Gender in the gym: Reproducing gender boundaries through working
out
Student: Thirza van Ginkel Supervisor: Mirjam Wajsberg Radboud University
Gender in the gym: Reproducing gender boundaries through working out
Student: Thirza van Ginkel Supervisor: Mirjam Wajsberg Radboud University
I. Table of Contents
I. Table of Contents ...3
II. Foreword ...4
III. Summary ...5
Chapter 2: Theoretical framework ... 10
Chapter 3: Methodology ... 16
Chapter 4: Analysis ... 19
Chapter 5: Conclusion ... 29
Chapter 6: Discussion ... 30
II. Foreword
This thesis is written as completion of my bachelor program: Geography, Planning and Environment. Since the bachelor is very broad, this research focuses primarily on the geography part with an emphasis on the geography of sports. As regular gym-visitor, this felt like the perfect subject for my thesis.
I would like to thank all the people that I have interviewed for sharing with me their gym experiences. I also want to thank Mirjam Wajsberg for guiding me through the process of writing my thesis and providing me with feedback.
III. Summary
In this ethnographic research, seven in-depth interviews have been analyzed to explore how gym members enact gender boundaries through working out at the Radboud Sports Centre. RSC members seem to enact gender boundaries in four ways: through viewing their bodies through a gender lens, which means that there is a clear difference between how men and women view their body. Secondly, they embody a gendered body ideal. There aims for their body are often in line with what is expected based on what the current body ideal is for their gender. Thirdly, RSC members have gendered expectations of working out. It are female participants that mainly perceive a difference in the way that men and women workout at the RSC. Lastly, by the gendering of gym space, which means that some areas are coded masculine and others as feminine. It seems hard to cross these boundaries. This study suggest several reasons behind these patterns, such as objectivation theory and evaluations concerns.
Chapter 1: Introduction
1.1 Project FrameworkAs a student living in the Netherlands, you are constantly confronted with what is seen as a ‘’ideal body’’. For example, by magazines, social media and through advertisement. Often these pictures show an uniformity of bodily appearances that stand in sharp contrast with the bodies in all shapes and sizes that we see in our everyday lives. Women are often tight, toned and with the right amount of curvaceousness (Dworkin & Wachs, 2009). To achieve a certain body type, people are often find working out at the gym. Since 1970, the fitness industry has expanded and transformed immensely (Johansson, 2014). The number of fitness clubs increased greatly, both in the United States and European countries (Crossely, 2006). The fitness industry and the idea of muscular bodies derives from what used to be called physical culture and the teaching of bodybuilding. Originally a subculture where primarily men were involved, women began to participate in bodybuilding in 1985 (Johansson, 2013). In the 1980s, fitness and working out was still very much connected to the notion of
emphasized femininity (Connell, 1995). The term emphasized femininity is often used to describe the asymmetrical positions of masculinities and femininities in a patriarchal gender order and defined by an orientation towards accommodating the interest and desires of men (Connell & Messerschmidt, 2005). This had the implication that women who were developing large, visible muscles were often seen as threat against natural bodies and gender identities (Andreason & Johansson, 2014). ‘’Jane Fonda’s Workout Book’’ is typical for women working out in those period. Fonda developed a specific form of dance and gymnastics, labeled as a workout (Andreasson & Johansson, 2014). The moment that women start to take an interest in weightlifting according to Sassetelli (2010) can be seen as the starting point for the development of a new and modern fitness culture. The notion of the gym shifted from being a typical masculine activity into a mass leisure activity. From the 1990s and onwards people in Europe became more interested in fitness and working out.
While the basic system on which contemporary fitness culture is founded on remains bodybuilding, the culture has changed and new ways of approaching the field of bodybuilding and fitness have emerged. (Denham, 2008, Klein, 1993). According to Nixon (1996), the emphasis on the large body has shifted to emphasis on the well-developed, tight, perfectly defined and moderately muscular body. Within today’s gym culture, the body is idolized as both an aesthetic and a sexual object. This body, sculpted to perfection, is both revered because it stands as a symbol for success and hard work and revered for the desire that is awake and the body ideal that it becomes (Sassatelli, 2010). According to Giddens (1991), in modern society people have become responsible for the design of their own bodies. The gym is a space where more traditional gender ideas have been fostered for a long time. This can be seen in the coding of places, where some places are perceived more masculine
and other spaces are perceived more feminine (Johansson, 1997). Contrary, it could also be a place where people behave in a way that might not be expected according to their gender. Working out might challenge the way people relate to gender.
This research focuses on how Radboud Sport Centre members enact gender boundaries through working out. It has been carried out with members of the RSC. At the RSC, alumni, students and non-students are welcomed 7 days a week. It is possible to choose between at least 80 different sports. Members can book ticket hours, which are group exercise classes given by a certified trainer. Ticket hours include ‘power workout’ and ‘body workout’, but also Pilates and yoga are offered. It is also possible to practice unattended sports, such as fitness, squash or tennis and to register for a team sport or a course. Working out at RSC comes with general terms and conditions that the RSC has derived from the general terms and conditions of the branch organization Fit!Vak. In addition to this, a number of basic rules apply. These rules include to treat everyone with respect and to wear
appropriate clothing. ‘’If everyone adheres to the above rules, together we can ensure that sports at the Radboud Sports Centre are fun and safe for every athlete!’’ (RSC, n.d.).
1.2 Objective
The aim of this study is to get a better understanding in how gym users reproduce gender boundaries through working out at the RSC. Working from the understanding that gender is constructed, this study focuses on how RSC members maintain and actively reproduce gender boundaries through working out. Specifically, this study connects ideas of the ‘’ideal body’’ to the reproduction of gender boundaries. According to Crawley, Foley and Shehan (2008) the ways that society’s body ideals are gendered reflect society’s expectations for gendered behavior and practices. Thus it seems that working out, bodily (re)presentation and gender seems to closely tied together. This research uses body image to get a better understanding on the motivations of working out and to see in what ways this influence the reproduction of gender boundaries. In this study, I am primarily focusing on the social category gender. However, the ways people reproduce gender boundaries intersects with other socially constructed categories like race, class and nationality. Further research on how these
categories intersect might help to develop an even better understanding.
.3 Societal relevance
Although seemingly accessible for all, gyms are not necessarily the most inclusive spaces. Different places of the gym are coded either feminine or masculine, supposedly in line with gendered physique goals (Johansson, 1997, Coen, Davidson, Rosenberg, 2019). Johansson & Andreasson, 2018). Pridgeon & Grogan (2012) note that perceptions of the gym as a masculine environment might be a deterrent
to participate in exercise regularly for people who do not meet those masculine norms. Research shows that even some cis-gender men and elite women bodybuilders experience weightlifting spaces as hyper-masculinised (Johnston, 1996, Brace-Govan, 2018). This shows that even people who are supposed to know their way in the gym very well, such as elite women bodybuilders and people who supposedly fit in to these masculine norms the best, such as cis-gender men are also negatively influenced by the hyper-masculinity of weightlifting spaces.
Working out, bodily representation and gender seem to be closely tied together. This becomes clear in the rigid body ideals that exists for both men and women. According to Crawley, Foley and Shehan (2008), the ways in which society’s body ideals are gendered reflect society’s expectations for gendered behaviours and practices. Gender is often portrayed as binary in ways that can be damaging for health (Connell, 2012, Johnson & Repta, 2012, Courtenay, 2000) and the gym is a place where these gendered behaviour and practices become very visible. It is argued by several feminist health geographers and other scholars (see Dyck, 2003, Lyons, 2009, Connell, 2012) that ‘’doing gender’’ and ‘’doing health’’ are ‘’one in the same that health-related behaviours are invariably expressions of masculinity and femininity.’’ (Coen, Davidson, Rosenberg, 2018, p. 3,). This means that dominant ideas of masculinity and femininity lead to certain health related-behaviour. Dominant masculine ideals, like self-sufficiency, encourage to adopt health-damaging behaviour, such as excessive drinking, whereas dominant feminine ideas, such as care-taking, are tied to
health-promoting ideas (Johnson & Repta, 2012, Coen, Davidson, Rosenberg, 2018). Because of the potential negative influence of seeing gender of binary and the dominant ideas of masculinity and femininity that come with seeing gender as binary, it is important to understand the processes that maintain this binary way of thinking. Seeing how RSC members
1.4 Scientific relevance
This research draws on the work of Coen, Davidson & Rosenberg in exploring how the gym users (re)produce gender. There is already a variety of research on how people ‘’do’’ gender in everyday life, through seemingly ordinary acts (Butler, 1990, Nayak & Kehily, 2006). There is also some research on how gender is reproduced by working out (Coen, Davidson, Rosenberg, 2018, 2020). However, there is little research done on this subject in Dutch context: national context on this topic is relevant because it might differ per national context to what might be seen as ‘’good’’ feminine or masculine behaviour. In other words: the national context might influence how people are used to acting out their gender and therefore how they maintain or break gender boundaries. This scientific relevance of this study lies in broadening the understanding on how gender is reproduced and more specifically how working
out and the perception of the ideal body intertwine in how people enact or break gender boundaries.
1.5 Research framework
Stage 1: This thesis starts with a literature study. This means that the major themes of this research will be discussed which are gender and body ideals.
Stage 2: After the literature study, I will formulate interviews questions to interview members of the RSC, interview them (via Skype) and transcribe these interviews. More information can be found in the methodology chapter.
Stage 3: After transcribing the interviews, I will analyze them, with help of my theoretical framework. This will help me to formulate my answers to the sub questions. More information on analyzing the interviews can be found in the methodology chapter.
Stage 4: In the last stage of my thesis, I will write the conclusions and offer suggestions for further research. I possible, I will also offer some suggestions for the RSC.
1.5 Research questions
This research tries to answer how RSC members enact gender boundaries through working out at the RSC.
Two sub questions are formulated: * What are current body ideals? * How is gender reproduced?
Chapter 2: Theoretical framework
2.1 GenderThis thesis works from the understanding that gender is constructed. With Johnson & Repta (2012), I see gender as a ‘’multidimensional construct that refers to the different roles,
responsibilities, limitations, and experiences provided to individuals based on their presented sex/gender’’ (p. 20). Gender is another way to give meaning to sex differences: it places people in categories like women, men or transsexual (Johnson & Repta, 2012). This giving meaning is socially constructed, because the labels are both created and assigned by people to the individual (Johnson & Repta, 2012).
2.1.1 Gender identity
The concept of gender identity is used to better understand how people view themselves with respect to gender. Gender identity relates to physical embodiment and is in that similar to other social identities. Through a person’s relative location within their social environment and how someone is judged by others, gender identity is mediated. Ultimately, it is a reflection of how people view themselves regarding to gender. One’s gender identity develops within a gendered society, which means that there is often a lot of pressure to adopt the ‘’correct’’ gender according to the way one’s sex present is strong. (Johnston & Repta, 2012). When defying the gender order, often consequences exist. Having a unclear gender presentation can result in violence, discrimination and even death (Whittle, 2006). I will elaborate more on this topic when talking about gender as performative.
2.1.2 Gender performativity
To understand how the gym fosters gendered ideas about the body and about working out, I am using Judith Butler theory of performativity, which states that people do their gender instead of are their gender. This means that the ways RSC members act is heavily influenced by what society is expecting according to gender. It also helps to understand how RSC members might reproduce these ideas by acting out these expectations.
To perform one’s gender means that this thesis works from the understand gender is not a given category, but rather a performance. Thus, one has to act a certain way to give meaning to gender. With Judith Butler’s development of a paradigm of performativity, we are taken beyond the territory of identity as secured. Butler’s development of this paradigm means a more critical and radical approach to identity approaches, where the ontological status of identity itself has been challenged (Nayak & Kehily, 2006). Thus, what is seen as identity is itself a made (up) thing. Butler stresses the impossibility of sexed identities and recognises that “gender norms are finally phantasmic,
impossible to embody” (Butler, 1990, p. 141). The impossibility of sexed identities means that there is no such thing as a sexed identity, because obviously knowable sex categories ‘male’ or ‘female’ “are themselves fundamentally unstable discursive productions that in effect serve to make masculinity and femininity intelligible” (Nayak & Kehily, 2006, p. 460). In other words: what we know as male or female are productions of our everyday doings that themselves make the concepts of masculinity and femininity possible. This means when you imagine the act of a girl putting on lipstick, rather than to attach this action to a knowable female subject, Butler describes such an activity as ‘’girling’’, through which the ‘’subject’’ is only made knowable via action (Nayak & Kehily, 2006). According to Butler, it’s not the doer behind the deed, but the doer that is constructed in and through the deed (Butler, 1990). Butler herself states about this: ‘’There is no gender identity behind the expressions of gender; that identity is performatively constituted by the very ‘’expressions’’ that are said to be results’’ (Butler, 1990, p. 25). In other words: we don’t act a certain way because of our gender, but the way we act constructs what we see as a (fixed) gender (trait). Butler sees the inner truth of gender as a
fabrication, something that is instituted and inscribed on the surface of bodies, which means that genders are produced as the truth effect of a discourse of primary and stable identity (Butler, 1990). According to Butler, we need to comprehend how the discursive and the material are embodied in every life, to better understand how social processes are made to appear ‘’as real’’. (1990, Nayak & Kehily, 2006). To understand this, Butler uses Foucault’s insight that everything is constituted in discursive capillaries, even the human body, which is often seem as the most ‘’natural’’ of beings. For Butler, the way we style our bodies is not simple an adjustment to the current gender order (culture) or a matter of sex (nature), but the way we style our body is one of techniques through which we ‘’do’’, enact and perform gender (1990). Performative theories of gender propose that people seek to portray socially desirable, (fe)male appropriate image (Butler, 1990). For example, a women who is opiniated is often considered ‘’bitchy’’ whereas men don’t face this since they have more space to be opiniated due to society expectations of men to naturally lead.
However, Butler was not the first to write we ‘’do’’ our gender. In 1987, West and Zimmerman published their landmark article ‘’Doing Gender’’ (1987). In their article, West and Zimmerman argue that gender is not something we are, but gender is something we do. We have to constantly construct gender in the light of normative conceptions of men and women (Deutsch, 2007). West and
Zimmerman propose that the way people act is influenced by the awareness that they will be judged according to what is considered just feminine or masculine behaviour. Normative conceptions about men and women vary over time and in different social situations or groups, making gender an ongoing aspect of social interaction (Deutsch, 2007).
2.1.3 Institutionalized gender
Institutions such as the media, religion and other political and social systems produce and shape gender. This creates a gender structure that is hardly question, yet very influential. To understand this, I use the concept of institutionalized gender. Institutionalized gender refers to ‘’the ways that gender is rooted in and expressed through these large social systems, through the different responses, values, expectations, roles and responsibilities given to individuals and groups according to gender (Johnson, et. al., 2007, Johnson & Repta, 2012). Institutional gender is helpful to get a better understanding how expressions of gender might appear to be neutral but are constantly reproduced by political and social systems and the expressions that come with those expectations.
2.2. Body ideals
According to Craley et. al., (2008), the ways in which society’s body ideals are gendered reflect society’s expectations for gendered behaviour and practices. This means that current body ideals tell us a lot about what society is expecting from men and women. One of the ways that the body ideals come to us is via the mass media (Agliata & Tantleff-Dunn, 2004). In the gym, this becomes clear in how people shape their bodies often in line with what is expected ‘’just’’ masculine or feminine behaviour. (Agliata & Tantleff-Dunn, 2004). In this section, I will also elaborate what body ideals are and how they are influencing people’s life, which is helpful in developing an understanding on how body ideals influence the construction of gender and with that might influence the construction of gender boundaries.
For women in the Netherlands, the thin ideal is promoted via a wide variety of media (Gray & Ahrens, 2004). Next to this, these body ideals seem to have taken hold of the mainstream media, portraying bodies that are in line with the body ideal. Next to thin ideal, another version of the perfect female body is upcoming: the athletic ideal (Furguson, Brace-Govan & Welsh, 2020). The ‘’athletic ideal’’ is characterized by an extreme emphasis on low body fat, toned abdominal muscles, tin waistlines and well-rounded buttocks. Recently this body type has been popularised by celebrities such as the Kardashians and Beyoncé (Ferguson, et. al., 2020). Thus, the current body ideal for women is quite ambiguous, since it not only emphasizes a slim ideal, but also a well-muscle and strong ideal (Ferguson et. al., 2019). For men, the body ideal is increasingly muscular. They have to both strong and muscular but still lean. (Pope, Oliviardia, Gruber & Borowiecki, 1999, Barlett, Vowels, Saucier, 2008, Hargreaves & Tiggeman, 2009).
It seems that both men and women suffer from being confronted with these images of the perfect body, which often leads to body dissatisfaction. According to Dittmar (2009), body
mental and physical health problems, from disordered eating to depression and low self-esteem. Body dissatisfaction is also linked to the increased use of body-shaping behaviours, like unbalanced diet regimes or cosmetic surgery, with potentially unhealthy consequences. Body image seems to be a core aspect of mental health. (Grabe, Hyde & Lindberg, 2007, Lewis, 1992). One’s body image consists of attitudes, beliefs, feelings, self-perceptions and behaviours related to a person’s body. It is not a fixed property, but constitutes a dynamic relationship between the social environment, the body and the individual. (Calegero & Thomson, 2010).
Although in this research, I am working from the understanding that gender is constructed, in the world we are living in we are still dealing with the consequences of the ways gender is
constructed. According to Calegero & Thomson (2010), there are three distinct ways of viewing the body that clearly illustrate differences between how male-identifying and female-identifying people see their body. These three ways are (1) Fragmented vs. Functional, (2) Third Person vs. First Person, (3) Overestimate vs. Underestimate. (1) Men tend to talk about their bodies about a functional entity, whereas women talk about their bodies as a collection of distinct and different parts. This suggests that women tend to view their bodies more compartmentalized, whereas men view their bodies as more functional and holistic (MicKinley & Hyde, 1996). (2) Research suggest that men do not take an external observational standpoint on their bodies as much as women do (Eck, 2003, McKinley & Hyde, 1996, Calegoro & Watson, 2009). (3) In Westernized societies, women seem to overestimate the size of their bodies a lot more than men overestimate the size of their bodies (Betz, Mintz & Speakmon, 1994, Calegero & Thomson 2010).
2.2.4 Boundaries
As discussed previously, gender constructions are influenced by cultural expectations of femininity and masculinity. Through social practices, these expectations are shaped (Krane et al. 2004). Within
specific culture specific meanings are shaped. For example, Krane et al (2004) describe how athletic women are both shaped by being part of a sport culture and a social culture, which prescribe different body ideals. Physically active women face the following paradox: the athletic body stands in stark contrast with the feminine ideal body as seen Western culture as thin (Krane et al., 2004). Related to this is Lamont and Molnar’s (2002) concept of boundaries. Boundaries are, for example, shaped between men and women and between body ideals in sport and in social culture. To categorize people, objects or practices, symbolic boundaries are used. Symbolic boundaries are conceptual distinctions, interpretative strategies and cultural traditions. Conceptual distinctions are made to categorize objects, practices and people. Related to this research, one could think about how people often are categorized in either male or female. Symbolic boundaries thus shape feelings of
community and define group membership, but can also make people feel separated from a group. Categorizations that become more stable and that are manifested in structural differences, construct social boundaries (Lamont & Molnar, 2002). This means that these symbolic and social boundaries can divide men and women and femininity and masculinity (Coakley & Pike, 2014). Between the muscular body that is perceived as masculine and the thin body that is perceived as feminine, there is a
boundary. When these ideals are contested, this means gender boundaries are crossed (Barket-Ruchti, Grahn & Lindgren, 2017, Lamont and Molnar, 2002).
Conceptual model
In the conceptual model I explain how gender, body image and body ideals are intertwined. Gender refers to a ‘’multidimensional construct that refers to different roles, responsibilities, limitations and experiences to individuals based on their presented sex/gender’’ (Johson & Repta, 2012). An outcome of this construct is the way body ideals differ for men and women. Gender is shaped and produced by institutions as the media, by religion and by other political and social systems, as visible in the conceptual model. It also shows how this all happens in the sphere of the gym, which is represented by the circle in which everything happens.
Image 1: Conceptual model
Chapter 3: Methodology
Although I started this research planning to carry out an embodied ethnography, this changed drastically due to COVID-19, a virus causing a pandemic. As of March, the Dutch government has shut down almost all public places which meant that also the Radboud University was closed. Therefore, I had to think about other ways to conduct this research.
Qualitative research & ethnography
This research has a qualitative approach and is an ethnographic work. A qualitative approach is believed to provide a deeper understanding of a social phenomenon than purely quantitative approaches (Pope & Mays, 1999). The research question asks for detailed insights from individuals, which makes a qualitative approach a better fit for this research than a quantitative one (Pope & Mays, 1999). With doing ethnography, it is important to be aware of the subjectivity that may come with this kind of research. Like all researchers, I have my subjectivities (Duneier, 2011). Although ethnographic studies are often criticized for their unsystematic way of conducting fieldwork and collecting and it often using small samples. To say it with Duneier, “ethnographic studies reveal and explain the complexity of human relations in a particular environment”, (p. x) and therefore create situated knowledge (Duneier, 2002).
Qualitative Interviewing
The purpose of the interviews is to explore the experiences, beliefs and motivations of individuals (Stwart, Treasure & Chadwick, 2008). A semi-structured interview consists of several key questions that help to define which areas the interviewer wants to explore, leaving enough room for the interviewer or interviewee to diverge in order to pursue an idea or response in more detail (Pope & Mays, 1999). According to Adams (2015), semi structured-interviews are time-consuming, labor intensive and require interviewer sophistication. However, when you need to gather the independent thoughts of each individual, structured interviews are a good fit (Adams, 2015). This makes semi-structured interviews a good measure to address my research questions.
The interviews I did were via Skype and face-to-face. Due to the measures taken to prevent COVID-19 from spreading it was not possible to meet everyone in person. When I did manage to meet the participant in person, the interview either took place in my student room or in the garden of my student house, a big, quite place where at the time the interviews were conducted no other people were around. When I conducted the interviews in person, I used my mobile phone to record the interviews. While conducting interviews via Skype, I used Skype’s build-in function to record the call. All recording was done with permission of the participants. In the results, all names of the participants
are anonymized. A setback that occurred was that because I had to do some interviews via Skype and due to the 1.5 meters distance that needed to be ensured to stop COVID-19 from spreading when meeting people in real life, some recordings did not work out as well as planned. Concretely this meant that I could use only half the recording of two interviews.
Participants
I employed snowball sampling and self-selection sampling in order to find my participants. Some people also volunteered to be interviewed after they heard about my thesis. Snowball sampling is a convenience sampling method. The existing subjects recruit future participants among their
acquaintances (Naderifar, Goli, Ghaljaie, 2017). Snowball sampling I often seen as method to access people that are hard to access via other ways. Self-selection sampling is used when the researcher wants to allow individuals to choose to take part in the research on their own accord. I found participants by sending a message in several WhatsApp groups with an explanation of my research and the question if anyone was willing to participate. People volunteered to participate in my research after reading this. An advantage of this method is that the people that volunteer to be in the study are likely to be committed to take part in the study and therefore might be willing to provide more insight in the phenomena being studied. Both snowball sampling as well as self-selection sampling do not allow to make generalizations. However, as said before, the purpose of qualitative research is not necessarily to make generalized claims, but to get a deeper understanding of a phenomena (Sharma, 2017). The criteria that I used while finding my participants were that they had to use the Radboud Gym for over a year. That way, I could ensure that they spend a decent amount of time at the RSC. Next to this, they had to be a student of Radboud University, between the age of 20-25 and had to train at least one time per week at the RSC. It so happened to be that all participants were in their Master’s programme, with the exception of one person, who was in the process of finishing his Bachelor’s programme.
Reflexivity
Entering this project, I thought I was quite aware how my own gym experiences, in combination with my interest in gender (studies) and my academic training over the last four years could have shaped my views on gender construction and body ideals. However, while familiarizing myself with the theory, I noticed that there was a lot that I did not know or did never thought about. When doing
ethnographic research, I tried to remain aware of the fact that ‘’truth and facts are socially
constructed, and people build stories around the meaning of facts’’ (Denzin, 1997, xiv). Although my truths and facts might not line up with the people I have interviewed, because I, the researcher and
writer ultimately construct the truths and fact this thesis is. Although I tried to be conscious about the ways I constructed this research, I am the one that chooses what to include and what is left out. While I conducted the interviews, I noticed that some of the male identifying people I interviewed were sometimes what I interpreted as a bit uncomfortable answering my questions. This became clear in the time they took to respond or the ways that did (not) look at me. However, I am also aware that even this is an interpretation and what I experienced as a rather uncomfortable silence, does not necessarily mean an uncomfortable feeling for them. I also noticed myself, while talking to the participants, sometimes lost my role as researcher and felt myself becoming ‘’just another gym member’’, when relating to things that the participants came up with. I do however think this is not necessarily a bad thing, because I noticed that this also helped the participants sometimes elaborate on a subject, probably encouraged by my reaction.
Chapter 4: Analysis
4.1 IntroductionIn this chapter I will analyse the findings of the seven in depth interviews that I did. I found that RSC members reproduce gender in four different ways: by a gendered ways of viewing their body, by embodying a gendered body ideal, by reproducing gendered expectations of working out and through enacted already existing boundaries RSC. In the analysis, the sub questions are used as a format. The first part of the analysis will focus on RSC members and body ideals. After that, the second part will focus on RSC members and the reproduction of gender. At the end of each part there is a short summary which headlines the most important findings and how they relate to the overarching question on how RSC members enact gender boundaries. Throughout this analysis I use terms such as female or male or women or men to redirect to my participants. Since all of the participants identify as cisgender, this felt like the most convenient way to describe them. Consequences of using these terms are discussed in the discussion.
4.1 RSC members & body ideals 4.1.1 Viewing the body (ideal)
In this section I will analyse how participants talk about the existing body ideals and how they view their own body. I will use Calegero & Thomson’s (2010) theory to get a better understanding on the different ways that men and women see their body. I am hereby aware of the fact that this theory employs a rather binary view of gender. However, seeing gender as constructed does also implicated does also mean having to deal with the expectations that come with those constructions.
According to Calegero & Thomson there are three distinct ways of viewing the body that illustrate differences between how men and women see their body, which are: (1) fragmented vs. functional, (2) third person vs. first person, (3) overestimate – underestimate.
Fragmented vs. functional means that men are more likely to talk about their body as a functional entity, whereas women tend to talk about their body as a collection of distinct and different parts, suggesting that women view their body more compartmentalized whereas men view their bodies more functional and holistic. Third person vs. first person means that men are less likely to take an external standpoint on their bodies than women do. Overestimate – underestimate means that women seem to overestimate the size of their body more than men do.
I will now shortly recall the body ideals that I have described in the theory section, which is important because the current body ideals shape participants perceptions about their own body but also about the bodies of other people. Body ideals come to us via different mediums: social media, movies and series we watch and in the world more generally by the people we see around us. We
know that the body ideal for women can be quite ambiguous: they are expected to be thin but on the other hand, they have to be curvy, well-sized and strong (Furgeson et. al., 2019). For men, the current body ideal is lean and muscular (Pope, Oliviardia, Gruber & Borowiecki, 1999, Barlett, Vowels, Saucier, 2008, Hargreaves & Tiggeman, 2009).
(1) I have found that women are more likely to talk about separate body parts than men are. For example, when talking to Peter about the reasons why he workouts he mentions that he likes how weight training strengthens his body as a whole which leads to a lower risk for injuries when he is doing other workouts. Women tend to talk about separate body parts a lot more, mostly while describing which body part they want to work on. For example, participants talk about how they want a bigger butt or a flatter stomach. About this, Lana says: ‘’I do not see the body ideal as a goal for my
body, or maybe, yeah, to some extent I do want a flatter stomach or a more perky butt.’’ Likewise,
Fiona mentions: ‘’I just want a flatter stomach. That’s my only goal. And my butt a bit rounder.’’ These findings confirm Calegero & Thomson’s research on different ways that men and women view their body: women tend to talk about separate body parts than men. From objectification theory, we know that bodies of women are sometimes reduced to their sexual body parts. The 2012 research by Gervais, Vescio, Förster, Maass and Suitner, shows that women’s bodies are often reduced to their sexual parts, when using waist and chest as indicators of sexual parts. This is associated with adverse psychological consequences, like body image concerns. Objectivation theory often states that men objectify and women are being objectified to create and maintain patriarchy. However, as a result of living in a culture where women are objectified by media, other people and themselves it is more plausible that the bias will emerge for both men and women. Objectification theory might help us better understand why female participants are more likely to talk about their bodies as separate parts than men, because they are already used being talked about and looking at their bodies as separate parts.
(2) My findings also suggest that women are more likely to take an external observational standpoint on their body than men. When talking about following an online workout class and seeing the female trainer in that video, Carol says: ’Than I just think, hey, that’s the standard, but it isn’t how I
look and start feeling terrible about myself.’’ Also, Carol mentions that she stopped following certain
female fitness trainers on Instagram because it made her compare those images to her body and made her feel bad about her body. This might also partly be explained by objectivization theory: when you are constantly reduced to parts of your body this might lead to detachment from your body thus viewing your body as if it was not your own.
Objectivation theory might also explain why men are less likely take an observational standpoint and see their bodies in and as separate parts, because they are less confronted with the
world (and themselves) seeing their bodies as parts.
(3) From my own finding it is unclear if female participants are more likely to overestimate the size of their bodies than men. However, female participants tend to describe their body more in terms of ‘fat’ and ‘blubbly’ whereas men tend to stay away from those terms. These terms do suggest that female participants might overestimate their body more than men do. Further research might help to explore this possible relation even more.
4.1.2 Reflecting on the body (ideal)
When asked about how participants perceive current body ideal, descriptions are similar to those found in the existing literature. The ideal body for women is a body with curves, a flat stomach, slim legs and a clear skin. Men are ought to be larger, with more muscles than women. Or as one participant, Lara, describes it: ‘’Tiny women, big men.’’ As said, these body ideals were taken in via series participants watch, people they follow on Instagram and in the world more generally, for example via Instagram. Another way that participants in my research were confronted with the ideal body is via online workout videos. Since I conducted my research during the a pandemic and therefore all gyms were closed in the Netherlands for a duration of three months, none of the participants worked out at the RSC during my research. Female participants followed online workout video’s which often feature slim and lean trainers, something that was also noticed by participants. These workouts often feature slim and lean trainers, which is also noticed by the participants. Lana, while talking about a 20-minute workout she was doing, says: ‘’I was doing a twenty-minute home workout, and while I
was doing it, I saw myself in the mirror. And next to the girl that was showing the workout, I just looked like some blubby hippo and I thought, well, this is not really nice. While I do know that that is not the case. But, yeah, those fitness girls, they’re often super ripped.’’ Both Carol, Lana and Fiona describe
how they feel better when they watch online workouts with trainers who offer more space for mental health in addition to working their physique. Although they do mention that they do not actively strive to achieve the body ideal that is portrayed by these trainers, they do compare themselves to the trainer. As illustrated by the earlier quote, these comparison often led to body image dissatisfaction. My findings show that male participants are less likely to follow online workout videos, except for Mike, who occasionally follows an online workout video. This might partly be explained by the fact that female participants pre-COVID were also more likely to engage in ticket hours, which is also a form of a follow-along workout.
Participants explicitly differ between what they perceive to be the perfect body – that what is portrayed in the world around them as the perfect body and what they want for their own body. They are very reflective of these ideals. For example, when I ask Simon about his ideas of a perfect body, he
begins with telling me that he finds it “too bad that they still exist, because people try to reach that
goal, not so much for themselves, but because the discourse is that that is the ideal.’’ This is something
what is mentioned by other participants: they recognize the discourse that favours the perfect body but they also mention that it is not something that they personally aim for. Initially, participants often state that they are not influenced by this ideal. However, this statement sometimes contradicts with other sayings:
‘’When you’re on the beach, you just feel it when you don’t come a bit close to the body ideal. Not that I am insecure about it, but, yeah, it’s just something that’s always vaguely in your head’’ – Simon
When Carol is talking about body ideals in the TV-series she is watching, she says:
‘’I just take note, but I don’t do that much with it.’’ But when she later on reflects on what is healthy
body for her, she says: ‘’’Well, yeah, that’s kind of dumb, because when I think about a healthy body, I
immediately think about a perfect body. So yeah, I might have a ‘’Netflix picture’’ in my head.’’ By
which she means that although she says that she does not want to achieve what is supposed to be the perfect body as told by the world around us, she does think about characteristics from the ideal body when she thinks about a healthy body. Although participants initially mention how body ideals do not influence them, later they often come back to this statement and agree that they are influenced by it to some extent.
That participants are influenced by ideas about the ideal body to some extent is showing when participants want for their own body: they often mention certain characteristics of the ideal body like a flat stomach or a bigger butt. When talking about what they find attractive, this often exceeds the narrow definition that the ideal body discourse prescribes. For example, when two female participants are talking about the ideal body, they relate this to how their boyfriend looks and both conclude that their boyfriend does not match the characteristics of the existing ideal. This points in the direction that although participants might appreciate certain characteristics from the perfect body, what they think is considered attractive is a lot broader that the quite narrow perfect body discourse. What also is noticeable is a healthy body and what is perceived as the ideal body is often intertwined for participants: what they describe as a healthy body is sometimes very close to what we know as the ideal body for men or women. One participant notes that for her ‘’a healthy body is the ideal body’’ but when she is talking about what she wants to achieve with her training she is mostly talking about characteristics we know from the ideal body. That a healthy body is intertwined with the body ideal as we know it is not something that I have found in the literature, but might be explained by the fact that from a young age we are seeing those body ideals in the world around it and might unintentionally link it to something that is healthy and use as a possible frame of reference.
4.1.3 Embodying a gendered body ideal
My findings show that participants to some extent embody a gendered body ideal. For example, when females participants talk about what they want to achieve with working out, they all mention aspects of the already existing female body ideal:
‘’Maybe a little bit, I don’t know, that my stomach is bit flatter and my butt is a bit rounder, but not like, well, if I exercise enough, than I will get the perfect, ideal body.’’ – Lana.
Not only do they describe aspects of the already existing female body ideal, Lara also notes that she actively tries to become not to muscular: ‘’Men are often more muscular than women, yeah, you don’t
want for muscles to be that visible in women’’. To make sure she does not develop a ‘’too’’ muscular
(manly) body, she has actively searched for information on how to prevent this. In contrary which what one could expect with a lot of reflection on the body ideal, people still pick characteristics that the existing ideal body embodies when talking about what they want to achieve for their own body. Although both male and female participants seem to be aware of a gendered body ideal, they seem to be less aware that they, through working out they confirm to an already existing gender order since they mostly workout according to already expectations of how men or women are likely to exercise. I will elaborate more on this in the next section on gendered expectations of working out.
4.1: Summary
My findings are in line with Calegero & Thomson (2010) that women and men seem to view their bodies differently. Women seem to compartmentalize their bodies more and are more likely to take an observational standpoint. A possible explanation can be found in objectivation theory that states that women are more likely to be reduced to their (sexual) body parts: this might lead to women overall being more likely to see and talk about their bodies as separate parts and to see their bodies as if they were not part of them, which leads to take a more observational standpoint towards their own bodies (Calegero & Thomson, 2010, Gervais, et. al., 2012).
Next to that, there participants seem to be embodying a gendered body ideal, which means that although they are very reflective on body ideals, they still take the current body ideal as a frame of reference for their own body to some extent. This is a gendered ideal: women seem to take
characteristics from the body for women as we know it and men for the body ideal of men as we know it. We can here see that RSC members enact gender boundaries in two ways: by a gendered view of their body and by embodying a gendered body ideal. There is a boundary between the way men tend to view their body and the way women view their body. When participants act out these ways of viewing the body, they enact this boundary and maintain this boundary. Another boundary they re-enact happens when participants embody a gendered body ideal. This way there is little space for a
4.2 How do RSC members (re)produce gender? 4.2.1 Gendered expectations of working out
In this thesis, I have used Johnson., et. al.,’s (2007) concept of institutionalized gender to refer to ‘’the ways that gender is rooted in and expressed through these large social systems, through the different responses, values, expectations, roles and responsibilities that is given to individuals and groups according to gender.’’ Institutionalized gender in the gym is seen in the ways that people embody a gendered body ideal, as made clear in de previous paragraph.
Research suggest that women and men differ in the way they workout. Women are more likely to participate in group exercise than men (Randsdell, Vener & Sell, 2004). In addition to this, research shows that women are often underrepresented in the usage of weights areas (Khoury-Murphy & (Khoury-Murphy, 1992, Brace-Govan, 2004).
This is also supported by my own research findings: male participants are using the free weights section most of the time and occasionally do participate in a course. None of the male participants uses the ticket hours. Contrarily to how male participants workout, female participants are primarily using ticket-hours, with exception of Lana: she works out at the free weight section a lot too. When asked if participants notice a difference in how men and women train at the RSC, it are mostly women who perceive a difference in the way men and women train:
‘’It feels like men train a lot more with weights, working on other stuff. I feel like women do cardio a lot more, and yeah, men seem to be a bit more macho than women.’’ – Lana
Similarly, Lara describes how ticket hours are ‘’just women stuff’’. This is confirmed by the other two female participants, when they are talking about the ticket hours. It is mostly a ‘’female thing’’ and the lessons are described as female. My findings are in line with Randsdell et. al. (2003) and Simson, et. al. in showing that men are less likely to participate in groups lessons than women are. Although male participants do not elaborate on this very much, ticket hours may be as unwelcoming for men as the free weights area feels to female participants. But when men are not participating in group exercise they are missing a potential means of exercise that is not only safe and effective but also motivational and can add variety to their workout (Dolan, 2008, Thomson, 2008) When asked what could be a reason for this difference, Carol answers:
‘’Well, the attention is mostly on your legs, butt and not with much weights, it is mostly just your body weight. And I think that all those men just know that there are going to be only females, so they just don’t go.’’ This relates very clearly to the previous section on embodying a gendered body ideal. The
ticket-hours are coded female places because it are places where there is a major focus on parts of the body that are also represented in the ideal feminine body. This way, gendered ideas about the body and working out are constantly reproduced the gym space.
Not only men are missing benefits from other types of exercise, the same goes for women: when they do not participate in weight training they are missing out on the benefits that weight lifting has on the mental health of both men and women (Walberg, 1989, Salvatore & Marecek, 2010). Salvatore & Maecek (2010) suggest that the reason why women are less likely to lift weight is because the cultural ideal of feminine body discourages women from weightlifting. However, in the case of my participants, another explanation seems to makes more sense: evaluation concerns. Proper usage of for example a squat rack or a bench press would require certain skills. Someone who is just
beginning to exercise would be at higher risk of using equipment improperly, thus triggering
evaluation concerns about competence. Although these issues of apparent competence do pertain to all lifters, my findings are in line with Salvatore & Maecek findings that it are mostly women who are infrequent users of the free weights area and as a result of that show higher concerns about displaying incorrect use of equipment or showing lack of competence. In the next section I will elaborate on the spatial aspect of gendered expectations of working out.
4.2.2 Gender relations: the spatial aspect
In my theory chapter I introduced Lamont & Molnar’s concept of boundaries, which is especially useful to understand how RSC members enact spatial boundaries. Symbolic boundaries are shaped between men and women and are used to categorize people, objects or practices. They shape feelings of community and define group membership, but can also make people feel separated from a group. When categorizations become more stable, these symbolic boundaries become social
boundaries and manifest in in structural differences, where people are divided based on
characteristics we subscribe to a group. Among participants of my study, women seem to be more aware of such a gendered division at the RSC than men are. This not only becomes clear in the fact that women seem to notice a difference in how men and women train at the RSC, but also in how they feel like they are surrounded by mostly men when training at the fitness. In the previous section I have explained how RSC members expect different ways of working out according to gender. In this section I will elaborate on the spatial aspect of gendered expectations of working out.
When asked about men and women’s training and differences between them:
Lana says: ‘’I feel like men train a lot more with weights and more in the basement, where the weight
area is.’’
When asked about how she feels about training in an area with mostly men, she says:
‘’Yes, it really depends on the day. Some days I find it very motivating, than I feel like: fuck you all, I am just going to stand here, I’m just going to train here.’’ But she also mentions how she sometimes
They don’t say it, but you kind of feel it. Mostly when I am going alone, when I am with someone else I don’t mind that much. But when I am working out by myself, I sometimes go workout somewhere else.’’
Fiona describes how she even stopped going to the fitness because she felt so uncomfortable: ‘’I felt it
when I was going to the, the weight area, I just felt so watched, that I just stopped going.’’ basement
Without RSC members consciously contributing to it, some areas are coded more masculine or feminine than others: ticket-hours seem to be more feminine areas whereas the fitness is clearly a coded masculine. Because of these spatial boundaries, women seem to have a harder time accessing the fitness (weight area) than men do. In addition to that, ticket-hours seem to be less accessible for men than for women. Within the fitness area, not only are there more men than women, but men take up more space than women by grunting or producing loud noises while lifting weights. Women participants using the fitness also seem to be at more risk for receiving (unwanted) feedback from other users of the weights area. The consequence of them feeling less comfortable in the fitness area is that they might eventually stop going. In the previous section I have elaborated on why women seem to be less likely to pick up a dumbbell whereas this feels more comfortable for men and have talked about evaluation concerns. My findings indeed are confirm that these evaluation concerns are sometimes reasons why women find it less comfortable to access the fitness area.
Between the ticket-hours that are mostly occupied by women and the weights area which is mostly occupied by men there is a boundary. Most of my research participants are women that are aware of this boundary, whereas the men I interviewed did not seem to be aware as much as women that such a boundary exists: when asked about differences between the training of men and women they often come up with sayings such as ‘’Well, everyone trains differently’’.
4.2: Summary
There seems to be not only a difference in the way that participants train. This not only becomes visible in the actual ways that people train but also when talking about the expectations about working out. For men, there seems to be a barrier to participate in group exercise, whereas for women there is a very clear barrier in participating in weight-related exercise. This is in line with already existing literature on this subject. The reasons why men are less likely to participate in groups lessons remain unclear, but might have to do with the emphasis on parts of the body that mostly women seem to want to work on. Here, the gendered body ideal again shows itself. The reason why women are less likely to train with weights might have to do with evaluation concerns: the fear of being judged or evaluated when participating in the weights area. Some areas in the gym seems to be coded more feminine, such as the places where groups exercise takes place, whereas other areas are
coded clearly masculine, such as the free weights area.
Between the masculine coded free weights area and the groups exercise seems to be boundary which is hard to break for both men and women. However, it seems that women are the ones predominantly carrying the negative consequences of this boundary. Along with Salvatore & Maecek (2010) research my findings affirm that there seems to be a self-perpetuating cycle: Women are avoiding weight areas of the gym because they are coded masculine. Then, the absence or underrepresentation of women reaffirms the gender coding of these spaces and sustains this behaviour. Further research has to be carried out to see if such patterns also appear in other gyms.
Chapter 5: Conclusion
Ideally, both men and women would be comfortable being in the gym and participating in all kinds of exercise. However, this research shows that this is not the case (yet). In this research, I have looked at how gym users enact gender boundaries through working out at the RSC. This study shows that RSC members enact gender boundaries in four ways:
Firstly, they seem to view their bodies through a gender lens. This means that men and women are looking at their bodies at different ways, in line with Calegero & Thomson (2010)’s findings. Secondly, they embody a gendered body ideal. They strive for characteristics that would are in line with what society expects of their gender, as also suggested by Crawley, Foley and Shehan who pose that the ways society’s body ideals are gendered reflect society’s expectations for gendered behavior and practices. Thirdly, they have gendered expectations of working out: men and women seem to work out differently, in line with with Salvatore & Maecek (2010)’s findings. While working out, the body becomes one of the techniques through people enact and perform gender and thus enact gender boundaries. Lastly, by coding some places in the gym masculine whereas other places in the gym are coded more feminine, creating a barrier for people to access these places, which is also supported by Salvatore & Maecek (2010)’s findings.
My findings are also in line with those of Coen, Davison & Rosenberg (2018). They describe three socio-spatial processes implicated in the gendering of physical activity: embodying gender ideals, policing gender performance and spatializing gender relations. When women are mostly using ticket-hours and men are the primary user of the fitness, it to the already existing gender order where men expected to be overly muscular and women are expected to be slim and lean. Coen, Rosenberg & Davison (2018) also mention how both men and women experience limitations on their gym
participation due to the gendered social context of the gym. In my findings, it are mostly women who perceive the RSC to be gendered and who bear the negative consequences from this boundary. In the theoretical section, I have elaborated on how gender is reproduced. Further research needs to be done if and how these patterns also appear in other gyms.
Overall, these findings are in line with what Butler (1990) already suggested: that there is not such a thing as a rigid gender identity behind the expression of gender, but that this identity is constantly constituted by expressions, like they way RSC members workout or view their body, that are said to be results.
Chapter 6: Discussion
For this research I have interviewed seven RSC members on how they work out, to see the ways they reproduce gender. Since I have used the same format in the questions for all participants, repetition of these interviews would likely result in similar outcomes.
However, it is worth mentioning that my participants form a quite specific sample. The people that I interviewed are all in the process of finishing their Master’s programme at the University. Because of the fact that the RSC is mostly used by university students, this might create a specific environment. When this research would have been conducted at a ‘’regular’’ gym, this could have led to others findings that the ones that I have noticed at RSC. In a ‘’regular’’ gym might broaden the social-economic context of participants and this might lead to different results.
It is also worth mentioning that there were more female participants than male. Although I would really appreciated it to have more interviewed more men, this was not possible due to the timeframe and the difficulties that COVID-19 brought.
Further research should include non-binary and trans people to see how that might influence my findings. Because I only interviewed cisgender people this research might be at risk of reproducing binary gender ideas. Further research should give a voice to people that might not confirm to these gender norms.
Although the RSC aims to be a welcoming gym for everyone, the findings of this research suggests that it might not be as inclusive as it should be. It might be worthwhile to conduct a more quantitative study in researching the perceived accessibility of different areas of the RSC. This will help to get a better understanding in how generalisable the answers of female participants are. Both quantitative and qualitative research will help to understand how broadly these perceptions are spread and might help in formulating interventions that will make the gym a more inclusive place where everyone has access.
