A St u d y of Farmers* Pra c t i c e s and G o v e r n m e n t P o l i c i e s in Two V i l l a ge s in N o r th ea st er n T h a i la nd
J o na t h a n D. Rigg
A thesis submitted for the degree of D o c t o r of P h i l o s o p h y
The School of O r i e n t a l & African S t u d i e s The U n i v e r s i ty of London
J a n u a r y 1985
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marginal rain-fed e n v i r o n m e nt such as that of the N o r t h e a s t R e gi o n of Thailand presents special p r o blems for the i nt en si f i c a t i o n of production, and that g o v e r n m e n t p ol i c i e s should take a cc o u n t of these problems.
The thesis is based on fieldwork c o n d uc te d in ctwo v il l a g e s in the p r o v i n c e of Mahasarakham, N o r t h e a s t e r n Thailand, during the period S e p t e m b e r 1982 to J u ne 1983.
The villages we r e both farming c o m m u n i t i e s in which h o u s e h o l d s grew rain-fed w e t -rice to m e e t their s u b s i stence requirements, and u pland cash crops (principally cassava) to s u p p lement their income. A d et a i l e d que s t i o n n a i r e w a s conducted among a p p r o x i m a t e l y a fifth of the population.
The w o r k involves an ana l y s i s of f a r m e r s 1 p r a c tices vis a vis rice and u pland cropping and c on tr as ts them with the g ov er n m e n t recommendations. There w e re s ig ni fi c a n t d is pa ri t i e s be t w e e n the two and these have been explained from the p e r s pe c t i v e of the farmer, ra t h e r than that of the e x t e nsion office. The outcome is that many g o v e rnment initiatives are shown to be less than r e l e v a n t to the p o s ition in wh i c h the farmer finds himself.
This fact - that the govern m e n t r ec om m e n d a t i o n s are often i r r e levant to the inhabitants - is then e x p anded upon to reveal some of the problems of intensifying a gr i c u l t u r a l p r o d u c t i o n in a marginal e n v i r o n m e n t where the risks are great. The strategy that the farmers adopted a p p ea re d to c o nsist of two contrasting, although not contradictory,- elements: firstly, a g reat specificity of response to varying edaphic and topographic conditions;
and secondly, an e mp h a s i s on flexibility of response to the variable climate. Both elements combine to stabilise p ro d u c t i o n or minimise risk.
The resulting limited oppo r t u n i t i e s for investment in a gr i c u l t u r e forced farmers to look for a large proportion of their cash income outside rice and up l a n d crop cultivation. Th i s was a c c e n tuated by the e v e r - i n c re as in g pressure on farmers to have a greater d i s p o s a b l e income, and e m p h a s i s es the importance of d iv er si fy in g the farm e c onomy and p r e s e n t i n g farmers with o p p o r t u n i t i e s outside a g r i c u l t u r e .
List of Tables^ Maps/ Figures/ Graphs and Append i c e s
A c k no w l e d g e m e n t s
G l o ssary of Thai Terms C onversion Table
Abbr e v i a t i o n s
C ha p t e r One C h a p t e r Two
Introduction/ Theory and Aims 'The Nor t h e a s t Problem'
C ha p t e r Three The K horat R egion and the
Pro v i n c e of Mahasarakham: T h e i r Physical C haracteristics
C ha p t e r Four The Villages of Baan Noon Tae and Baan Tha Song Korn
Section I
C h a p t e r Five
C h a p t e r Six
The Strategy of Cultivation in the Study Villages
Rice C u l t i vation in Noon Tae and Tha Song Korn
Upland Crop Cultivation in No o n Tae and Tha Song Korn
C h a p t e r Seven Cooperative Member s h i p in No o n Tae and Tha Song Korn
S e ction II Alternative Strategies
C h a p t e r Eight A lternative Sources of Income C h a p t e r Nine An Alternative D e velopment
Project: 'CBIRD'
C h a p t e r Ten Sy n t h e s i s
Page 5
16 17 18 19
22 62 121
155
201
280
344
385 413
456
App e n d i c e s B i b liography
476 493
List of Tables
Chapter Two
2.1 Population, Land Area and Gross R e g i o n a l Pr o d u c t of Thailand, by Region.
2.2 Land use in the N o r t h e a s t (1980).
2.3 P o p u l a t i o n and Contreceptive Use in T ha i l a n d and the N o r t he a s t e r n Reion.
2.4 Land H o l dings by Tenure and by Region.
2.5 Forested Area of Thailand as P e r c entage of Total Land Area.
2.6 D i st ri b u t i o n of the Poor Population, by R e gion and by Area, 1962/3 & 1975/6 (% of total po o r
p o p u l a t i o n ).
2.7 L evels of M a ln ut r i t i o n in Thailand.
2.8 Change in the N or t h e a s t e r n R e g i o n ’s share of the G ross D o m estic Product: 1960-1969.
2.9 T ambon D e v e l o p m e n t Programme Funding, pe r Capita, by Region.
2.10 E s t imates of W a t e r Storage Potential and Irrigable Land in the Northeast.
2.11 Average R a t e s of F er t i l i s e r A ppl i c a t i o n and Yields in T h ailand and O t h e r Selected Asian Countries.
2.12 Area Planted to Kenaf in the Northeast: 1950-1980.
2.13 E x ports and Imports of Jute and Kenaf:
1975-1980.
2.14 Area Planted and Pro d u c t i o n of C a ssava in the N o r t h e a s t e r n Region.
2.15 Kenaf: F i v e - y e a r M oving Average, 1962-1971 ( Northeastern Region).
2.16 Importance of V a r i o u s Upland C rops in the
N o r t h e a s t Re g i o n of Thailand (crop y e a r 1980/1981).
2.17 Interest Rates on Agricultural Cr e d i t in the Northeast: Formal and Informal Sources.
(List of tables con't) Ch ap te r Three
3.1 Maximum, M i ni mu m and Standard dev i a t i o n of M o nthly R a i nfall in Mahasarakham, 1971-1982.
3.2 Possible R a infed Farming Periods Based on Effective Rainfall: Changwat Mahasarakham.
3.3 La n d Sui t a b i l i t y and Land Use in the Northeast.
3.4 The Ex t e n t of E r osion in the N o r t h e as t and in M a h a s a ra kh a m Province.
3.5 The Soils of Mahasarakham.
3.6a C h a r a c t e r i s t i c s of the Soil Series in the Vi c i n it y of Baan Noon Tae and Baan Tha Song Korn.
3.6b Soil Analysis: Cha n g w a t Mahasarakham.
3.7 Influence of Soil Organic Mat t e r on Soil Properties.
Ch a p t e r Four
4.1 Soil A n al y s i s of three Progressions from R i c el an d to Upland.
4.2 Soil Analysis: Particle Distribution.
4.3 Baan Noon Tae & Tha Song Korn: Land Holdings.
4.4 C e r t if ic at es of Land Ownership.
4.5 Land A cq u i s i t i o n and Own e r s h i p in N o o n Tae and Tha Song Korn.
4.6 Rice Pro d u c t i o n and Rice Consumption.
4.7 Rice V ar i e t i e s Cultiv a t e d in Noon Tae &
Tha Song Korn.
4.8 L i v e s to c k O wned by those Interviewed.
Ch apter Five
5.1 Pr o b l e m s Encountered, by Rice Plot.
5.2 D i s t ri bu ti on of Rice Seed by the K a se t Amphoe (1982).
(List of tables con't)
5.3 Rice V a ri e t i e s Cultivated, by R i c e l a n d Type.
5.4 C ha r a c t e r i s t i c s of the Rice Var i e t i e s C u l t ivated in Noon Tae & Tha Song Korn.
5.5 Fert i l i s e r s Purchased, by Source.
5.6 C h e mical Fertilisers: D e tails of Sources.
5.7 D i f f u si o n of Information: F ertiliser Use.
5.8 C o m p ar is o n of Those Farmers Who A pp li e d no Fer t i l i s e r s in 1982/83 with the Sample Mean.
5.9 C or re la t i o n of the Intensity of F e r t i l i s e r Use wi t h V a ri ou s Socio-Ec o n o m i c Variables.
5.10 Costs of F er t i l i s e r Use on Varying A r e a s of Ric e l a n d
5.11 Pla n t e d and H a r v e s t e d area of Rice, by Pa d i l a n d Type.
5.12 H ar v e s t e d area, Yield, Standard D e v i a t i o n of Y i e ld and Fer t i l i s e r Use, by Riceland Type.
5.13 C or r e l a t i o n of Y i e l d and Fertiliser Use, by Land Type.
5.14 R e a s o ns Gi v e n by Farmers for Applying Little or No Fertilisers.
5.15 P e s t i c i d e s Used by Farmers in Baan N o o n Tae and Baan Tha Song Korn.
5.16 C o r r e l a t i o n of Pesticide Use with V a r i o u s S oc io -e c o n o m i c Variables.
5.17 Re a s o n s Gi v e n for Using No, or No More, Pesticides.
5.18 L ab o u r Use, by Household.
5.19 C or r e l a t i o n of L a b o u r Use with V a r i o u s Socio- Economic Variables.
5.20 C o m p a r i s o n of those Farmers who used Long Khaek to M e et their L a b o u r Demands with the Mean
for the Sample.
5.21 The Marketing of Rice in Noon Tae and Tha Song Korn.
(List of tables con't)
5.22 C o mp a r i s o n of the Farmers who Sold G l u t in ou s Rice with those who Sold N on -G lu t i n o u s Rice.
5.23 Rice: Ma r k e t i n g Channels and Prices Paid.
C ha pt e r Six
6.1 Up l a n d Cro p p i n g in N o o n Tae and Tha Song Korn.
6.2 The Area P l anted to Ke n a f and Cassava: 1975 &
1980.
6.3 The Rel a t i v e Who l e s a l e Prices of K e n a f and Tapioca: 1968-1982.
6.4 Average G ross R e t u r n s per rai on Cassava and Kenaf: 1967/68 - 1980/81.
6.5 F ield Cr o p s Cul t i v a t e d in Amphoe Muang Mahasarakham: 1981/82 Season.
6.6 C o mp ar is on of those Farmers who Gr e w Ke n a f or J u t e and those who C ultivated Cassava.
6.7 Seeds Available to Farmers from the Upland Crop S tation.
6.8 The Identif i c a t i o n of Upland Crop V a r ie ti es by the Farmers.
6.9 Land Use Problems Facing Farmers C u l t i v a t i n g U p l a n d Crops.
6.10 C o m p a r i s o n of those Farmers who C u l t i v a t e d
U p land C r o p s and Used Manure an d / o r F e r t i lisers with those who did not.
6.11 Type of L ab ou r Use on Upland Crops.
6.12 L a b o u r Use on Upland Crops.
6.13 C o r r e l a t i o n of L a b o u r Use with V a r i ou s Socio- Economic Variables.
6.14 C o m p a r i s o n of those Farmers who Sold their Cassava 'Green* with those who H a r v e s t e d the Crop.
6.15 C o m p a r i s o n Data for Upland Crop Yields.
6.16 Costs; R e t u r n s and Profits from Upl a n d Cash C r o p s (per rai).
(List of T ables con't)
6.17 The M ar k e t i n g of Upland Crops in Baan No o n Tae
& Baan Tha Song Korn.
6.18 Buying of 'Green* Cassava.
6.19 Breakdown of Costs and Profits Incurred by a M id d l e ma n in the M a r keting of C h ipped and D r i e d Cassava.
Cha p t e r Seven
7.1 Cooperative Membership.
7.2 Ser v i c e s E x t ended to Cooperative G r o u p s 17 &
18: 1982/83 Season (per member).
7.3 Com p a r i s o n of Cooperative Members and N o n - M e m b e r s 7.4 Cre d i t Extension to Cooperative Members.
7.5 R e a s on s Gi v e n for Failing to Join the C o operative 7.6 Cr e d i t Use in Noon Tae & Tha Song Korn/ by Source 7.7 The BAAC's Loan Structure for Loans to
C l i e n t Farmers.
7.8 C r e d it Extended to BAAC Client Farmers in N o o n Tae and Tha Song Korn.
7.9 S o c i o - E c o n o m i c C h a r a c t e r i s t i c s of BAAC Client Farmers and C ooperative Members with Loans.
7.10 C r e d i t Use among Farmers Earning Less than 10,000 Baht per Year.
7.11a C o mp a r i s o n Between those H o usehoolds wh o have O b t a i n e d C r e d i t Facilties and those who have not.
7 .11b Income D i s t r i b u t i o n among H ouseholds with, and without, Cr e d i t Facilties.
7.12 R e a s o n s G iven Why Farmers Borrowed no Money.
7.13 The Us e s to wh i c h Cr e d i t was put.
7.14 C o m p a r i s o n of A g r i c u l t u r a l Investment and I n s titutional Credit.
7.15 Lo a n s from Informal Creditors.
(List of tables con't) C ha p t e r Eight
8.1 Annual Income of A g r icultural H o u s eholds
in Noon Tae and Tha Song Korn, by S ource (baht).
8.2 S e co n d a r y Agricul t u r a l Income: Livestock.
8.3 C h a r ac t e r i s t i c s of those Households that S o l d Pigs.
8.4 O n - Fa r m N on -A gr ic u l t u r a l Income.
8.5 C h a r a c t e r i s t i cs of those Households with an Income from Craft Production.
8.6 O f f- F a r m Income: Intra-Chagwat.
8.7 C h a r a c t e r i s t ic s of those Households with an O f f - F ar m Intra-Ch a n g w a t Income.
8.8 O f f - F a r m Income: Extra-Changwat.
8.9 C h a r a c t e r i s ti cs of those Households with an O f f - F a r m E x t r a - C h a n g w a t Income.
8.10 C h a r a ct e ri st i cs of those Households who had L o s t an Integral Family Me m b e r to O f f - F a r m Employment.
C h apter Nine
9.1 CBIRD: Budget Breakdown.
9.2 CBIRD: Li s t of Activities.
9.3 CBIRD: Act i v i t i e s and M e m b e r s h i p in Baan N o o n Tae.
9.4 CBIRD M e m b e r s h i p in the Questionnaire Sample.
9.5 C h a r a c t e r i s t i cs of CBIRD M ember Households.
List of Maps
C h apter One
1.1 The N o r t he a s t e r n R e gion of Thailand.
1.2 M a ha sa r ak ha m Province.
C h apter Three
3.1 The N o r t h e a s t e r n Region of Thailand.
- (Land Use: Co y e r Map to Maps 3.2, 3.3 and 3.4).
3.2 Soil Map of Area S u r r o unding Study Villages.
3.3 Land C a p a b i l i t y C l a s s i f i c a t i o n for Rice.
3.4 L a n d C ap a b i l i t y C l a s s i f i c a t i o n for U p l a n d C r o p s
C ha p t e r Four
4.1 M a h a sa r ak ha m Province.
4.2 Ta m b o n Tha Song Korn, Amphoe Muang M a h a s ar ak ha m
List of Figures
Ch a p t e r One
1.1 S c h e m a t i c R e p r e s e n t a t i o n of Some D t e r m i n a n t s of the Farming System.
Cha p t e r Three
3.1 Idealised C r o s s - S e c t i o n of Ri v e r Terraces.
C h apter Four
4.1 Land C a t e g o r i e s and Characteristics.
(List of figures con't).
C ha p t e r Five
5.1 'Base' Rice Conditions.
5.2 The A d o ption of Innovations: The Normal Distribution.
5.3a Base Diagram: Con s t r a i n t s Influencing Rice Cultivation.
5.3b Factors Influencing, and which are I nfluenced by the Choice of which Rice V a riety to Cultivate.
5.3c F a ctors Influencing, and which are I nfluenced by, I ntensity of F e r t i l i s e r Use on Rice.
5.3d F a ctors Influencing, and which are Influe n c e d by, Pesticide Use on Rice.
5.3e F a ctors Influencing, and which are Influe n c e d by, the La b o u r Hired per rai.
N B ; Figures 5.3a - 5.3e are located in a p o c k e t at the end of the thesis.
C h a p t e r Six
6.1 Mar k e t i n g Structure: Cassava.
6.1a F a ctors Influencing which Upland Crop to Cultiva te
6.1b Factors Influencing the Use of F e r t i lisers and Pes t i c i d e s on Upland Crops.
6.1c Factors Influencing the Intensity of (Hired) L a b o u r Use on Kenaf and Cassava.
NB; Figures 6.1a - 6.1c are located in a p o c k e t at the end of the thesis.
Cha p t e r Seven
7.1 C o o p e rative Structure: Baan Noon Tae and Baan Tha Song Korn.
7.2 Flows of Agricul t u r a l Credit.
List of Graphs
Cha p t e r Two
1.1 L i v e bi r th s per 1,000 Population in Tha i l a n d and the N or th ea st er n Region, 1970-1980.
C h apter Three
3.1 Average Mo n t h l y Pre c i p i t a t i o n in Amphoe Muang Mahasarakham, 1952-1975 and Monthly
P r e c i p i t a t i o n in 1982.
C ha p t e r Four
4.1 D i s t r i b u t i o n of Land Holdings, by Size.
C h apter Five
5.1 Rice Yield, by Plot.
C h apter Six
6.1 R e lative Prices, Gr o s s Returns and Area Planted to C a ssava and K enaf 1968-1983.
Ch a p t e r S even
7.1 Income D i s t r i b u t i o n among Households wi t h Formal C r e d i t and W i t h o u t Credit.
Li s t of Appendices
1.1 T r a n s l a t i o n of Questionnaire.
2.1 Ca s h Income per Family per Year, by R e g i o n (1931).
2.2 The A g r i c u l t u r a l Land Re f o r m Office.
5.1 The T r aining V i s i t S y s t e m of Extension.
5.2 E x p l a n a t i o n of F i gures 5.3a - 5.3e and 6.1a - 6.1c.
8.1 R e p l i e s to the Question: 'Would you like to rent any (more) land; if so, for what crop'.
(List of app e n d i c e s con't)
9.1 The Village Ch i c k e n Group.
9.2 The Goose Group.
9.3 The D u c k Group.
9.4 The Rab b i t Group.
9.5 The Economic Stove Group.
9.6 S t y Design.
For my parents
A c k n o w ledgements
There are a number of people who c o n t r ibuted their time, knowledge and hospitality while I was researching and wr i t i n g this thesis. I would like to take this o p portunity to thank them.
Firstly, I a m indebted to Dr H a r v e y Demaine, my supervisor, of the School of Oriental & A f r i c a n Studies who has never failed to offer his advice and assistance.
More than anyone else he has stimulated and nurtured my interest in the N o r t h e a s t e r n region of T h a i l a n d and in the many facets of agr i c u l t u r a l geography. In addition, at SOAS, I w o u l d like to thank Mr P hilip Stott, who often gave advice on the biogeographical a s pects of the thesis, and to Sue Harrop who drew many of the maps and diagrams.
I am al s o very grateful to the School of Ori e n t a l &
Af r i c a n Stu d i e s who gave me an award to c o nduct the study.
I would like to thank the Royal Thai G o v e r n m e n t for all o w i n g me to conduct research in their country and also to the N a t i o n a l R e s e a r c h Council who spent some time tracing elusive documents.
In Bangkok I am particularly grateful to M a r shall and V e l v e t Douglas, together with Jade and Callum, with wh o m I stayed and wh o made my time there continually entertaining.
In Ch a n g w a t M a h a s a r a k h a m I was offered accommo d a t i o n at Srinakharinwirot, and I would like to thank the U n i v e r s i t y a u t h o r i t i e s for being so hospitable.
Especially, I am grateful to Aacaans Ap i s a k Somindra and S o m m o t S o mbuun of the g e o g raphy department; to A a caans T he w e s i n Supwatanaa, Sorakiat Puupatw i b u u n an d Udomchai C h i n r a d i t with w h o m I lived; and also to N i ttaya Kitsalee who helped me conduct the questionnaire. In addition, in Mahasarakham, I would like to thank Bart and Emilie S n ellen wi t h w h o m I spent much time and co n s u m e d many Singhas.
In L o ndon I received an immense a m o u n t of e n c o u r a g e m e n t from Janie and, in the latter stages of writing, from Chris, with both of whom I lived. I am also grateful to Pamela Barrett who offered, without hesitation, to p roof-read the thesis.
Finally, I must extend my sincerest thanks to the inhabitants of Baan No o n Tae and Baan Tha Song Korn who allowed a farang to intrude upon their lives and who ans w e r e d an end l e s s string of stupid q u e stions with c on s t a n t good humour. Anything of value that is contained in the thesis is derived, indirectly, from the comments, views and opinions of these farmers.
G l o s s a r y of Thai Terms
Amphoe D i s t r i c t
Baht U n i t of Thai Currency B h i k k h u s Mo n k s
Bor hok S i x t h ye a r of education Bor kaew K e n a f
Bor krajaaw Jute
Bor Fibre crops
Bor sii F ourth ye a r of education Ch a a w naa Farmers
C h a n g w a t P r o vince
D i n juut E x h a u s t e d soil Parang F o r e i g n e r
K amnan V i llage headman chosen to be head of the commune
K a n o m Sw e e t s
K a s e t Amphoe D i s t r i c t A g ricultural Ext e n s i o n Office K h a a w bao 'Light' rice
K h a a w jaaw N o n - G l u t i n o u s rice K h a a w nak 'Heavy' rice
K h a a w niaw G l u t i n o u s rice
Khaay suan To sell a crop u n h a r vested (green) Kh o n Klaang M i d d l e m a n
K hwaay B uffalo
K l u m G r o u p
K l u m kaseta k o r n F a rmers Association L a m (Chi) R i v e r (Chi)
Long Khaek R e c i p r o c al labour exchange Mae Baan The female head of a h o u s e h o l d
Man Cassava
M a n sampalang Cassava M u u b a a n / B a a n Vi l l a g e
Muu thii sii Vi l l a g e n u mber four (in a tambon) N gaan M e a s u r e m e n t of land (0.25 rai) Phan phuan baan L o c a l or village variety of a crop P h o r Baan Male head of a household
P huan baan Ne ighbour
Phuu yay baan Vi l l a g e headman
Ra i M e a s u r e m e n t of land (0.4 of an acre) S a hakon C o o p e rative
S a hakon muu Pig Cooperative S a n g h a B u d d h i s t monkhood S a n u k ' F u n '
Satanii Phukh Rai Upland Crop Station
S at a a n g U n i t of Thai Currency (100=1 Baht) Tambon C o m m u n e of villages
Tang M e a s u r e m e n t of paddy w e i g h i n g about ten kilograms
T h a m naa Rice farming Thii lum L o w e r riceland Thii naa R i c e l a n d
Thii raap Mi d d l e riceland Thii dorn U p p e r riceland Thii prang I r r igated riceland Thii rai Up l a n d
Thua faak yaaw Y a r d long beans
Wat Temple
Wua Cattle
1 baht =
100 sataang =
1 rai =
1 ngaan =
1 tang =
Con v e r s i o n Table
US$ 0.045 (average banknote dol l a r exchange rate between O c t 1982 &
M arch 1983) 1 baht
1/600 square metres (0.4 acre) 400 square metres (0.25 rai)
20 litres (= 10 kilograms of paddy)
Abbrevi a t i o n s
ALRO A g r i c u l t u r a l Land R e f o r m Office ARD A c c e l e ra te d Rural D e v e l o p m e n t
BAAC Bank for Agri c u l t u r e and Agricul t u r a l Coop e r a t i v e s CBIRD Com m u n i t y Based Integrated Rural
D e v e l o p m e n t Pr o j e c t
CDD C o m m u n i t y D e v e lo p me nt D ep a r t m e n t ISO Inte r n a t i o n a l Su g a r Organis a t i o n MOPH M in i s t r y of Public Health
NESDB N a ti o n a l Economic and Social D e v e l o p m e n t Board
PDA P o p u l a t i o n and C o m m unity D e v e l o p m e n t A s s o c i a t io n
TDP Ta m b o n D e v e l o p m e n t Programme
much more than its analysis. The man who is more than his chemistry, w a lk i n g on the earth, turning his plo u g h p o i n t for a stone, d r o pping his handles to slide ov e r an outcropping, kneeling in the earth to eat his lunch; that man who is more than his elements knows the land that is more than its analysis." [John Steinbeck, 'The G rapes of W r a t h ',1939, p 124]
The N o r t h e a s t e rn Region of Thailand; A M a r g i n a l E nv i r o n m e n t
The N o r t he as t e rn Reg i o n of Thailand (Map 1.1) has, for many years, been c h a racterised as a harsh land lying at the edge of the kingdom both in terms of c o m m unications and in terms of the Thai conciousness [1]. Th i s is clear from early accounts:
"Communications [in the Northeast] are, on the whole, worse than in any other p a r t of the country. D i s t a n ce s w i t h o ut w a t e r in the hot season a l m o st impossible to man and beast, bogs and u n b ridged torrents in the rain, no salas, or rest houses, along the trails, dacoity not yet put down, and the least possible rec o g n i t i o n of the importance of e n c o u r a g i n g trade: such are some of the causes of the lethargy of the people - attributable, first of all, as I think, to the nature of the country, and secondly to the i ncompetence and lack of interest of the official class" (W a r r i n g t o n - sm yt h, 1896; quoted in D o n n e r ,1979,p 631).
"It is certainly no surprising fact that u nder such unfavou r a b l e circumstances the inhabitants [of the Northeast] are poor and backward compared w i t h the Siamese of L o w e r Siam"
(Carter, 1904, p 54).
"A p o p u l a t i o n of some million and a quarter, Lao, Siamese and Kambodian, about 20 people to
the square mile inhabit this inhospitable land, w r e s t i n g from the reluctant soil c r o ps barely
s ufficient to mai n t a i n an e x i s t e n c e [this region] is one of the most miserable imaginable"
(Graham,1924).
" Communications e x c e p t where the railroad is built and along the river leading through Roi Et to Ubol is [sic] al m o s t totally lacking. (A part of the season this river is navigable a l m o s t to K h o n k a e n ) . " (Zimmerman,1 9 3 1 , p 294).
[1] In the thesis, the N o r t h e a s t e r n region of T h ailand wi l l also be referred to as the 'Khorat plateau', the
'Isan region' or, simply, just the 'Northeast'.
Nongkai
A N a k o r n Sakon N a k o r r i y hanom Udorn Thani
Kalasin K ho n ka en *
■j Roi-et Chaiyaphum
VJbon R atchatan Burtram
Nakorn \
• Ratchasim a S risaket
Surin
100km
NORTHEAST THAILAND
Source; Ng. 1970 p .25
Land over 5 0 0 f t
Changw at M ahasarakham
Map 1.1 The N o rth ea ste rn Region of Thailand
c u l t i vators w i t h little knowledge or c o ntact wi t h the w orld b e yond their villages. This d r a m a t i c a l l y changed with the rapid d e v e lo p m e n t of communi c a t i o n s in the 1950's and 6 0 ' s and led directly to a spread in cash cropping.
F a rmers who p r e v i o u sl y had no means or desire to earn a cash income were p r e s e n t e d with both and b e g a n to turn their u nc ul t i v a t e d upland ov e r to such cr o p s as maize, kenaf and later cassava. However, this r evolution in the cropping pa t t e r n did n o thing to change people's ass e s s m e n t of the region as an area where physical factors impose severe con s t r a i n t s on farming; and to find more detailed r eferences r e g a rding the nature and influence of the e n v i r o n m en t one need look no further than the multitude of d e v e l o p m e nt reports. For example:
"Most of the soils are strongly w e a t h e r e d and leached a l l uvial or sandy soils, low in f ertility and mod e r a t e l y to poorly suitable for cropping. Ma n y areas are suitable only for forest, ot h e r s are be t t e r suited for pasture than for arable farming. The soils are g e n e rally poor in plant nutrients, p a r t i c u l a r l y in nit r o g e n and p h o s p h a t e . . .The rainfall varies from place to place and from year to year. .. in a reas where no irrigation is possible the crop growing p e r i o d is restricted to the wet season.
Even in this p eriod the irregularity of the rainfall c o n s t itutes a great risk to the farmer, r esulting in little w i l l i n g n e s s on their part to spend money on agr i c u l t u r a l inputs, par t i c u l a r l y w h e n p r o f i t margins are small" (IBRD,Nov 1 9 7 4 , pp 11
-
1 2).
U ntil the last decade or so increases in p opulation in N or t h e a s t T h a i l an d have been a c c o m m o d a t e d through an e xp a n s i o n of the area u n d e r cultivation. T hi s means that a l t hough paddy pro d u c t i o n has increased, there has been no
necessity to increase production per unit area and indeed/
yields have d e c r eased as more marginal land has been brought into use. Today however/ the limits of farmland expansion have been reached and the only means by which a gr e a t e r agricul t u r a l population can be supported is through the intensification of land use [1]. Th i s hiatus is in some respects a conceptual one as different changwats/ and different areas of changwats have obviously reached the po i n t of saturation at varying times/ and there are certainly some areas where a modicum of e xpansion is still occurring. Even s o f this idea of a move from an e x p a n s i o n i s t strategy to one of intensification is broadly accurate and is crucial/ as farmers have to change from an approach to cultivation in which the pro d u c t i o n methods are kept wi t h i n the b o u n daries of the env i r o n m e n t to one where the limits of the e n v i r o n m e n t are being pressed upon or ev e n exceeded [2], The consequence of this/ ecologically, is that the system moves from inherent stability wh e r e negative feedback flows tend to maintain an equilibrium, to instability.
The "limits of the environment" though need not be static and modern farming methods are founded on the basis of pushing the margins further and further outwards. For example; irrigation can negate the effects of a variable
[1] An a lternative strategy would, of course, be to d iversify the economic base of the region and to stimulate industrial growth.
[2] An e x ample of the limits being exc e e d e d is o v e r -cropping where the soil nutrient content is gradually depleted until, eventually, it becomes sterile.
or i n s ufficient rainfall; fertilisers can improve the limits set on y ields by the fertility of the soil; and green houses or under- s o i l heating can el i m i n a t e the p r o b l e m of d a n g e rously low temperatures. But/ it is important to realise two points connected with the manipul a t i o n of the limits set by the environment:
firstly; not all locations are equally suited to such inputs and secondly, Liebig's 'Law of the Minimum' always applies [1]. In addition, as a result of the efforts made to overcome the influence of the e n v i r onment (which tend to involve an investment) the economic and the physical risks increase. The economic risks increase because investment increases. The physical risks are amplified because, for example, high yielding varieties of rice are often more suceptible to pest attack and climatic variati o n s , a n d y ields tend to show gre a t e r instability.
Invariably, this change in the level of risk is due to a move from a s ubsistence farming strategy where farmers
"risk minimise" to a commercial one where the objective is the maximis a t i o n of p r ofit (though, in fact there is a spectrum of points between the two extremes). How does all this apply to the Nor t h e a s t e r n region?
The inability of farmers in the N o r t h e a s t to control w a t e r supply is us u a l l y identified as the principal constr a i n t restricting the i ntensification of wet rice production (Ng,1970,p 39). Unfortunately, irrigation which would solve this p r oblem has not, and cannot be,
[1] This states that the constraining factor is the resource in shortest supply.
developed to any degree because the nature of the topography of the p la t e a u (undulating and fragmented) pr e vents the construction, in most areas, of any large-scale schemes. At the present time only 6% of the cultivated land is irrigated (MOAG,1 9 8 1 , tables 84 & 90,pp 153 & 168) while the m a ximum irrigable area is estimated to be only 11.5% (Sanan Chan t k a m , O c t 1 9 8 1 , table l , p 4) leaving the great majority of farmers still operating in rain-fed conditions. The use of high y ie l d i n g varieties of rice, chemical fertilisers and p e s t icides is similarly low: it was e s t i m at ed in 1973 that H YV's were planted ov e r less than 1% of the paddy area of the region
(F r a mi ng ha m, 1 9 8 2 , p 32) - and the figure certainly remains conside r a b l y b elow 10% (12% of nation's riceland is currently planted to 'official release varieties' and the figure for the N o r t h e as t would be far less - US Pre s i d e n t i a l M i s s i o n ,April 1 9 82 ,p 7); w hile the rate of a p p l i c a t i o n of chemical fertilisers recorded in the 1978 agricul t u r a l c ensus ave r a g e d a mere 4.7 kg pe r rai
( N S0 [1 ],n.d.,pp 24 & 86) - one of the lowest rates in all of S o u t h ea st Asia (see: Table 2.11).
The dilemma facing the farmers of the Isan region is therefore clear: they are now presented wi t h the need, w hich is becoming increasingly severe, to intensify their pro d u c t i o n and hence to intensify their p r o d uction techniques. But, the two main avenues by wh i c h this is traditionally done - irrigation and the use of modern farm inputs - are una v a i l a b l e to them in the first case, or remain u nd er ut i l i s e d by them in the second. It is this second question; w h y are farmers loath to use new farm inputs to increase their yields, which is one that will be
investigated in this thesis.
But rice cultivation, although still the mainstay of farming in the region, is not the whole story, for many farmers have turned to growing upland cr o p s in order to p rovide themselves with a cash income. Here the level of investment, in terms of inputs, is conside r a b l y lower even than that on rice and as a consequence of overcropping many areas are e x p e r i e n c i n g severe p r o blems of erosion w hich have, in some cases, led to land being abandoned. It could be that the reasons for the low level of investment m i r r o r those for rice - although it should be remembered that from the farmers s tandpoint the two 'crop types' are fundamentally d i f ferent as one is a cash crop and the o ther a subsistence crop.
Ano t h e r crisis, of a different nature, facing those farmers who cultivate upland crops concerns finding an a lternative to cassava, which is at p r e s e n t easily the m ost important cash crop grown in the region [1]. For 92%
of the cassava grown is e x p orted to the E ur o p e a n Economic C o mm u n i t y (Business R e v i e w , M a r c h 1 9 8 3 , p 61) which in 1981 imposed a quota of increasing severity on the level of imports from T h a iland (Thailand B u s i n e s s , M a y 1 9 8 2 , pp 30-31). This has led to a concerted effort by the Thai g ov e r n m e n t (with aid totalling US$ 35 mil l i o n from the EEC - Financial T i m e s , A u g u s t 7,1984) to encourage farmers to g row other cash crops such as mungbean, soybean, groundnut and sorghum, and to find alternative m a rkets to Europe
[1] In 1980 cassava accounted for a lmost 49% of the area p l anted to "field crops" (MOAC,1 9 8 1 , tables 23 & 8 8 , pp 26 &
160).
and a lternative uses to animal feed [1]. To date these efforts have been singularly unsucessful and despite a fall in the price of the crop the p roduction for 1984 is e s t i mated to be a p p r o x i m a t e l y 20 million tons (Financial T i m e s , 7 A u g u st , 1984), 21% h igher than that of the 1980/81 season ( MOAC,19 8 1 , table 2 3 , pp 26-31).
It may a pp ea r from the preceeding p ages that the ac tions of the farmers of the N o r t h e a st are largely determined by the nature of the e n v i r o n m e n t in that region. Th i s w o u l d inevitably be an e x t r e m e l y one-sided a r g u m e n t for reports c oncerning the a g r ic ul tu re of the Isan plateau have identified a multitude of constraints influencing farmers in their decision m a king [2], Part of the p r o b l e m is that the nature of w e s t e r n - o r i e n t a t e d research reduces what is in fact a single system (the farm
[1] "The Thais are looking to countries like South Korea, Japan, Taiwan, the S o v i e t Union and e v en countries in Africa for fresh outlets. None yet offers an alternative remotely comparable to the EEC. Unlike the EEC some of these countries also subject tapioca and other grains to s i milar tariffs. As tapioca is a car b o h y d r a t e which typically has to be mixed wi t h other grains to create a suitable protein feed there is little incentive to import this commodity rather than others.
A l ternative uses for tapioca offer few grounds for optimism. The m arket for tapioca flour is limited and the cost of conversion into alcohol too high. Mr Sukit (the pre s i d e n t of the Thai T a pioca Trade Association) said r ecently in a local n e w spaper interview 'the problem is,
tapioca really can't be used for anything but animal feed, so if we can't sell it there is little we can do with it'
" (Financial T i m es,Aug 7,1984).
[2] For example: limited labour - Mo e r m a n (1968), Mi z u n o (1978); limited income - C ompletion R ep or t (1980);
cultural c o nstraints - Pendleton (1962), R u b in (1974);
e conomic r e strictions - M u s c a t (1966), J a c o b s (1971);
historical factors - Keyes (1967).
system) into a n umber of independent academic disciplines.
This means that researchers often indentify wh a t appear to be principal m oving forces w i t ho u t looking beyond their p ar t i c u l a r field of study. The need for a mu l t i - d i sc ip li na ry approach to research in the N o r t h ea st er n R e g i on as the best means of ar r i v i n g at a balanced a pp r e c i a t i o n of the various forces at work is noted in the m o st recent detailed a s s es sm en t of Thai a g r i c u l t u r e :
"Multidisciplinary a pproaches and feedback systems will hasten answers to farmers problems.
The team observed that the Thai agricul t u r a l ext e n s i o n and research systems are quite rigidly organised by disciplines. Farmers pro b l e m s cut across discipline lines" (Executive Summar y , U S Pres i d e n t i a l M i ss i o n , 1982; quoted in The Nation R e vi ew ,M ar ch 3 , 19 83 ,p 5).
D e te rm in is t a n a lysis is a p r ob le m that most d i s c i plines have encountered, and will continue to encounter. It pro b a b l y derives from a desire to find a single simple exp l a n a t i o n for any p h e n omenon which will apply w h a te ve r the circumstances. As mo s t phenomena are the product of complex interactions between forces (which may result in cases of e q u i f i n a l i t y ) it is extremely d u bious if this, at least in the social sciences, is ever possible.
In geography, it is p r o bably when the discipline has at t e mp te d to ex p l a i n o c currences w hi c h involve the interaction of man and his enviro n m e n t that the p r oblem has become m o s t tortuous; for it is here that the socio-cultural, economic and physical clash. The d ev el op m e n t of this area of geographic thought illustrates this.
Theory: The D e v e l o p m en t of the Study of Man and his E nv i r o n m e n t
Although g en er a l i s a t i o n s about the d e v e l o p m e n t of W e stern thought are n ecessarily incomplete s i m p l ifications of what really occurred they are o c c asionally useful in de t e r mining the broad path that has been taken (see Gellner, 1964). Th u s D a rwin's 'Origin of Species' pu b lished in 1859/ coming as it does at the end of a succession of wo r k s tending towards the same ends (eg:
M a l t h u s , 1798; Lyell, 1830 & 1832) can be seen to be the cu lmination of a trend which changed the way man viewed himself and the w o r ld ab o u t him. Us i n g a stringent scientific m e thod of ana l y s i s (often termed the hypot h e t i c - d e d u c t i v e method) Darwin's treatise emphasised nature's laws and the role of causality and placed man's e v o lution w ithin the limits of the e n v ir on m e n t ('survival of the fittest') [1]. As S t o ddart has observed:
"Darwin e s ta bl i s h e d a sphere of scientific en quiry free from a priori theological ideas/
and freed natural science from the a r g u m e n t s of natural t h e o l o g y ... by empirical a rg u m e n t and inductive method, [he] thus dismissed teleology
as a live issue in scientific
e x p l a n a t i o n . ..furthermore [he] sealed the acc e p t a n c e of uniformitarianis m and law in s c i e n c e . . .and finally, and in this he was alone, Da r w i n e st ab li s h e d man's place in nature, both in Hux l e y ' s sense and in Haeckel's, and in so doing made man a fit object for scientific study" (Stoddart,Dec 19 6 6 , pp 697-698).
Geography, not s u p r i s m g l y , r ad o p t e d the
hypot h e t i c - d e d u c t i v e m ethod of analysis and e m b raced the D e te rm in is t D ar wi ni an view of struggle and survival.
R a t zel's "Anthropogeography" of 1882 w a s the first
[1] A l t hough it was only later in "The D e s c e n t of Man"
(1871) that D ar w i n really investigated the e v o lution of Homo sapiens (Burrows,1 9 6 8 , p 41).
stressed the ex t e n t to which man lives under nature's laws and regarded culture as being moulded and d e t e rmined by natural conditions [1]. As a product of this general mood of intellectual thought at the turn of the twentieth century a n umber of geographers, esp e c i a l l y in America, took R a t zel's lead and fostered the study of E n v i ronmental D e t er mi ni sm (eg; Ellen Semple, W.M. Davis, Ellsworth Huntington). Hu m a n geo g r a p h y became defined, "as the study of the nature and distribution of the relationships between the geographical enviro n m e n t and human activities and q ua l i t i e s (Huntington & C us hi n g , 1 9 3 4 , p 1). H.H.
Barrows, in 1923, refined this idea slightly and stated that geography was "human ecology". By this he meant that ge o graphy should play a role in which it makes clear the rela t i o n s h i p s e x i sting b e tween man and his natural e n v ir on me nt ( Sc h n o r e ,1961,p 209).
However, envi r o n m e n t a l d e t e r m i n i s m q u i c k l y fell out of favour the trend a r ising in the d iscipline of ant h r o p o l o g y in the early 1900's. Boas, Kroeber, Forde and o thers all o b j ected to the deductive e vo l u t i o n a r y approach and believed that socio-cultural phenomena could only be u n de rs to od in the light of other socio-cultural p h e n omena with e n v i ronmental factors, at best, playing
[1] In his later, and arg u a b l y greater work, the second volume of A n t h r op og eo gr ap hy (1891), R a tzel m o dified his ideas to look not only at the physical influences on man, but also at the historical and s ocio-cultural influences ( H o l t - J e ns en ,1 98 0,p 25).
only a secondary role [1] (Forde,1934;Kroeber,1952 &
1 9 6 9 ; Bo a s , 1896 & 1 9 3 2 ; V a y d a ,1969). V idal de la Blanche was the first geo g r a p h e r [2] to criticise environ m e n t a l d et e r m i n i s m recognising that man's social milieu cannot be set in opposi t i o n to the physical environment, with one d ominating the other (H o l t - J e n s e n , 1 9 8 0 , p 27). As H o l li ng s h e a d recognised, there is a differ e n c e between "an e cological or d e r (which) is p r i m a r i l y rooted in competition" (ie; Darwinian) and, "social org a n i s a t i o n (which) has e v olved out of communication"
(Hollingshead,1940; q u oted in S t e w a r d , 1 9 7 2 , p 122). The result of these objections was the birth of environmental p o s s ib il is m in which there are no n e c e s s i ti es regarding the way the e n v i r on me n t moulds man, only poss i b i l i t i e s (Febvre,1925,p 171),
The F rench h i s t orian Febvre coined the term 'possibilism' in 1922 (F e b v r e ,1925) and European geographers were quick to adopt the approach (Vidal de la Blanche, A l fred Hettner, Je a n Brunhes). However, possibly
[1] Eg; "...social p r a c t ic es of great consequence are relatively indifferent to the physical environment"
(Forde,1934,p 6).
"The p r i nciple of cultural relativism has long been standard a n t h r o p o l o g i c a l doctrine. It holds that any cultural p h e n o m e n o n mu s t be u n d e rstood and e v a luated in terms of the culture of which it forms a part"
( Kroeber,1952,p 6).
[2] A n t h ro p o l o g y and g e o g raphy have had a history of o pposition when it comes to the debate as to what extent the e n v i r o nm en t has an influence on man's development.
However, much of the d ebate has been from afar; as Gr o s s m a n observes, "geography and a n t h r o p o l o g y have many common problems and interests, but effective communication b e tween the p r a c t i o n e r s of the two d i s c i p l i n e s has been hindered by their insularity and traditional disciplinary concerns" (Grossman,March 1 9 7 7, p 126).
the b e s t -known a d v ocate of possibilism/ at least in the E n g l i s h - s p ea k in g wo r l d w a s the American Carl Sauer. He/
along wi t h others/ did not deny the importance of the natural e n v ir on me nt in influencing man's ac t i o n s but emp h a s i s e d that man was not inexorably dragged along any pa r t i c ul ar path. Thus, "the cultural landscape is fashioned from a natural landscape by a culture group.
C u lture is the agent/ the natural area is the medium/ the cultural landscape the result" (Sauer,1 9 6 3 , p 343). S a u er wa s particu l a r l y scornful of e nv ir on me n t a l i s t s who/ as he saw it/ a tt e m p t e d to reduce geography to a mechanistic d iscipline concerned with biophysics and human tropisms:
"Geography un d e r the banner of e n v i r o n m e nt al is m represents a dogma/ the a s s e rtion of a faith that brings rest to a spirit vexed by the riddle of the u n i v e r s e . . .what man does in a area because of tabu or totemism or because of his own will involves use of e nvironment ra t h e r than the active agency of the environment. It would/
therefore, a ppear that e n v i r o n m e n t a l i s m has been shooting n ei t h e r at cause nor at effect, but r ather that it is bagging its own decoys"
(Sauer,1 9 6 3 , pp 348-349).
The d ev e l o p m e n t of geographic thought with regard to the m a n / en vi ro nm en t debate may appear, from the p receeding pages, to have followed an e v olutionary course in which a series of r evolutions have rejected one p a r a d i g m for another. It would be wrong to see the situation as quite this simple (as Kuhn himself would recognise - see K u h n ,1962,ch a p t e r 1 2 , pp 143-158) and it is probably more acc u r a t e to view ge o g r a p h y upto 1970 as a dual (or even multi) p ar ad ig m a t i c d i s c ipline (Harvey & H o l l y , 1 9 81 ,pp 30-33) in wh i c h the d et e r m i n i s m of R a t z e l and the p os si bi l i s m of Vi d a l de la Blanche co- e x i s t e d with both
having its share of disciples [1].
However, during the 1960's and 1970's there was a remarkable change in geographic thought as it turned increasingly towards positivism. The ess e n c e of this change was that the ideographic approach to geography (eg;
in H a r t s h o r n e ' s 'The Na t u r e of Geography*, 1939) which
’emphas i s e d the uniqueness of phenomena was replaced by a n omological approach wh i c h aimed to stress their s i m ilarities through generali s a t i o n s (eg; G h orley &
Ha g g e t t ' s 'Models in Gegraphy', 1967; and Harvey's 'Explanation in Geography', 1969). This so-called l o g i c a l - e m p i r i c i s t approach with its de d u c t i v e - n o m o l o g i c a l model of scientific exp l a n a t i o n and hypot h e t i c - d e d u c t i v e view of scientific thought (Paterson,1 9 8 4 , p 20) gradually became p r e - e m i n e n t and human geography, like economics, b egan to use normative models in which man was assumed to be rational. Thus; "To Harvey, the role of models in scientific investigation was to formalise a theory, using the tools of logic, set theory and mathematics, and to set out a theory's a s s u m p t i o n s and hyp o t h e s e s in a logical framework so as to eliminate any possible inconsistencies"
(Paterson,1 9 8 4 , p 27).
The initial c riticisms of the 'new geography' were,
"directed a g a i n s t its philosophical, m e t h o d o l o g i c a l and t heoretical bases. By its very nature p o s i t i v i s m is concerned with aggregate patterns, with the explan a t i o n
[1] The ideas p r e sented in the first e d i t i o n of Ratzel's 'A n t h r o p o g e o g r a p h y ' were e laborated by such scholars as Huntington, Semple and Davis. Vidal de la Blanche's work m e a n while w a s adopted by geographers such as Sauer.
and p rediction of spatial patterns. In these ventures man is p o r trayed as rational, and his spatial be h a v i o u r as reflections of an organism that follows spatial strategies which maximise some subjective utility function" (Harvey and H o l l y , 1 9 8 1 , p 33). The use of models, laws and methods taken largely from the physical sciences were seen to be i nappropriate to the demands of human geo g r a p h y as they were thought to be of "little value in the e xplanation of real-world human geographical activity" (Bunting & Guelke, S ept 1 9 7 9 , p 4 ). The reasons for this are made clear in G u e lke's paper of 1974 in which he argues for an 'idealist alternative' to positivism.
"The idea that hu m a n geographers o ught to a t tempt to emulate physical scientists in search of theory overlooks the fact that man himself is a theoretical animal whose actions are based on the theoretical u n d erstanding of his situation.
As man's theoretical ideas change, so will his behaviour. Any at t e m p t to describe human be h a v i o u r in theoretical terms seems doomed"
(Guelke,June 1 9 7 4 , p 202).
At around the same time that p o s i t i v i s m was e stabli s h i n g itself as geography's ne w paradigm, geogra p h e r s and a n t h r o p o l o g i s t s began to explore two new concepts: the eco s y s t e m and general systems theory. Both of these av e n u e s of thought follow on from, and are a part pr o d u c t of, the d e t e r m i n i s t / p o s s i b i l i s t / p r o b a b a l i s t debate in which it was finally accepted that a more flexible and c o m prehensive method of examining man's role in nature was needed. But in ad d i t i o n to this there w a s a further stimulus to the rise of the 'system' as a framework for g eograp h i c a l analysis, and that c o n cerned a general d i s s a t i s f a c t i o n with the m anner in which the discipline
had searched for a 'professional identity' (Ackerman/Dec 1963/p 431). A c k e r m a n in his important p a p e r of 1963, 'Where is a Res e a r c h Frontier'/ felt that geography had taken a course which had led it away from the mainstream of scientific thought, leaving it in a w i l d e r n es s of
intellectual independence and isolation:
"In our desire to make our d e c la ra t i o n of independence viable, we neglected to mai n t a i n a view of the ad v a n c i n g front of science as a whole. We a cted as though we did not believe more than the b r o a d e s t generalities ab o u t the u ni v e r s a l i t y of scientific method. In effect we neglected to appraise continuously the most pro f o u n d cur r e n t of change in our time. We neglected an axiom: The course of science as a whole det e r m i n e s the progress of its parts, in their g r ea t e r or lesser degrees" (Ackerman,Dec 1 9 6 3 , p 432).
A c k erman we n t on to argue that the d iscipline should return to the objective of problem solving and the study of human eco l o g y (Ackerman,Dec 1 9 6 3 , pp 434-436). His obs e r v a t i o n s led a num b e r of geog r a p h e r s (eg? Eyre &
J o n e s , 1 9 6 6 , pp 1-29) to reaffirm the be l i e f that the d iscipline should concern itself with, "the mutual relations between man and his natural environment"
(Barrows,1 9 2 3 , p 3) and many of these pointed to the system as the best means by which the division b e tween the human and the physical aspects of geography could be overcome and a wide range of interactions be examined:
"We could suggest that geographical thinking w o u l d profit c o nsiderably from the ado p t i o n of the ecologic rather than the physiographic point of view. The physiographic e l em en t in geography, slopes and microclimate, are truly e nv ir on m e n t a l and are independent of, though influencing, b iological phenomena in general, and man in particular. T h u s they logically constitute a separate and d i s t i n c t physical geography, for, if it be conceded that man is an ess e n t i a l e l e m e n t in geography, then interest
