. The ethnical blend could relate to Brazil’s population which also is very mixed. A point that was underline by Amilcar Cabral in the 1960s is that the Bissau-Guinean population contrary to the Cap-Verdean may be a blend of ethnies but they are natives of the region, they were not imported during slavery trade (Oramas Oliva; 2012; 29). On another hand, the Bissau-Guinean population is a young and growing population, about 60% of the population is under 25. It is to consider that the fertility rate if of 4, 09 children per women but the infant mortality rate remain extremely important, it is ranked as the 4th highest rate in the world. The life expectancy is low, 51 years old (CIA; 2018). These information’s present an important lack access to health services; although it represents 5, 6% of GDP expenditure.
The GDP per capita is among the lowest in the world, in 2016 it was of US $642 (WorldBank Data; 2018). Guinea-Bissau economic perspectives are improving, nevertheless it remains dependent on international assistance and loans. It is notably
indebted on arrears toward Brazil. Otherwise, cashew export, subsistence farming, fishing and subsequent industries are among the main economic sectors (AFDB; 2018). The country has favorable conditions to increase its agricultural capabilities. Tropical agriculture is part of the fields in which Brazil develops important cooperation with African countries via its company Embrapa, ABC and the ministry of agrarian development (Carrillo; Passarelli Hamman; Martin; Sombra Saraiva; Lima de Carvalho de Souza; Pires Tibúrcio; Sallah; Macedo Cintra; 2011; 4). Another point about Guinea-Bissau, is the potential of gas and oil offshore resources. Exploration has begun, for the moment no particular resources have been found.
The political context is loaded with a past of instability lasting since its independence (1974). The country has already faced four successful coups and 16 others failed. The frequent government overthrow are both coming from the political actors plotting against each other’s and the regular manifestation of the population whom is suffering of the government misbehavior. Guinea-Bissau lack of stability results from the unfinished political transformation and the distance created by the government in its actions and the need of the population. The poverty ratio is important two-third of the population lives in absolute poverty (US $1, 90 a day), alphabetization percentage is 59% of adults. Poverty, lack of infrastructures and recurring political shifts made some Bissau-Guinean to illegal activities, notably drug trafficking. It is to underline that the political situation is complex and unstable. Since its independence Guinea Bissau was mainly under the government of the dictator Joao Bernardo Vieira whom was assassinated in 2009. Since Bissau-Guinean has seen four official governments and several international interventions of peace building. The UN has deployed a mission, the UNIOGBIS (AFDB; 2018) (UN; 2018).
Despite the general state of poverty and instability, Guinea-Bissau’s economy has started an ascending transition. The growth expected for the coming years is around 5% according to the World Bank. The perspective of growth is based on the solid agricultural capacities and the potential achievement of political relative stability. This last point remained notwithstanding controversial. The institutional and democratic construction is an important point of international cooperation and intervention in Guinea-Bissau. The positive outlook concerning the economy is balance by the fact that
it is too much leaning on cashew exportation hence vulnerable to external fluctuation. Furthermore, relying on basic products exportation threatens the population to suffer from potential crisis. Guinea-Bissau has many challenges to overcome. It has to develop an improved and more inclusive economic system to increase its human capital through education and professional formation. Facilitating the access to health and the quality of the services is also part of Bissau-Guinean agenda. At least stabilizing the government is the main concern.
This overview of Guinea Bissau politics, resources and social situations gives an idea of the country’s needs. A neoliberal institutional approach of bilateral relation would imply for a partner such as Brazil that he would attempt to improve Guinea Bissau situation through their bilateral relations. It recalls the concept of absolute gain.
Iterated relations: diplomatic relation intensification
Before the end of the 1950s Brazil’s interest for developing relations with African countries was quasi-inexistent, a shift happened during the second part of the twentieth century. Then it was not much motivated by cultural ties but thrived by geopolitical and economic strategy. The understanding of the potential of economic and political relations led the diplomats of the time to start building the discourse on cultural ties, much used by the PT administration during their administration (Stolte; 2015; 84, 85). This period was also marked by the increased nationalist feelings in African countries and the independence movements. For Guinea-Bissau and Cape-Verde Amilcar Cabral
Timeline of diplomatic relations among Brazil and Guinea Bissau
1974 Brazil recognize the independence of Guinea Bissau, diplomatic relations are initiated. Brazil opens an embassy in Guinea Bissau
1979 1st Reunião da comissão mista de cooperação bilateral
1980 Guinean president Luis Cabral visits Brazil in the frame of II Reunião da comissão mista de cooperação bilateral
1983 Brazilian president Joao Baptista Figueiredo visits Guinea Bissau in the frame of III Reunião da comissão mista de cooperação bilateral
1984 Guinean president Joao Bernardo Vieira visits Brazil
1989 Guinean president Joao Bernardo Vieira visits Brazil at the occasion of the meeting of chief of Portuguese speaking countries
1997 Guinean president Joao Bernardo Vieira visits Brazil 1999 Guinean prime minister Fransisco Fadul visits Brazil
2005 Brazilian president Luiz Ignacio Lula da Silva visits Guinea Bissau
2006 Guinea minister of foreign exchanges, Antonio Isaac Monteiro, visits Brazil 2007 Guinean president Joao Bernardo Vieira visits Brazil
2010 Guinean president Malam Bacai Sanha visits Brazil
2011 Brazilian foreign minister Antonio de Aguilar Patriota visits Guinea Bissau (20th July) 2018 José Viegas Filho is named as official representing of United Nation in Guinea Bissau (4th
created the PAIGC in 1956. These independents and anti-colonial movement were growing and their leaders were communicating. Amilcar Cabral was in touch with MPLA and some groups of Sao Tomé and Principe, together they built up the MAC (Oramas, Oliva; 2012; 45, 46, 47). By binding together in their anti-colonial process Portuguese countries are laying a fertile ground to construct the community of country of Portuguese heritage, which will further bring to the CPLP. Usually Brazil wasn’t much in favor of colonialism. It already saw in its position toward African countries a possibility of offering a south-south alternative for cooperation and development instead of remaining in a north-south dynamic. Nevertheless, in 1964 when the military junta took over control in Brazil, the country switched position toward African Portuguese colonies. The military junta offered alignment to Salazar regime, hence supporting the imperial interest in Africa. The diplomatic and economic relations of Brazil in Guinea-Bissau then weren’t on the agenda during the first decade of the military regime. During the 1970s the independents movement of Guinea Bissau was getting more active however when Mario Gibson Barbosa, the Brazilian foreign minister, visited no less than ten African states, he remained silent on the Portuguese colonial situation. The diplomatic position of Brazil shifted again when, in 1974, the Brazilian government was among the first ones to recognize Guinea-Bissau independence, before the actual concession of the Portuguese empire (Stolte; 2012; 88). The Brazilian embassy in Guinea-Bissau was opened immediately in 1974. That decision is enshrined in the Geisel administration. This administration had a broader will to outdo the western stranglehold, notably the USA one. To do so, the government was looking for new partners around the world, mostly in South-America and in Africa (Stolte; 2012; 89). In 1974, the PAIGC is the only party in Guinea-Bissau. The party maintains relations with the communist bloc. Despite different political position, the diplomatic relations between Brazil and Guinea-Bissau are initiated without barriers. In 1975, the Bissau-Guinean foreign minister, Victor Saude Maria, visits Brazil, His intentions are clear create maintain friendly, iterated relations. He was granted of the honorific Order of the Southern Cross for this action (Pedro Té; 2015; 54). Luiz Cabral was the first president of the PALOP to visit Brazil in 1980. During this trip, Bissau-Guinean president Cabral and Brazilian president Figueiredo both agreed on the importance of implementing further trade cooperation among their
two countries but also to focus on welfare and technical cooperation. In November 1980, Joao Bernardo Vieira impeached Luiz Cabral. Brazil maintained his non-intervention policy and recognized the new government. Brazilian president visited Guinea-Bissau in 1983 and the next year his counterpart did too. One decade after the opening of diplomatic relations, Joao Bernardo Vieira (Bissau Guinean president) declared:
“as antigas colônias portuguesas na Africa, a Guiné-Bissau demostrou claramente que o Brasil poderia ser uma alternativa a Portugal” (Pedro Té; 2015;57).
By doing this statement, Bissau-Guinean president Vieira presented Brazil as a strong ally. He puts Brazil in a position of powerful partner with which they share bilateral interest due to an enhanced cooperation rooted in historical and cultural ties. During the 1990s the bilateral relations between the two countries faded. On one hand Brazil was focused on its internal economic stabilization, on the other hand Guinea-Bissau was facing the instability entailed by the falling of the communist bloc and the consequences of the application of the Washington Consensus (Rodrik; 2006; 974). The multilateral relations were revitalized in 1996 when the Portuguese speaking countries gathered and created the CPLP. Nevertheless, the real U-turn in the African-Brazilian relations happened in 2003 when Lula arrived in power.
Technical cooperation
Brazilian presence in Guinea-Bissau occurs through different aspects, it is mostly via international multilateral or bilateral institutions such as the UN, the CPLP and the ABC. Bilateral programs are mostly coordinate by the ABC. The focus on technical cooperation remains essential in Brazil policy toward developing countries such as Guinea-Bissau. It is fully enshrined in the neoliberal institutional dynamic; improving the situation of one partner in order to increase its potential of exchange and further develop a long-term amicable partnership which, thanks to the cooperation process, is empowered.
Improving the living conditions of the population and the human capital of the country is a challenge Brazil has been working on with a relative success. Guinea-Bissau has a strong lack of education, 40% of adults are an-alphabets (Jeune Afrique; 2017), and poverty is a problem in the country as well. Education and professional formation are therefore a field of cooperation among the two countries. Brazil, well-functioning programs in this area are the scholarships PEC-G and PEC-PG. These programs consist in loans for students from developing countries. Having cooperation agreements with Brazil so they can pursue their undergraduate and graduate studies in Brazilian universities. Guinea-Bissau benefits of these programs, the cultural and linguistic aspects shared between the two countries favor the integration of Bissau-Guinean students in Brazil. Between 2000 and 2017, over the 7373 African undergraduate students taking part in the PEC-G, 1358 were from Guinea-Bissau received a scholarship thanks to this program (annexe 1), (MRE; 2018). It is the second country sending the more students after Cape-Verde. The amount of students pursuing with the PEC-PG is minor compared to PEC-G. From 2000 to 2013, over a total of 465 African students benefiting of PEC-PG, 42 were from Guinea-Bissau (annexe 2), (MRE; 2018). Education is also addressed via a trilateral cooperation project among Bissau-Guinean government, ABC and UNESCO; their project is called “Jovens Lideranças para a Multiplicação de Boas Práticas Socioeducativas”. It consists in the creation of an educative center in Bissau, the capital. The presentation of the program is the following “ O projeto visa ao fortalecimento de lideranças locais, ao desenvolvimento comunitário e a promoção de educação integral para crianças e jovens da comunidade do Bairro de São Paulo, no município de cidade Bissau” (UNESCO; 2011).
Several other projects have been realized in order to improve the condition and quality of education. The CAPES, Amilcar Cabral and José Aparecidos projects, are offering formations in Brazil (Fortaleza) to Bissau-Guinean professors (MRE; 2018).
Professional formation is at the centrum of Brazilian cooperation process. An agreement was signed in 2005 which initiated the project of a professional center “Centro de Formação Profissional Brasil-Guiné-Bissau”; which actually opened in 2009. It is coordinate by the ABC in partnership with the Guinean ministry of public function, administrative reforms and institutional partnerships. The SENAI brings its experience of
professional formation and offers a diversity of specialization, making it an indispensable partner of the agreement. Along the implementation of the center Brazil furnished all the necessary equipment’s and machines so the formations could be fully efficient. The first objective of the center is the formation of workforce in basic fields. Once the center opened, a second phase started (2008-2013) which focused on the quality of the training and a diversification of the available formations. The cooperation process is now reaching a sufficient stadium of maturity to move the management of the center from Brazil to Guinea-Bissau. As for the moment, it is the ABC coordinating the formation center. The goal is to reinforce the role of the ministry in the professional formation process.
Bissau-Guinean government is vulnerable and it is facing difficulty to be stabilized. Hence, reinforcing the administration and the institutions is also part of the cooperation dynamic between the two countries. Moving the management of the formation center to Guinea-Bissau is part of the process. On a different aspect, Brazil also participates in increasing the human right and political awareness by implementing classes on human right and political responsibilities. The project was developed in 2010 with the ministry of national education of Guinea-Bissau. Further in the government stabilization process, Brazil took part in the process of reinforcement the major legislative organ of the state the “Assembleia Nacional Popular” (Carrillo; Passarelli Hamman; Martin; Sombra Saraiva; Lima de Carvalho de Souza; Pires Tibúrcio; Sallah; Macedo Cintra; 2011; 50). Brazil also got involved via the ABC in a trilateral cooperation program with UNICEF in the national birth registration system (Registro Civil de Nascimento, RCN). The RCN links health issues to government enforcement, Guinea-Bissau infant mortality rate is among the highest in the world. Implementing an improved system of birth registration and civil recognition to newborns facilitate the access to social welfare (Beakal; 2018) (Carrillo; Passarelli Hamman; Martin; Sombra Saraiva; Lima de Carvalho de Souza; Pires Tibúrcio; Sallah; Macedo Cintra; 2011; p50).
Another program of cooperation is linking health and social issues. It concerns the improvement of access to health services for teenagers and women, this project aims at providing a better protection and education concerning gender discriminations, sexual abuse and awareness of these threats. Fighting HIV/AIDS is another element of
cooperation on which Brazil’s insists. The Bissau-Guinean Prime minister, Malam Bacai Sanhà, visited Brazil in 2010. During that visit he stated the need of support from Brazil concerning the important spread of HIV and AIDS in his country. Hence in 2010, Brazil sent medicines to Guine-Bissau and implemented a project of support to the laboratory diagnosis of HIV and infectious disease (MRE; 2018). The cooperation among Brazil and Guinea-Bissau on education, health and government structure concerns elementary needs of the society to thrive. These fields are supposed to be managed by the welfare state.
Trade
The relations, Brazil and Guinea-Bissau built, are not limited to these. An important part of the Bissau-Guinean population lives from agriculture, and caju exportation represents a relatively important part of the country’s GDP. Improving agricultural development is therefore a way to fight poverty by providing job and increased revenues; it is also a way to help Guinea-Bissau to increase its economic capabilities. One of the most successful project in that area is managed by the IBAS fund. IBAS fund is a multilateral project financed and created by Brazil, South Africa and India. In Guinea-Bissau, the project is also managed by the UNPD, the Bissau-Guineans ministries of agriculture, rural development and education. The fund proved its efficiency in the country as it provided agricultural training to 4.500 farmers and simultaneously enabling access to basic education for children in remote areas and facilitate access to food to 13.000 farmers (ABC; 2016; 62) (MRE; 2018). In its objective to promote and participate to the agricultural development of the country Brazil, focused on the comparative advantage of Guinea-Bissau. The agricultural fields in which the country is relatively competitive is caju and tropical fruits. Hence bilateral agreements concerning farmers formations and technical exchange have been realized in that branch of activity (MRE; 2018).
Further in the trading dynamic Brazil has notably settle trade agreements to favor economic relations with several African countries. Notably a tax alleviating program for Brazilian companies exporting to Africa. Further, Brazil offers financial assistance to several African countries willing to import Brazilian products. Guinea-Bissau is part of
the countries benefiting from the credit line developed by Brazil to enhance the economic relations with African countries. Nevertheless, trade between Brazil and Guinea-Bissau remain very limited. In 2016 Guinea-Bissau have imported US $351 millions, of which US $2,4 millions were from Brazil. The products imported in Guinea-Bissau from Brazil are mostly alimentary, animal products, metals, textiles, plastics, chemicals, machines and paper (OEC; 2018). In 2016 Brazil importation from Guinea-Bissau represents US $1, 29 million (0,03% of Brazil’s total importations) of coconuts, nuts and cashews according to the OEC; it seems that in 2018 Guinea-Bissau also exported manufactured furniture’s such as seats (MRE; 2018).
Diminished role of military power
To stabilize the government, the state need a legit force. Recalling Max Weber’s definition of a state, actor owning the monopoly of legitimate physical violence. Within the idea of providing assistance to the development of a sustainable government Brazil have create a center of formation of security forces in Guinea-Bissau. The project is realized in the frame of a trilateral program with the United Nations Office against Drugs and Crimes (UNODC), the Brazilian institution coordinating the project is the federal police of Brazil. The budget allocated by the ABC is of US $3 millions. The formation center was inaugurated in 2012, 25 km from the capital, Bissau. It aims at training various forces of Guinea-Bissau such as information’s services, security services, public police order and national guards. On the long term Brazil hope this center could turn into a regional formation reference for PALOPS (MRE; 2018).
Analysis
Regarding the previously described bilateral relations between Brazil and Guinea-Bissau we are going to deepen the parallel between the facts and the theory. The first element which is to be underline is the geopolitic situation of Guinea-Bissau. The country is particularly poor and underdeveloped. It is the 4th country in the world with the highest infancy death rate, the government is particularly weak and seen as an “open anocracy” (Polity IV; 2018). Hence one of the first field in which Brazil and Guinea-Bissau develop bilateral relations is the reinforcement of the government in
order to provide a more stable environment to the citizens. Improving the government institutions is a way for Brazil and Bissau to defend a common interest; Guinea-Bissau gets to improve its legitimacy and Brazil benefits of a more trustable partner. Indeed, neoliberal institutionalism is rooted in the idea that democracy and reliable State institutions are key elements to the establishment of healthy and sustainable international relations. Keeping in mind the need of stability to implement an operational international system. Brazil action in partnership with the UN (UNIOGBIS) is enshrined in a dynamic that links the will of stabilizing the Bissau-Guinean situation as well as the intention of working with internation institutions. Another aspect to be underline in the bilateral relations among Brazil and Guinea-Bissau in technical cooperation. The most active fields of technical cooperation are health and education. These two field are deeply linked to basics welfare state services. It reinforces the idea that Brazil actions toward Guinea-Bissau are aiming at improving the level of basic cares offered to the population. Furthermore, the existing trade relations among the two countries aren’t very broad and don’t represent a broad part their respective incomes. Therefore, we can argue that the interest in developping bilateral relations isn’t based on economical profit but on improving the existing ties between Guinea-Bissau and Brazil.
Cape Verde
Geographic overview
Cape-Verde is an archipelago located in the Atlantic in western Africa off the coasts of Senegal. The territory of the country is 4000 km2, the climate is warm and dry. The lands are mostly rocky and volcanic, only 18, 6% of the territory is favorable to agriculture. The archipelago is composed of 10 islands, 9 of them are inhabited. The population is of 520. 500 people. The land used to be more favorable but important deforestation during the past centuries conducted to the degradation of the land and desertification. The country is not very rich in natural resources (CIA; 2018).
The politic of Cape-Verde is stable and democratic, since the independence in 1975, the country hasn’t faced violent political overthrow. Cape-Verdean government is
elected and the elections are considered as fair, free and regularly held. The current government was elected in 2016, it is the second mandate for the opposition to the independent movement, PAICV. The economy of the country is limited and dependent on external fluctuations, consequently to the small dimension of the country and short natural resources. The dimension of the country prevents it from competitive scale economy and increases the connectivity of issues and challenges (World Bank; 2018). The country remains vulnerable to external shock as it relies on international aids and investments. The currency, the escudo is pegged to euro which also explains the vulnerability to external fluctuation and why Cape-Verde suffered that much from 2008 crisis (Le Moci; 2016) One of the strong economic point developed in the past year is tourism and related activities, (restauration, hotel industry). Cape-Verde faces economic difficulty related to being a small archipelago, nevertheless the country is managing well this situation. Between 1990 and 2008 it has accomplished impressive social and economic improvement, the GDP per capita passed from US $900 in 1990 to US
$3.600 in 2008; it has now decreased to US $2.900 in 2016 (World Bank data; 2018). The challenges, Cape-Verde is currently confronting, are to maintain and continue the improvement of its economy, developing the inclusive dynamic of it. Fighting the remoteness consequent to being a small insular country and diversify its activities. (world Bank; 2018) (CIA; 2018).
Iterated relations: diplomatic relations intensification
Timeline of diplomatic relations among Brazil and Cape Verde
1975 Opening of d bilateral relations among Brazil and Cape Verde 1977 Basic agreement of cooperation
1979 Treaty of amicable relations and cooperation and agreement of cultural cooperation 1983 Brazilian president, Joao Baptista Figueiredo, visits Cape Verde
1985 Cape Verdean President, Aristide Pereira, visits Brazil
1986 Brazilian president, José Sarney, visits Cape verde, trade agreement signed 1987 Cape Verdean President, Aristide Pereira, visits Brazil
1990 Cape Verdean President, Aristide Pereira, visits Brazil
1992 Cape Verdean President, Antonio Mascarenha Monteiro, visits Brazil 2002 Cape Verdean President, Pedro Verona Pires, visits Brazil
2003 Cape Verdean President, Pedro Verona Pires, visits Brazil 2004 Brazilian president, Luiz Inacio Lula da Silva, visits Cape verde
2005 Cape Verdean president, Pedro Verona Pires, and prime minister, José Maria Neves, visit Brazil
2006 Cape Verdean President, Pedro Verona Pires, visits Brazil 2007 Cape Verdean president, Pedro Verona Pires, visits Brazil
2008 Beginning of activities of the Cape Verdean/Brazilian cultural center 2009 First meeting of the mechanism of political consulting
2009 Cape Verdean prime minister, José Maria Neves, visits Brazil 2010 Brazilian president, Luiz Inacio Lula da Silva, visits Cape verde
2011 Brazilian foreign relation minister, Aguiar Patriota, meets Cape Verdean foreign relation minister, José Brito in Brazil during Dilma Roussef assumption of power
Similarly to Guinea-Bissau, Cape-Verde and Brazil do not have particular diplomatic relations before its independency. Nevertheless, Cape-Verde has a cultural position slightly different from Guinea-Bissau toward Brazil. Indeed, during the triangular trade period Cape-Verde was a strategic stop before crossing the Atlantic Ocean to South-America. Therefore, the Cape-Verdean population is a blend of ethnies, due to the slaves that stayed in the islands instead of being send to the Americas. This population of uprooted persons remained and is called “los assimilados”, from that approach the population of Cape-Verde is mainly composed from people who are not natives (Oramas, Oliva; 2012; 28,29). Another aspect of the cultural relations prior to the independence is the vision of lusotropicalism developed by Gilberto Freyre in the 1930s. Lusotropicalism represents a conception of the ethnic blend resulting of the Portuguese colonization and slave trade in which it would be better achieved than in other colonial empires. It argues that “a serie of interrelated climatological, geographic, historical, cultural and genetic factors, the Portuguese were more inclined to intermix racially with people of the tropics” (Arena; 2011). The lusoptropicalist theory was used by the Salazar dictatorship to justify the maintaining of its African colonies in the 1970s (Castelo; 2015). The independence process in Cape-Verde is led by the same party and figures (PAIGC and Amilcar Cabral) than in Guinea-Bissau. Brazil acknowledged the independence of the country in 1975, and opens diplomatic relations the same year (Itamaraty; 2018). In 1977 was signed the first agreement between the two countries, the “Accordo de Cooperação Técnica”. It marks the beginning of iterated technical partnerships agreements and bilateral projects in various fields such as health,
2012 Cape Verdean minister of foreign relation, José da Silva Borges, visits Brazil 2015 Third meeting of the mechanism of political consulting
2016 Brazilian minister José Serra visits Cabo Verde, meeting with Cape Verdean president and Prime Minister.
2016 Bilateral agreement is signed on air services
education, agriculture, cattle breeding and state regulation (Itamaraty; 2018). Cape-Verde and Brazil bilateral relations are particularly strong, indeed Cape-Cape-Verde is among the country receiving the most cooperation program and development programs from Brazil. The ABC is highly active in Cape-Verde; it has three main active projects over housing (Minha casa, minha vida), infantile health (breast milk bank) and a control program over food and medicine (ABC; 2018). Moreover Cape-Verde is benefiting from the educational partnerships PEC-G and PEC-PG and in another field Brazil also is also working with Cape-Verde to improve its diplomatic and military capabilities (Itamaraty; 2018). Despite the increased amount of cooperative program currently active in Verde, bilateral relations between the two countries weren’t always that dense. Cape-Verde relations with Brazil decreased between 1992 and 2002, even if 1996 is characterized by the creation of the CPLP. The decade during the bilateral relations decreases, is for most under the presidency of Fernando Henrique Cardoso in Brazil. He had been minister of foreign affairs before and had a precise vision of what Brazil was capable of and how to achieve it. He had published a book in 1969; “dependencia e desenvolvimento” in which he argues it is “possible for peripheral countries such as Brazil to overcome structural barriers and achieve development, even within a highly constrained international environment” (Mares, Trinkunas; 2015; 60). The thought of F.H. Cardoso concerning the development of Brazil reflects several aspect of the policy he was applying; first he had a long term development vision for the country, secondly he was willing to take each necessary steps to realize it despite national and international conditions. The major shift in bilateral relations is due to Lula’s arrival at the head of Brazil. The increased interest of the Brazilian government for Africa is observable in the frequency of diplomatic travels transcript in the timeline of diplomatic relations. Lula’s foreign policy with toward cape-Verde, pursuant to the agreement of 1977 on technical cooperation enhanced the amount of projects. The ABC currently coordinates 12 projects which represents US $1, 9 million and four projects are presently being discussed for an investment of an extra US $1, 2 million. In 2007, Cape-Verde was ranked as the first receiver of ABC cooperation programs (ABC; 2018).
Technical cooperation
To support the development of Cape-Verde Brazil took action in several projects concerning topics such as education, health, agriculture, formation and reinforcing the government institutions.
We will first discuss the education and formation linked programs. Cape-Verde is among the African countries benefiting the most from the scholarship programs for undergraduate and graduate students. The “Programa de Estudantes-Convênio de Graduação, PEC-G” was initiated in 1964 and the first Cape-Verdean students to participate arrived in 1977 (MRE; 2018). Between 2000 and 2010, the number of Cape-Verdean students had a tendency to increase with a total of 2393 students participating. Since the flux seems to decrease and only 666 students took part to the program. Despite the fact it appears to decrease, Cape-Verde remains the African country taking the best advantage from the program (annex 1). Considering the success of the undergraduate scholarship, a graduate one was spawned “Programa de Estudantes-Convênio de Pós-Graduação, PEC-PG”. Cape-Verdean is the second biggest beneficiaries among the African partners. Since 2000 Brazil hosted 465 students among which 125 were from Cabo-Verde (annex 2), (MRE; 2018). Focusing on the youth and access to education appears as one of most relevant effort implemented as the Cape-Verdean population is young, the median age is 25 years old (CIA; 2018). A related field in which Cape-Verde and Brazil cooperate is professional formation. This field, such as education, was spotted as a strategic point of cooperation. Indeed, education and professional formation offer a way of improving the quality of life of the Cape-Verdean population not only individually but also at the national scale. Furthermore it improves the state competitiveness (CNI; 2016; 1). The program “ Fortalecimento do Sistema de Formação Profissional do Instituto de Emprego e Formação Profissional” was launch by the ministry of work and solidarity, the ABC and Brazil’s specialized agency in professional formation, the SENAI (ABC; 2017; 130,131). The SENAI, offers formation in a great variety of professional field such as craft, mechanics, health, informatics or energy (SENAI; 2018). The combination of both the public actors of Cabo Verde, the ABC and the SENAI allowed the creation of an effective organ, the Instituto de Emprego e Formação Professional (IEFP). It went through two main phases (2004-2010; 2010-...)
since its creation in 2004. During the first one, the IEFP deployed the capabilities of providing 12 different courses and receive a total of 191 persons in its formations. The success encounter in that experiment led the project to grow. Since 2010 the program has hosted more than 2000 Cape-Verdeans, participating to the improvement of individual perspectives as well as increasing the working capital of Cape-Verde (CNI; 2016; 3); (ABC; 2017; 131; 132). The SENAI has notably participated in the creation of a formation dedicated to health professions.
Improving health condition is also a key area of Brazilian cooperation with African countries. Indeed, health is among the issues the international order is trying to deal with. Brazil has the advantage of experience concerning tropical diseases, therefore it is a relevant field of cooperation with African country. Tropical disease is naturally less a field of specialty for traditional northern countries. Most of the health projects Brazil coordinate in Africa are led by the FIOCRUZ (fundaçao Oswaldo Cruz) (Da Silva Maia, Guerra de Almeida, Reis Novak, Aparecida de Silva; 2006; 70, 71). Brazil had initiated in 1943 a program of human milk bank, an important resource to favor infant care. For developing countries improved neonatal care is a major issue. Cape-Verde still have an important infant mortality rate, 21, 9/1000 (CIA; 2018). In Cape-Verde the human milk bank project have already benefited to 13.582 women (ABC; 2017; 257). The deployment of such partnership is for Brazil the opportunity be part of the improvement of life condition in Cape-verde. In term of absolute gain, Cape-Verde is getting improved healthcare while Brazil is sharing its knowhow and reinforcing its relations with its partner. Brazil supported the development of the institute of public health and is also taking action in the prevention of tropical diseases such as malaria and dengue fever. Cape-Verde have received, for free, between 2013 and 2015, from Brazilian health ministry, antiretroviral medicines for an amount of $US 200 thousands (terizidone and levoflaxacine, strong antibiotics notably used against drugs resistant diseases and certain types of tuberculosis). The two countries have also build up an organism to control pharmaceutical and food products, it is the “Agência de Regulação e Supervisão dos Produtos Farmacêuticos e Alimentares (ARFA)”. This project started in 2004, the ARFA’s goal is to regulate the quality and nature of food and medicine in Cape-Verde, in order to pursue the developing process of the country and provide to the population
appropriate products (ARFA; 2018). The ARFA is in a second phase of development since 2012 (ABC; 2018). The ARFA is a project which gathers health improvement to government institution development. Cooperation in the field of government institution and reinforcement is an aspect of a neoliberal approach which add to the health, education and trade fields. The more stable and sustainable Cape-Verdean government is, the more influential Brazil’s cooperation with them can be.
Embrapa is active in Cape-Verde, it is working in partnership with the national institute of agricultural research and development. The two main projects on which is intervening Embrapa are horticulture and breeding. Embrapa is providing technical knowledge and teaching farmers to increase their productivity, based on previous experiment or Brazilian former experience. The situation of Cape-Verde concerning agriculture is particularly important as the amount of agricultural land is restricted, 18, 6% (CIA; 2018). Furthermore, it is a fact that the islands of Cape-Verde used to be more appropriate to grow vegetation but a passed of exploitation of the resources and erosion entailed a desertification of the islands.
One other project of technical cooperation is between the ministry of cities management of Brazil and ministry of decentralization, habitation and territorial organization of Cape Verde and the ministry of Foreign Affairs of Cape Verde. The project, initiated in 2010 seeks to improve urbanization and access to decent housing for the Cape Verdean population, the program’s name is “Casa por todos”. Subsequent and complementary to that initiative a financial model was also developed to train engineers in that field (Elaboracao dos manuais do proponente e de análise de engenharia, com orientações técnicas relacionadas à produção de empreendimentos habitacionais). (ABC;2017; 156).
Trade
Brazil and Cape-Verdean trade exchanges isn’t the heart of their cooperation. For Brazil, Cape-Verde doesn’t represent an important economic partner considering the dimension of the Cape-Verdean market compared to Brazil’s potential. Nevertheless, economic partnership is a part of bilateral relations. Moreover, the similarities among Brazilian and Cape-Verdean population, climate and culture favor the
