A.S. de Groot
Master’s Thesis
Archaeology of North-Western Europe Supervisor: dhr. prof. dr. J. Symonds 20-6-2018
Distinguishing German Werra Ware from copies produced in Enkhuizen
The Dutch Werra Ware Problem
Abstract
Werra Ware was a popular product in the late-16th and early-17th century and is found in many parts of
northern Europe, as well as countries surrounding the North Atlantic, and North America. The vessels mainly consist of plates and bowls and were elaborately decorated. Werra Ware was produced in the Werra region in Germany, but from 1602 to 1613 the ceramics were also copied in a workshop owned by the Dutch merchant Dierck Claesz Spiegel in Enkhuizen. The Enkhuizer potters were very good at imitating the German wares. Unfortunately, this means that it is difficult to distinguish between German and Enkhuizer Werra Ware. This study examines the possible ways to solve the so-called ‘Dutch Werra Ware Problem’ through visual inspection and physical analysis. The study concludes that it is possible to distinguish between Werra Ware from Enkhuizen and Germany by observing distinctive vessel shapes, decoration styles and figurative scenes. A review of previously published studies examining chemical and petrographic analyses, has shown that these methods also show real potential for distinguishing between German manufactured wares and Dutch copies. My conclusions include a step-by-step method that can be used by archaeologists when characterizing and sorting ceramics to better determine the production place of Werra Ware style finds. It is hoped that an improved ability to provenance Werra Wares may improve insights into trade and exchange and the circulation of ceramic products in late-16th and early-17th century Europe.
Table of Contents
Introduction ... 1
1. Theoretical Framework ... 3
1.1. Werra Ware ... 3
1.2. The ‘Dutch Werra Ware Problem’ ... 9
1.3. Trade and exchange ... 15
2. Methodology ... 21 3. Visual Inspection ... 23 3.1. Distinguishing potters ... 23 3.2. Vessel shape ... 28 3.3. Decoration styles ... 32 3.4. Figurative scenes ... 37 4. Physical Analysis... 43 4.1. Combined approaches ... 43 4.2. Petrography ... 45 5. Discussion ... 52 Conclusion ... 58 List of figures ... 59 Bibliography ... 63 Appendix I: Werra Ware findspots in the Netherlands
Introduction
This Master’s Thesis examines issues surrounding the identification of Werra Ware pottery. In the late-16th and early-17th century, highly decorated slipware was produced in Germany in an area close to the river
Werra. This so-called Werra Ware became very popular, mainly in coastal towns, and was exported to places around the North Atlantic. The pottery found its way to places in Scandinavia, the Low Countries, Britain and even North America. An almost identical type of pottery was produced for a short period in Enkhuizen in Holland between 1602 and 1613.1 Several authors have stated that it is difficult to distinguish these Dutch
copies from the German exports and this has created problems of attribution for archaeological specialists. So far, no straightforward method has been established to distinguish the highly decorated pottery made in Enkhuizen from the Werra Ware that was produced in Germany. At first glance all the shapes, images and applied techniques seem to be the same. Indeed, the Enkhuizer potters were able to very closely imitate the German earthenware products.2 This has implications for current archaeological research as it is not always
possible to determine whether a Werra Ware sherd was manufactured in Germany or Holland. In the light of this confusion, the main research question for this thesis is;
How can German Werra Ware be distinguished from Dutch ceramic copies produced in Enkhuizen?
To answer this research question, it is necessary to devise sub-questions. Firstly, the different ways in which German Werra Ware might be distinguished from Dutch copies from Enkhuizen must be explored. Although the two types seem to match one another at first glance, it might still be possible to distinguish them by close visual inspection of stylistic elements. Therefore, the following question should be asked: What is the utility of visually inspecting the possible use of different types of vessels, decorative styles, motifs and combinations? Another solution may lie in a petrographic analysis or chemical approach. How useful are these scientific analyses for solving the problem referred to here? Is it possible to find new ways to distinguish between German Werra ware sherds that have been found on sites around the North Atlantic and Dutch copies, perhaps involving a combination of visual and physical tests? The possibility that differences can be detected in German and Dutch products, leads to my final question: What are the implications of an improved ability to distinguish between German Werra Ware and Enkhuizen imitations for the study of trade and exchange and the circulation of ceramic products in early-17th century Europe?
1 Demuth 2015, 348.
The first chapter of this thesis will set out my theoretical framework. After a more detailed description of what Werra Ware is and what it actually looks like, some background information on the production of the German pottery will follow. After this, evidence from the early-17th century pottery production in
Enkhuizen will be introduced, along with a discussion of the so-called ‘Dutch Werra Ware problem’. This section will be followed by an assessment of the current state of knowledge about the distribution of Werra Ware across the North Atlantic. Different find spots and possible trade routes will also be examined. Chapter 2 will set out my research methodology and will outline the types of study and steps necessary to answer the main research question.
The subsequent chapters focus on answering the sub-questions. Chapter 3 deals with visual inspection and is divided into sections about the distinction between potters, vessel shapes, decorative styles and figurative scenes. Chapter 4 is about physical analyses. Composition and texture will first be discussed with reference to a study that investigated the use of scientific methods in the investigation of post-medieval slipwares. In section 4.2 the discussion will focus on the use of petrography, specifically for studying Werra Ware wasters.
The results from the first four chapters will be brought together in the discussion in Chapter 5. All of the sub-questions will subsequently be answered and a practical method for distinguishing the provenance of ceramics will be presented. This method will be applied to test cases of Werra Ware sherds that have been found across Europe. This will support my conclusion that a structured visual inspection of sherds can determine differences between Werra Ware style ceramics produced in Germany, and Holland.
1. Theoretical Framework
1.1.
Werra Ware
Werra Ware was produced in Germany in the late-16th and early-17th century. The following section
examines the known production methods, dating, appearance and function of these wares.
Pottery production increased in villages in the lower Saxon region from the 16th century onwards. Simple
earthenwares and stonewares were already being produced in the region, but in the 16th century highly
decorated earthenwares were added to the output. Both the decorations and the shapes of this new kind of pottery were different from previous ceramic forms. The rivers Weser and Werra played a major role in the region. The decorated ceramics were mainly produced for export. This is why the new earthenwares are called Weser and Werra Ware. In this thesis I have chosen to just focus on Werra Ware. Werra Ware was more elaborately decorated than its counterpart. Important production sites of this type of pottery have been identified in Heiligenstadt, Witzenhausen, Wanfried and Hannoversch Münden (see Figure 1). Production took off during the so-called ‘Weserrenaissance’, a period in which the region witnessed an expression of richness in material culture, art and architecture. The wealth of the citizenship that emerged was based on trade and craftsmanship. The 30-years’ war (1618-1648), however, ended this period of relative prosperity abruptly.3 Trade via the important river Weser came to an almost complete standstill. The
War also led to a decrease in popularity in ceramics coming from central Europe. At the same time, Dutch imports of Chinese porcelain and faience gained in popularity. From 1630 or 1640 onwards, these products became available for the wider public and furnished the needs of the Dutch Golden Age and the emerging Baroque.4
3 Demuth 2015, 340-343. 4 Stephan 2000, 340.
Figure 1 - Map showing a few of the manufacturing sites in Germany (marked by crosses) and key find spots across northern Europe (marked by dots). Possible trade routes are also indicated. After Demuth 2015, 345.
So, what does Werra Ware actually look like? The most common shapes are flat vessel forms, such as shallow bowls and plates. Werra Ware has a red fabric. A white slip layer was applied over the earthenware and that layer was itself covered by a red slip. This resulted in a brown red surface colour. Decoration was then scratched into the surface of the ceramic using the ‘sgraffito’ technique. This technique allowed the white of the white slip layer to become visible in decorations. In earlier periods, the ‘sgraffito’ technique had been used by French and Italian potters. It is highly likely that these earlier sgraffito earthenwares may have inspired the decoration of Werra Wares. White and green paint was also sometimes used to decorate the vessels with floral patterns or geometric shapes. After the pottery had been decorated, it was fired for the first time. This allowed the decoration to be fixed onto the surface. A lead glaze was then applied and the pots were fired for the second time. The whole production process allowed the potter to decorate the vessels in a very detailed way.5 Some vessels have a simple geometric decoration with stripes, dots and meanders,
but these shapes are mostly situated on the outside rim of the plates and bowls. The inner part is often decorated with images of figures or objects (see Figure 2). The range of scenes is enormous and there are a lot of variations, but they all relate back to the same basic designs. Most of the decorations on Werra Ware can be identified as Christian and draw upon allegories and symbolic representations from Bible stories. The scenes or reduced symbols were probably easily recognisable for most people living in the 16th and 17th
century.6 Human figures, animals and floral scenes all appear on Werra Ware. The rich iconography points
out that these were no regular potters. It took real craftsmanship to create these earthenwares. Some of the makers even placed their initials on the pots. Werra Ware pottery also frequently has the year of production painted on. The height of production of Weser and Werra Wares occurred in Germany between c. 1570 and 1630.7
Figure 2 - Werra Ware plate from Hannoversch Münden that dates to 1612. In the collection of the Universität Göttingen. After Lein- weber 1982, 119, 397.
Werra Ware wasters were discovered for the first time in Wanfried in 1896. For this reason Werra Ware was originally called ‘Wanfried Ware’.8 It was believed, until the early 1970s, that Werra Ware was solely
produced in the town of Wanfried, or at least in the direct vicinity of the town. In 1974, however, archaeologists also found wasters of Werra Ware in Groβalmerode, and in 1978 and 1979, workshops were found in Witzenhausen and Hannoversch Münden. Production waste was also discovered in Heiligenstadt in 1976 and 1986. By the mid-1980s it had therefore been established that Werra Ware was an important trade good for the whole of the Werra region.9 The location of the potters workshops was very important. They
had to be within reach of raw materials, and also able to sell on their finished products with ease. They were therefore located close to rivers, which provided transport, and water for the preperation of the clays. Workshops were also located on the outskirts of cities, because of the dangers associated with the firing of pottery kilns, and the public nuisance caused by smoke and fume. The workshops in Witzenhausen were located directly outside the citywalls at an ideal location on either side of the Werra bridge where a creek
6 Stephan 1981, 70. 7 Demuth 2015, 345.
8 Ostkamp, S./S. Venhuis 2009, 15.
flowed into the river. In Münden, workshops were likewise located just in front of the city walls. An important landing site for cargo ships was located next to the workshops in the river Fulda. A workshop has also been found in Wanfried on the southern edge of the city and close by, three potters houses have been identified with the help of archival sources.10 Hans-Georg Stephan has suggested that a considerable number of potters
must also have been working in the North-West Thüringen region. A guild charter from Treffurt dating from 1597 states: “dieses unseres Handwerks sich allhier von Tag zu Tag mehren und dadurch das Gewerbe überbesetzt ist”. This translates as: “The masters of our trade multiply from day to day, causing the business to be overstaffed”.11
Unfortunately, most of the excavations on the production sites in Germany have been relatively small-scale and provisional. They therefore offer only a limited insight into production processes. In Heiligenstadt and Groβalmerode, for example, only a small number of sherds have been discovered. It is therefore difficult to say any more than the fact that production took place at these sites (see Figure 3). The finds have also often only been published in black and white in basic find reports or short articles, with little description of the decorations. In addition to this, a great many finds have yet to be processed and published.12 Despite
these shortfalls, it has been possible to identify some of the individual potters who produced Werra Ware with the help of documentary sources. The masters Hans Möller, Hans Köning, Georg Diemar and Valtin Emmel, for example, were all working as potters in Wanfried between 1586 and 1621. Many potters appear to have migrated to Wanfried from other German towns. Master Hans Feupell, from Heiligenstadt, had his workshop in Witzenhausen. These insights show the remarkable mobility among potters in this region in the early modern period. Despite this fact, all the different production sites appear to share a comparable output.13 The workshop of Hans Feupell was active between 1599 and 1612 on the banks of the Werra, and
pottery waste has been found at this location. Rescue excavations in the 1980s led to the discovery of wasters in a variety of different styles, suggesting that the workshop must have had a structured organization. Multiple potters were probably producing and decorating the vessels. Hans Feupell was the owner of the workshop, but it is likely that he also had apprentices (‘Lehrjungen’) and other trained workers (‘Gesellen’ and ‘Altgesellen’) working there. Quality control is also likely to have been present, because a lot of once-fired wasters have been found among the waste. These vessels must have been identified as being flawed and were thus discarded before the second firing process. It seems as though the potters were very serious about the quality of this high-end type of pottery.14
10 Stephan 1981, 71-73. 11 Stephan 2000, 331. 12 Ostkamp, S./S. Venhuis 2009, 15. 13 Stephan 1981, 73. 14 Demuth 2015, 346.
Figure 3 - Map showing Heiligenstadt in the year 1646. The numbers 1 to 3 indicate the findspots of Werra Ware and number 4 indicates the former location of clay extraction. After Stephan 200, 329.
In the 16th and 17th century, it became popular to use plates and bowls during dining. Table culture
changed and a greater variety of dishes was called for. Werra Ware therefore catered to these needs and mainly took the form of serving dishes. This new diverse table culture was available not only for the most wealthy, but also for the less well-to-do. Decorated plates and bowls were also used for display and often stored on walls or dressers between meals. This fashion indicates that value was also placed on the decorative attributes of Werra Ware.15
Next to their practical and aesthetic functions, however, the pottery also had all kinds of symbolic connotations. It has been suggested, for example, that Werra Ware was often given as a wedding gift. A certain kind of decoration would then refer to the blessing of the marriage.16 The scholar Hans van Gangelen
has stated that it is possible to divide the meaning of the iconographical scenes on Werra Ware into three groups. The first important subject is the lifeforce of nature in general and the human lust for life in particular. The former could be expressed by the use of images of trees, flowers, birds, fish and other animals. The latter, the human lust for life, is for example reflected in hunting scenes. In the second major subject, human virtues and desirable social roles promote the importance of the human socialization process. Here, again, hunting scenes may be used, but this time to suggest the chasing away of sin. An example of this can be found in the scene where a man is shown holding a pike and chasing away a boar. The boar probably stands for greed and intemperance (see Figure 4). On some Werra sherds, scenes depict social roles turned upside down. These images appear to function by using mockery to warn against the consequences of undesirable social
15 Demuth 2015, 352-353. 16 Demuth 2015, 353.
Figure 5 - Sherd from a Werra Ware dish that was found in Hoorn. Because of the numbers written on, it can be dated between 1610 and 1619. After Van Gangelen 2000, 159.
Figure 7 - Bowl with the scene of the crucifixion of Christ dated between1606 and 1617 from the workshop of Caspar Muller in Hannoversch Münden. After van Gangelen 2000, 160.
behaviour. A clear example of this can be found on a plate with the image of a man in women’s clothes, standing next to a cradle that does not hold a baby, but another adult man (see Figure 5). And finally, the third important subject area has a religious nature, referring to biblical themes and the medieval ‘bestiaria’. In this last theme the images often depict early Christian apostles and saints. The scene of The Fall of Adam and Eve frequently occurs on Werra Ware (see Figure 6), but besides a religious meaning that instructs observers to live by God’s commandments, this scene could also be interpreted as a social symbol for the first loving couple, or the primal marriage. There are, however, also more unambiguous religious scenes, such as the crucifixion of Christ (see Figure 7). It may be significant to note that the saints and other religious scenes depicted do not have a Catholic nature, but rather relate to images of the more ‘pure’ religious experience which Protestant Reformational thinkers saw as being exemplary.17
Figure 4 - Werra Ware sherd from the workshop of Caspar Muller in Hannoversch Münden. The sherd is dated to 1611 and is decorated with the iconographical theme of the boar hunt. After Van Gangelen 2000, 158.
Figure 6 - Werra Ware dish with the scene of the Fall of Adam and Eve from 1617 from the workshop of Caspar Muller in Hannoversch Münden. After Van Gangelen 2000, 160.
These three subjects relate to the reformational-humanistic view of around 1600 that saw men as natural, social and religious beings.18 Some figurative scenes on Werra Ware represent the possibility of living
a blissful life, as if in the Garden of Eden, provided that one conforms to the Word of God and the laws of nature. Love, lust, welfare and resilience also frequently appear among the figurative scenes. Overall, the mentality represented by the scenes fits best with the profile of a reformed, marriageable youth between the ages of about 20 and 30, who belonged to a relatively prosperous middle class. This targeted consumer group has a mentality that could be described as having a lust for life and a worldly conviction. This is consistent with the iconography on Werra Ware.19 The elaborate decoration patterns and figurative scenes
on Werra Ware will be discussed further, later in this study.
1.2.
The ‘Dutch Werra Ware Problem’
As was mentioned in the introduction, difficulties have been found in distinguishing between German Werra Ware and a type of imitation pottery that was produced in Enkhuizen, in the Netherlands. This section will explore pottery production in Enkhuizen and will outline what archaeologists have termed the ‘Dutch Werra Ware problem’, in relation to ceramic production in early-17th century Europe.
Archaeological finds and archival sources suggest that the growing export of Werra products and the increasing number of disputes within the industry caused German potters to migrate to adjacent cities and eventually to places further away.20 A source from 1595 from Heiligenstadt indicates that restrictions put on
the production of Werra Ware were actually beneficial, because it caused the pressure on the potters to decrease. Some potters moved and settled in places like Witzenhausen, Wanfried, Groβalmerode and Hannoversch Münden. This caused a spread of knowledge and the possibility to use better clay deposits.21
The production of Werra Ware even moved to another country. When Werra Ware reached a peak in popularity, Dutch potters opened a workshop in Enkhuizen that produced copies of the German wares. The merchant Dierck Claesz Spiegel was the initiator of this venture and his workshop is known to have produced pottery between 1602 and 1613.22 In 1602, the Dutch States General provided Dierck Claesz Spiegel from
Enkhuizen with the privilege to exclusively produce Werra Ware that was marked as ‘Hessens ende Bruynswycx aerdewerck’ for a period of 15 years.23 The creation of the workshop in Enkhuizen is the ultimate
example for the emission strength of the German workshops and the high mobility that was present in the Werra craft.24 Spiegel probably recruited foreign potters. But as early as 1603, Spiegel complained that some
18 van Gangelen 2009, 105. 19 ibidem, 150. 20 Stephan 2000, 328. 21 ibidem, 337. 22 Demuth 2015, 348. 23 Ostkamp, S./S. Venhuis 2009, 50. 24 Stephan 1981, 75.
of the potters had betrayed him and his company by starting production on their own account.25 They had
found a loop hole in the patent given to Spiegel. Because the patent mentioned the use of local clay, some potters started to develop the same product with clay from elsewhere. Eventually, the verdict of the States General was that the patent was not granted to have the exclusive right to use a certain type of clay, but to exclusively produce a certain end-product. The patent was therefore expanded in 1604 and the dispute was settled.26
The city of Enkhuizen was a very suitable place for Spiegel to start his production of Werra Ware as it had a port that was oriented towards the Baltic Sea. In 1572, Enkhuizen became the first town in Holland that abandoned the Spanish and became a Protestant base.27 Between 1585 and 1620, Enkhuizen experienced
fast demographic and economic growth. The population multiplied from around 10.000 to 20.000 people.28
The town of Enkhuizen prospered because of the VOC and all the shipbuilding and trading that came with the activities of that company. The archaeology of 16th and 17th century Enkhuizen has yielded a lot of
information, partly because most of the excavated sites have been waterlogged. The wealth of Enkhuizen at this time is also reflected in the range and quality of material culture from ordinary cesspits. Because of Enkhuizen’s trading position, people could afford to have a lot of luxury imports in their homes. The heydays of Enkhuizen, but also of towns like Hoorn, came to an end in the 18th century. Many houses were demolished
at that time and this caused the town to shrink, but today the city centre of Enkhuizen is still recognisable as a typical town from the Dutch Golden Age.29
In the 1970s, some Werra Ware pieces that were supposedly found in the Netherlands appeared on the antique market. It turned out that pits with wasters had been discovered at a location on the ‘Spaans Leger’ in Enkhuizen. Until this find, scholars were convinced that Werra Ware was only produced in the Werra region in Germany, but these new finds allowed the former workshop of Dierck Claesz Spiegel to be discovered.30
The so-called excavations of the pits were, however, not conducted to professional archaeological standards. Unfortunately, not all the material that was found was kept and preserved. This means that it now difficult to quantify the finds.31 Field documentation is also missing, except for a schematic drawing produced by one
of the amateur archaeologists (see Figure 8).
25 Stephan 2000, 335. 26 Ostkamp, S./S. Venhuis 2009, 50-51. 27 Bartels 2008, 84. 28 van Gangelen 2009, 102. 29 Bartels 2008, 86-89. 30 Ostkamp, S./S. Venhuis 2009, 11. 31 ibidem, 27.
Figure 8 - Sketch depicting the location of the different pits that were excavated at 'het Spaans Leger' in Enkhuizen. Pit number 5 was excavated by Bruijn. Image database S. Ostkamp.
The Werra Ware plates from these early excavations in Enkhuizen eventually ended up in numerous private collections and museums in both Germany and the Netherlands. There was one pit at the ‘Spaans Leger’ site, however, that had not yet been researched. In 1979 this pit was scientifically excavated by the ‘Rijksdienst voor het Oudheidkundig Bodemonderzoek’, supervised by Anton Bruijn. Fortunately, it turned out that this pit contained the largest number of finds (see Figure 9). Most of the vessels found in this pit dated from the year 1605. Bruijn published his finds from Enkhuizen in 1992. The pit he researched mainly contained ‘biscuit’ ceramics.32 These are vessels that were baked once, but did not receive the final layer of
lead glaze. There were also some glazed pieces, but most of these were clearly burned or deformed during the second phase of baking (see Figures 10 and 11). This is also called a ‘glaze firing’. It can be noted that there are not a lot of vessels that are stuck together, or that have cracks among the finds. This would suggest that the production process was carefully managed. The high number of ‘biscuit’ wasters, moreover, suggests that the products had to undergo a strict selection process before the glaze was put on. An investigation by the archaeological company ‘Hollandia’ has found that it is highly likely that there are still some unresearched waste pits present on the site of Spiegel’s former workshop. 33
32 Ostkamp, S./S. Venhuis 2009, 11-12. 33 ibidem, 27.
Figure 9 - These images show the excavation of pit 5 that was carried out by Bruijn. Image database S. Ostkamp.
Figure 10 - Some of the archaeological finds excavated by amateur archaeologists at the ‘Spaans Leger’ site in Enkhuizen. On the right, the unglazed biscuit ceramics are clearly visible. Image database S. Ostkamp.
Figure 11 - One of the waster finds from Enkhuizen. This bowl from 1605 was burned and deformed during the second firing process. Image database S. Ostkamp.
The creation of the workshop in Enkhuizen reveals the close technological and economic ties between Holland and the Werra region in the early modern period. Some archaeologists have suggested that Werra Ware must have been a luxury product, but this type of ceramics does not appear in still life paintings from the late-16th and early-17th centuries, which depict silver wares and porcelain. In addition to this, Spiegel
characterized his products as intended to serve the poorer community. In the application for his patent, Spiegel mentioned that the products were intended for “soulagemente van de schamele gemeente, die hen met soodanich aerdewerck moeten behelpen”. This essentially means that he said that he intended to produce his ceramics for the poor.34 As has been mentioned above, however, Van Gangelen thinks that we
should not think of Werra Ware as a useless disposable good of that period. It was meant for the wider population that could identify with the images on the pottery. Werra Ware has indeed been found in both city and countryside. It has been found to be present on several excavated sites ranging from castles to the households of the poor.35 It is highly likely that Spiegel exaggerated the level of prosperity in a negative sense
to make it seem that he intended to virtuously come to the aid of the people of Enkhuizen. But Spiegel himself was part of the wealthy urban upper class and in his patent application he probably alluded to the middle class, instead of the lower classes. The archaeologist Hans-Georg Stephan has calculated that the total number of Werra Ware vessels produced from the 21 potteries established in Heiligenstadt in the year 1597 must have been between 180,000 and 200,000. If this calculation is accurate, or even comes close to the real amount, it is safe to say that we are dealing with mass production, most likely for export. Van Gangelen uses this scale of production to strengthen his theory about the targeted middle class, because mass production can only flourish when there is a massive demand and a wide social spread. The evidence gathered from cesspits in Deventer, Nijmegen, Tiel and Dordrecht shows that Werra Ware found its way into urban households that were part of all kinds of social and economic milieus.36 It can be argued that the scenes
depicted on the ceramics represented common values. As has been noted, the pieces were frequently given as gifts and recognisable themes like hope, love and religion were conveyed. This type of ceramics offers archaeologists an opportunity to investigate the values of the people living in Europe around 1600. The scenes are part of a European tradition and art form that has nowadays largely been lost.37
People living in remote places around the North Atlantic were trading extensively with German merchants from the 14th to the 17th century. This had its effects upon the natives living in these areas. The
distribution of artefacts across Northern Europe is difficult to trace, however. Piracy, illegal trade,
multilateral trade and the entanglement of third parties make the story complex.38 One obvious difficulty
relates to the trading network of Dutch merchants. When the economy of the Netherlands began to boom
34 van Gangelen 2009, 102. 35 Stephan 2000, 334-335. 36 van Gangelen 2009, 102. 37 Stephan 2000, 335. 38 Mehler 2009, 89.
in the 15th century, the Dutch started to withdraw themselves from the Hanseatic League and attempted to
obtain certain products, such as fish, independently. The Dutch tradesmen continued to strengthen their positions and in 1490 the Danish king formally allowed them to independently trade with Shetland, Iceland and possibly also the Faroe Islands.39 It is interesting to view this within the context of Northern Atlantic
countries that were largely aceramic. For example, on Iceland, ceramics were very rare until the late medieval period and for the majority of households Iceland was effectively aceramic until the mid-19th
century. From the late-14th century onwards, more earthenwares finally started to be imported into the
country and the number of imported pots kept rising in the post-medieval period.40
The slow collapse of the Hanseatic League and the arrival of the Protestant Reformation in the late-16th century led to political and social changes that eventually caused Dutch merchants to gain an even
stronger position. This development is also very interesting in relation to the choice of a Dutch merchant to produce pottery with Protestant imagery, notably Werra Ware. And while Dutch trading rights kept expanding, not everybody agreed with this. Documents from the Hanseatic Kontor in Bergen point out that some discontent was felt towards the Dutch merchants in the North Atlantic area. Of course, the Dutch also brought their own products to the places that they were trading with. This led to complaints from townsfolk of Bergen about how traders were mixing Dutch goods with Hanseatic products in the late-16th century.41
This highlights the issue of Werra Ware imports. How should we regard a sherd of Werra Ware that was found at the site á Krambatangi on the Faroe Islands? Was the sherd traded via the Hanseatic league or via Dutch merchants (see Figure 12)? Á Krambatangi was a Hanseatic outpost which also traded with the Dutch. It is therefore very difficult to determine the route by which this ceramic vessel arrived on the Faroe Islands. It is also difficult to say whether this type of ceramic was associated with some kind of Hanseatic lifestyle. If we cannot identify the origins of distribution, can we then at least say where the pottery was manufactured? Natascha Mehler has stated that Enkhuizer potter’s marks on the pots may give an indication about the place of manufacture. This is why she identifies the pottery found in á Krambatangi, as having been manufactured in Germany.42 Potter’s marks are, however, of course not always present on the archaeological material. It
may therefore be unrealistic to rule out a possible place of manufacture due to the absence of a mark on a particular sherd. To date, no simple technique has been established to distinguish between the highly decorated pottery from Enkhuizen and the Werra Ware that was produced in Germany. At first glance, all the shapes, images and applied techniques seem to match. The Enkhuizen potters were able to very closely relate the total appearance to that of the German products.43
39 ibidem, 95. 40 Lucas 2010, 125. 41 Röhlk 1935, 25. 42 Mehler 2009, 95. 43 Bruijn 1992, 49.
Figure 12 - Werra Ware sherd that was found at á Krambatangi on the Faroe Islands. After Mehler 2009, 96.
1.3.
Trade and exchange
What was the distribution pattern of Werra Ware across the North Atlantic? North Atlantic islands like the Faroe Islands, Shetland and Iceland have already briefly been mentioned in this study, but in this section my investigation will also consider find spots in Norway, Britain, Ireland and North America.
It has already been stated that trade via the rivers Weser and Werra was very important for the distribution of Werra Ware. It was not only distributed to the direct areas around lower Saxony, but also to other sites across the North Sea. Bremen was an important transfer point. It is known, for example, that there was a large-scale trading operation between Bremen and Bergen. The ceramics travelled to Bergen in bulk and were then stockpiled there in warehouses. Next to these large-scale operations, there were also more small scale complex trade networks that involved different merchants. Some documentary sources from Heiligenstadt from 1595 state that Werra Ware was usually traded from there by Dutch traders via the rivers to the Netherlands. It seems likely that Dutch merchants had some kind of deal with the German potters.44
Werra Ware is also frequently found in the Netherlands itself. Its popularity seems to have peaked between 1590 and 1625. In this period, the German ceramics flooded large parts of the Northern Netherlands (see Figure 13).45 Unfortunately, almost none of the Werra Ware finds can in fact be related to any one of the
specific production sites in Germany that have already been discussed. This is because too much information about these sites and their producers is still missing and the amount of waster finds is too small.46 Most find
spots of Werra Ware in the Netherlands are located in the coastal towns, but as already stated, the Dutch consumers of Werra Ware did not just live in the towns and cities. Finds have also been made in villages in rural areas. Drawing the various lines of evidence together, it seems likely that part of the Werra Ware was
44 Demuth 2015, 348-351. 45 van Gangelen 2009, 99.
traded from the producing regions in Germany to Bremen and then on to the Northern Netherlands. From Dutch seaports with a focus on Baltic trade (such as Harlingen, Hoorn, Enkhuizen and Amsterdam), the Werra Ware was then presumably distributed to the hinterland and ports more to the South of the Netherlands, such as Rotterdam and Middelburg.47
Figure 13 - Map with all 116 locations of Werra Ware finds in the Netherlands (reference date: December 2007). After Van Gangelen 2009, 100. For more information, see Appendix II.
It can be noted that a close relationship between Bremen and the Netherlands had already been in place for some time, and the prosperity of Bremen also probably had much to do with the fast upswing in Dutch trade in the 16th century.48 However, as the aforementioned document from Heiligenstadt shows, not all
trade went through Bremen. The source even declares that the local potters sold their Werra Wares directly to ‘den Hollendern’ (the Dutch). The Dutch probably did not establish this trade relation just for the ceramics, but also for other products, such as glass. Dutch ships, in turn, brought herring, dairy products, salt and cloth to northern ports. Spiegel was also a cloth merchant who had a long trading history with the Werra region, even before 1602. It is possible that in that period prior to the creation of the workshop in Enkhuizen, he also brought back Werra Ware to Holland. Besides the rivers as main distribution ways, it was also possible to distribute via land routes. The so-called ‘Hessenwegen’ served this purpose. Such a road ran through Zwolle and notably, Werra Ware has also been found in this town.49 In Germany itself, the distribution of Werra
Ware is concentrated along the Dutch border. Werra Ware is not very common among the find complexes of German cities. The Werra products are a rare find here, in contrast to the Weser ceramics. Werra Ware is also missing in most other Baltic Sea areas (see Figure 14). 50
Figure 14 - Map showing the trade routes that were probably taken to distribute Weser and Werra Ware from the production regions in Germany. After Stephan 1981, 70.
48 Stephan 2000, 333. 49 van Gangelen 2009, 101. 50 Stephan 2000, 333.
In Bergen and other places in Norway on the other hand, Werra Ware, originating from trade with Hanseatic merchants, is well represented. It is even found on farms in the Northern parts of Norway and on the Lofoten Islands, although these finds are quite rare. But the Dutch also traded intensively with Norway. It is therefore difficult to determine which imports came from Hanseatic merchants and which were traded by the Dutch. It is, however, safe to say that probably not a very large part was exported directly by the manufacturers in the production areas in the Werra region to the far North Atlantic as these potters did not have enough money and seafaring ships at their disposal for such an enterprise.51 Prior to the 17th century,
there was no ceramic production in Norway as the country, like Iceland, was aceramic. This means that the earthenwares must have entered the country through networks of trade and exchange. In 14th and 15th
century Norway, the main agent in this process was the Hanseatic League.52 It seems that access to decorated
imported pots was not limited to the elites with a Hanseatic background in Bergen. Archaeological evidence from less wealthy peripheral areas in town suggests that a large proportion of the population had these earthenwares in their possession.53 This observation fits with Van Gangelen’s theory about the consumers of
Werra Ware.
With the Reformation, Lutheranism had taken over Norway in 1536. This did not mean, however, that the habits and mindsets of the Norwegians really changed. Capitalism for example, only came into being in Norway in the 19th century with the introduction of more Calvinistic ideas, whilst it had developed after the
Reformation much sooner in countries like England and Holland. A “systematic rational ordering of the moral life as a whole” was still missing in Norway. Moreover, the literary language of Norway was Danish, but the largest part of the population spoke a language relate to old Norse. The Renaissance thus could only have had a large influence on the few privileged people who had enjoyed an education in Denmark.54 Things like
elaborately decorated pottery could, however, convey ideas. So to return to decoration, the symbols that are portrayed on Werra Ware are likely to have held some significance for people in Norway, because most of them were probably illiterate. Biblical stories, for example, are often depicted. Werra sherds with the depiction of a single grape are quite often found in Bergen. This symbol represents a messenger from the Promised Land. Plates decorated with a sun, probably representing health and life, are also of frequent occurrence. 55 Especially the frequently recurring symbol of the bird on Werra Ware fits well with the idea
that these dishes could function as symbolic gifts at weddings, because in that period the depiction of birds seems to have had an overtone that relates to sexuality (see Figure 15).56 Taken all together, the decorations
on Werra Ware found in Bergen often have to do with the representation of earthly pleasures.57 In the eyes
of the people living in Bergen, the Dutch Werra Ware problem did in some ways already exist in the 17th
51 Stephan 2000, 333. 52 Demuth 2015, 339. 53 ibidem, 354-355. 54 Jonassen 1947, 680, 684. 55 Demuth 2015, 356-357. 56 van Gangelen 2000, 157. 57 Demuth 2015, 356-357.
century. The population was not happy with the mixing of German and Dutch products in their town.58 A
clear distinction does not seem to have been there. Moreover, the iconographical scenes that are described for the Werra Ware found in Bergen (the depictions of religion, grapes, suns and birds), all also appear in the output of the workshop in Enkhuizen. This is known from the excavation at the location of the Enkhuizer kiln.59
Figure 15 - Drawing of a Werra Ware bowl with bird decoration that was found in Bergen. The date of 1597 is also painted onto the vessel. After Demuth 2015, 356.
Werra Ware has also been found in Britain and Ireland and even in North America. Nothing of the same high quality was made in these places in the 16th and 17th century.60 The decorations on redwares that were
domestically produced in Pennsylvania in the 18th century, even seem to have been inspired by Weser and
Werra vessels from 16th and 17th century Witzenhausen.61 The local Pennsylvanian pottery production was
formed by the ‘ethnic fusion’ of European pottery styles and shapes. Werra ware thus also seems to have played a role in this further development and later form of imitation.62 Interestingly, Werra Ware is more
common than Weser Ware in the United States. 63 From Britain and Ireland, 175 sites with Werra Ware
pottery are known. In North America this number comes up to 13 sites. The majority of these sites are, unsurprisingly, urban coastal sites. Most of the sites in Britain are situated on the southern and eastern part of the island. The same, more or less, goes for the Irish sites. The largest amounts of sherds have been found in the cities of Norwich, London and Plymouth. These three sites all had more than 70 vessels represented. The high-quality earthenware from the Continent was thus in high demand here.Interestingly, the Norwich assemblage can be related to ‘communities of Strangers’ that had come from the Low Countries and
58 Mehler 2009, 95. 59 Bruijn 1992, 89-101. 60 Hurst, J.G./D. Gaimster 2005, 279. 61 Gibble 2005, 44-46. 62 ibidem, 33. 63 Stephan 2000, 334.
northern Germany to settle here in connection to the 15th to 17th century trade in textiles.64 This was,
however, not the only reason they decided to emigrate to England. The Dutch emigrants were Protestant and this is also why they were forced to move from the Low Countries during the Habsburg rule of Philip II in the 16th century. The community of Strangers in Norwich grew rapidly. By 1620, around 4000 people from
the Low Countries had settled in Norwich. The Strangers and Norwich communities started to mix, but the immigrants kept their own culture and Dutch identity alive.65 It is therefore not unlikely that they would have
been interested in Dutch products with Reformational Protestant imagery, as from Enkhuizen.
Werra style ceramics have also been found on rural settlements in Britain. Werra Ware was for example found in the relatively remote West Whelpington upland site in Northumberland near the Scottish border.66
On most of these more rural or inland sites, only one or a few sherds have been found. Commercial exchange is not the only option for such distributions. It is also possible that these single finds represent, for example, personal belongings of merchants or sailors.Unfortunately, in Britain and Ireland there is also no clear distinction between the products from the Werra region in Germany and the copies from Enkhuizen. It is very likely that both places shipped their products to the islands. Even some of the more unusual decorations on Werra Ware that have been found in Britain, like a depiction of Christ with the Woman of Samaria, could have been manufactured in Enkhuizen, or Germany. The same goes for Werra Ware in North America, where it has been found at several 17th century English sites in Virginia, and also at the small town of Cupids on
Conception Bay, in Newfoundland. Dating the finds is also difficult in these places. Of course, if dates were painted on, this indicates when pots were manufactured. But the fact that these are high quality imports suggest that the vessels may have been highly prized and therefore carefully curated, possibly remaining in use for long periods of time.67
When looking at the trade relations of Britain in the 17th century and the distribution of the material, it
is most likely that the majority of Werra (but also Weser) Ware was obtained from Dutch merchants rather than coming directly from Germany. In the 1560s, unrest in the Low Countries was growing due to Spanish rule. Eventually, after the Fall of Antwerp in 1585, Amsterdam and nearby ports took over the trade from this hitherto dominant trading port. The Hanseatic League was, at the same time, experiencing a downfall. In addition to this, the English Company of Merchant Adventures was established and this company promoted England’s own trade position. The trading position of the Dutch and British does, however, by no means exclude Germany as the place of manufacture of the decorated slipwares in Britain, Ireland and North America, so some uncertainties remain.68
64 Hurst, J.G./D. Gaimster 2005, 267-270. 65http://www.bbc.co.uk/legacies/immig_emig/england/norfolk/article_1.shtml, visited on 08-05-2018. 66 Stephan 2000, 334. 67 Hurst, J.G./D. Gaimster 2005, 267-272. 68 Hurst, J.G./D. Gaimster 2005, 278-279.
2. Methodology
The theoretical framework set out in the previous chapter has provided some background information and an overview of the current state of knowledge. The research problem has also been identified. It is now time to get back to what will be the focus of this study; finding a solution for the Dutch Werra Ware Problem. In this chapter I will set out my research methodology and will address the type of study and the steps necessary to answer my research question. So to recapitulate, the main research question is:
How could German Werra Ware be distinguished from Dutch ceramic copies produced in Enkhuizen?
To arrive at a clear answer to this question, the study is divided into three sub-questions. These were also already formulated in the introduction:
• What is the utility of visually inspecting the possible use of different types of vessels, decorative styles, motifs and combinations?
• How useful are chemical and petrographic analyses?
• What are the implications of an improved ability to distinguish between German Werra Ware and Enkhuizen imitations for the study of trade and exchange and the circulation of ceramic products in early-17th century Europe?
Before answering the final question, a method to differentiate between Werra Ware from Germany and Enkhuizen will hopefully be found by answering the first two questions. To be able to answer these first two questions, it is necessary to define research criteria. These criteria or parameters can be deduced from different possible ways in which sherds from the two known production areas can be distinguished. These possible ways of distinction mainly relate to appearance and manufacture. Thus, to answer the first two sub-questions, the analysis will take place along the following criteria for identification:
• Vessel shapes • Decoration styles • Figurative scenes • Physical properties o Composition o Texture o Inclusions
To answer the first two sub-questions, these research criteria will be ‘scored’. Since this is not a quantitative study, the scoring process does not have an absolute or exact character. The different criteria or possibilities for identification will be valued by a) gathering literature on the subject, b) combining the available information, and c) arriving at an interpretation about the potential for differentiation. Steps a and b will be dealt with in Chapters 3 and 4. In Chapter 3, the utility of visual inspection will be researched. Chapter 4 will focus on the applicability of physical analyses to the Dutch Werra Ware Problem. In the discussion in Chapter 5, the interpretational step (c) will be taken. The results from the previous chapters will then be taken together to arrive at a method that could help to distinguish German Werra Ware from the Enkhuizen products. Chapter 5 also contains a discussion of how this new method may assist research into trade in early 17th century Europe and the wider North Atlantic world, enabling the final sub-question to be
answered.
I will then apply my findings and my new methodology to a few test cases. A sample of Werra Ware finds from across Europe will be examined in an attempt to pin down their place of manufacture. The sherds chosen for this test case are from Alkmaar, Bergen and Aarhus. These Werra Ware finds have been specifically chosen as there is a high expectation that they will represent a diverse range of products that may also reflect the wide geographical distribution of this highly decorated type of pottery. At the end of this thesis, a conclusion will be given and the main research question will be answered.
3. Visual Inspection
In this chapter, the utility of visual inspection will be analysed. The find assemblages from Enkhuizen and Germany will be used to investigate this. I will first deal with the attempts that scholars have made to distinguish between products of specific potters. I will then examine if the basic shapes that the Werra Ware came in can be analysed and linked to specific production sites. Finally, I will take a closer look at the elaborate decorations on Werra Ware. Can different styles be identified, or are there differences in the figurative outputs? At first glance designs from Germany and Enkhuizen do seem to match, which is hardly surprising as the workshop in Enkhuizen was set up to imitate the already existing production of Werra Ware in Germany. Nevertheless, it is worthwhile to see if some of the decorative subjects were, for example, not chosen to be copied or if scenes were added to the spectrum. By setting up a list of small differences, it is possible to get closer to a distinction method.
3.1.
Distinguishing potters
After Spiegel’s workshop was excavated, the sherds were thoroughly investigated by Bruijn. It was immediately clear that the form, function and decoration of the sherds from Enkhuizen were very similar to the wares from the known production places in Germany. Bruijn stated that provenancing would be totally dependent on the characteristic peculiarities of the manufacturing centre, the company or the individual that produced the pots. As a sample, Bruijn examined all of the excavated vessels that had been manufactured in Enkhuizen in 1605 and deduced that at least four decorators must have been working in Enkhuizen at that time. The different decorators had each developed specific facial details in their work. Bruijn concluded that the subjects depicted on the plates and the way in which the decoration was applied was not helpful in providing a provenance for the sherds, as a similar repertoire and decorative technique was used by potters in Germany. Although we will see later on that this is not completely correct, Bruijn was convinced that only the characteristic details of individual decorators could serve a provenancing purpose.69
In order to trace the characteristic styles of the individual potters, Bruijn examined the decorative scene of Adam and Eve with tree and snake (or the Fall of Adam and Eve) (see Figure 16). This subject was chosen as the image contains a lot of complicated elements. Bruijn found that all four of the decorators used the same partitioning of the image with the tree in the middle, Adam to the left, Eve to the right and the snake with its head pointed at Eve.70 There are, however, also some small stylistic differences between the
69 Bruijn 1992, 105. 70 Bruijn 1992, 105.
drawings of the four decorators (see Figure 17). As has been mentioned above, the details on faces can be distinctive.71 From this particular decorative subject, 42 specific details were analysed. Once the facial details
that are characteristic for the work of one of the artists have been recognised, it is possible to identify other pots that have been decorated by this same artist, as it seems likely that all images with human faces were decorated by the same decorator. But the situation is slightly more complicated than this. It has been found that in the process of facial recognition, the face of Eve is more reliable than that of Adam. There is more variation in the details of Adam’s face. This is different when, for example, the figurative scene of dancing couples is investigated. In this case the face of the man is more constant and thus plays a dominant role in the facial recognition.72 If a sherd with a decoration of a man alone, without a woman, is investigated, it is,
again, a different story. If this is the case, it is probably not possible to identify the decorator with certainty.73
Figure 16 - Biscuit Werra Ware bowl with the scene of Adam, Eve, tree and snake. This dish could eventually be attributed to decorator III from Enkhuizen. After Bruijn 1992, 172.
71 ibidem, 172. 72 ibidem, 113-115. 73 Bruijn 1992, 113-115.
Figure 17 - Some different examples of the Adam and Eve subject drawn by decorators I, II, III and IV. Differences are visible in the way that things like bodies, faces, branches and flowers are drawn. In total, 42 details have been analysed in these images. After Bruijn 1992, 110-111.
All in all, it turned out that four combinations of the 42 characteristics were constant and that these relate to the four decorators. Together, these characteristic details create the ‘typical’ style of Enkhuizen according to Bruijn. As has been mentioned above, however, even the facial details are not always reliable when trying to identify the decorator and thus the place of production. Other subjects that do not have as many complex elements, are even harder to assign to a decorator. Things like thistle flowers, pods or pomegranates are often depicted on Werra Ware. The artist of these decorations can only be identified with the help of the handwriting that might be recognizable from the date that was sometimes written on the Werra Ware pots. Unfortunately, dates are not always written on pots and can vary. Besides, you would need to be in the possession of the specific piece of the pot that has the date on it and, of course, this is not always the case in the context of an archaeological excavation.74
Attempts to distinguish the work of individual potters have also been made in Germany. It is known from documentary sources that the potter Caspar Muller worked in Heiligenstadt and later on opened his own workshop in Hannoversch Münden. Wasters excavated in Germany show that the years written on sherds were sometimes accompanied by dots in front, behind or in between the numbers (see Figure 18). Different combinations in the placements of these dots have been discovered. The dots and numbers almost seem to form some sort of code. One hypothesis is that the dots form a code that relates back to a specific decorator. Interestingly, some of the sherds that were found in Hannoversch Münden were marked with the letters CM, which could be the initials of Caspar Muller. All of these sherds had the same dot code with one dot in front, one in the middle and one behind the date (see Figures 19 and 20). There are also sherds from Hannoversch Münden with the initials of Hans Eckel (HE), with a corresponding dot code with one dot after the first number, one after the second number and one after the last number of the year. Only a small number of the sherds from Hannoversch Münden was marked with initials, but it is possible that they represent vessels that were made by single decorators, possibly Hans Eckel and Caspar Muller themselves.75
The situation in Enkhuizen was different. The initials DCS (Dierck Claesz Spiegel) were applied quite often and were probably more of a general mark for the workshop. No sherds with dot codes have been found in Enkhuizen. There are, however, stylistic links between the products from the initial phases of the workshop in Enkhuizen and the products from Hannoversch Münden (these stylistic links and corresponding production periods will be elaborated on in section 3.3). The links trace back to Heiligenstadt. Caspar Muller, of course, worked in both of these German cities. Notably, sherds with the code for Caspar Muller are missing among the German wasters between 1602 and 1605. They reappear in 1606, when Caspar Muller sets up his own workshop in Hannoversch Münden. The gap matches the initial phase of the workshop in Enkhuizen. Moreover, it is known that Dutch merchants were trading with Heiligenstadt directly. Is it possible that Spiegel imported professional knowledge about Werra Ware from this town to start his own business, maybe even by recruiting Caspar Muller? It should be noted, however, that this hypothesis is based on just a few stylistic links between Hannoversch Münden and Enkhuizen, but because we are dealing with imitations, it is of course easy to find these parallels. Potters were eventually copying each other back and forth.76 The links
do not conclusively prove that a decorator (or indeed Caspar Muller) moved from Germany to Holland and archival evidence is needed to support this possibility.
75 Ostkamp, S./S. Venhuis 2009, 66-67. 76 Ostkamp, S./S. Venhuis 2009, 66-75.
Figure 20 - Werra Ware plate from Germany, found in Vlissingen. It dates to 1601. The dot code suggests that this plate was also decorated by Caspar Muller. Image database S. Ostkamp.
Figure 18 - Werra Ware plate from Germany, found in Middelburg, dated to 1591.The dots in between the numbers are clearly visible. Image database S. Ostkamp.
Figure 19 - Biscuit Werra Ware plate from Hannoversch Münden. It features the initials of Caspar Muller and a date of 1616. Image database S. Ostkamp.
Figure 22 - Fragment of a biscuit Werra Ware butter dish from Hannoversch Münden. In the collection of the Karl-August-Universität in Göttingen. Image database S. Ostkamp.
3.2.
Vessel shape
Might Werra Ware vessel shapes be of any help in solving the Dutch Werra Ware problem? The most common shapes of Werra Ware have already been mentioned in chapter 1. Indeed, the vast majority of vessels within the product range from the workshops both in Germany and Enkhuizen, mainly consist of bowls and plates. Yet, other Werra Ware shapes also exist. Unfortunately, even the more rare vessel shapes from Enkhuizen, like so-called ‘fopkannen’ and butter dishes, were also produced in Hannoversch Münden in Caspar Muller’s workshop (compare Figures 21 and 22). Also the so-called ceramic ‘ringeloors’ were identical in Germany and Enkhuizen. With the help of these tools it was easier to apply the white slip layer onto the clay vessels. After moulds or sponges were used to sketch the outlines of the decoration, the ‘ringeloors’ were used to roughly fill in the figurative scenes. (see Figure 23).77
Figure 21 - Biscuit Werra Ware butter dish that was excavated at the 'Spaans Leger' site in Enkhuizen. In the collection of the Museum Boijmans Van Beuningen in Rotterdam. Image database S. Ostkamp.
Figure 23 - Werra Ware ‘ringeloor’ from Enkhuizen, found at the 'Spaans Leger'. In the collection of the Museum Boijmans van Beuningen in Rotterdam. Image database S. Ostkamp.
Figure 25 - A 17th century jug from Hannoversch Münden in the 'Humpen' shape. In the collection of the Universität Göttingen. After Leinweber 1982, 261, 387.
There are, however, also a few differences in form characteristics among the known Werra Ware from Germany and Enkhuizen. The use of a stand ring under plates could be seen as something that is a typical element of the Enkhuizer output (see Figure 24).78 But it is not only this element that seems to differ between
the two production areas, a few complete vessels also have characteristically different shapes. Pots that are called ‘Humpen’ in German, for example, do not appear among the wasters that were found in Enkhuizen (see Figure 25). This is probably because this kind of vessels were not very popular in Holland itself. In the rest of the Netherlands, outside Enkhuizen, ‘Humpen’ (produced in any kind of ware) are only excavated by exception.79 This may reflect the Dutch habit of drinking from glass vessels.
Figure 24 - A picture of Werra Ware plate with a stand ring taken during the excavation at the 'Spaans Leger' in Enkhuizen. Image database S. Ostkamp.
There are also a few vessel shapes that are only present in the output of the Enkhuizer workshop. Fire domes (see Figures 26 and 27), handle jars (see Figures 28 and 29), pancake dishes (see Figure 30), mustard pots (see Figure 31) and bird drinking bowls (see Figure 32) are typical Dutch ceramic shapes that were occasionally also produced in Werra Ware by Spiegel’s potters. It thus seems that the workshops in both Germany and Enkhuizen supplemented the usual range of Werra Ware shapes with shapes that were common and popular in their own regions.80 The characteristic vessel shapes are, unfortunately, quite rare if
numbers are compared with those of plates and bowls. Thus, it is not easy to make distinctions using the basis of vessel shape alone. This form of inspection alone is unlikely to solve the Dutch Werra Ware problem completely.
78 Ostkamp, S./S. Venhuis 2009, 44. 79 ibidem, 32-34.
Figure 27 - Werra Ware fire dome from 1607 from Enkhuizen. It was found in Graft and is now part of a private collection. Image database S. Ostkamp.
Figure 29 - Biscuit Werra Ware handle jar, dated to 1605. It was found at the 'Spaans Leger' site in Enkhuizen. Now in the ‘Provinciaal Depot voor Bodemvondsten Noord-Holland' in Wormer. Image database S. Ostkamp. Figure 26 - Biscuit Werra Ware fire dome from Enkhuizen,
dated to 1607. In the collection of the Museum Boijmans van Beuningen in Rotterdam. Image database S. Ostkamp.
Figure 28 - Werra Ware handle jar that was burned during the firing process. It was manufactured in 1603. Now in the 'Provinciaal Depot voor Bodemvondsten Noord-Holland' in Wormer. Image database S. Ostkamp.
Figure 32 - Biscuit Werra Ware bird drinking pot from Enkhuizen. Now in the 'Provinciaal Depot voor Bodemvondsten Noord-Holland' in Wormer. Image database S. Ostkamp.
Figure 30 - Fragment of a Werra Ware pancake dish from Enkhuizen that was found in Hoorn. In the collection of the Westfries museum in Hoorn. Image database S. Ostkamp.
Figure 31 - Werra Ware mustard jar from the 'Spaans Leger' site in Enkhuizen. Now in the 'Provinciaal Depot voor Bodemvondsten Noord- Holland' in Wormer. Image database S. Ostkamp.
Figure 34 - Werra Ware bowl that was found in Grootebroek. The year 1604 is written across the flag above the sun. Now part of a private collection. Image database S. Ostkamp.
3.3.
Decoration styles
Differences in decorative styles might also be helpful in figuring out how to distinguish German Werra Ware from the Enkhuizen products. A first clue can be found on the outer rims of plates, dishes and shallow bowls. The outer rims of the Werra Ware products were covered by a slip layer that was partly scratched away concentrically. This technique created the typical white spiral decoration on the outer part of the earthenwares that is also called the ‘flag’.81 On Enkhuizer Werra Ware, dates are often written across this
flag (see Figure 33). The numbers are, in that case, often barely readable (see Figure 34). This decorative characteristic is almost solely found on sherds from Enkhuizen, and rarely on Werra Ware from Germany, where dates were usually placed on the inner part or ‘mirror’ of the plate. Wavy lines scratched into the spiral decoration, appear on sherds both from Germany and Enkhuizen. From Enkhuizen, however, two ceremonial dishes with this type of decoration are known (see Figure 35). This combination of vessel shape and decoration style thus seems to indicate an Enkhuizen provenance. Also worth mentioning is the way that the flag was applied. In Germany, the decoration on the flag was mostly applied in a clockwise direction, but the decorators in Enkhuizen often decorated the flag counter clockwise (see Figure 36).82
Figure 33 - Werra Ware bowl from the 'Spaans Leger' in Enkhuizen. The year 1605 and the initials DCS are written across the flag. Now in the 'Provinciaal Depot voor Bodemvondsten Noord-Holland' in Wormer. Image database S. Ostkamp.
81 Ostkamp, S./S. Venhuis 2009, 27. 82 ibidem, 43-46.
Figure 36 - Biscuit Werra Ware dish from the 'Spaans Leger' site in Enkhuizen. It is dated to 1608 and is now in the 'Provinciaal Depot voor Bodemvondsten Noord-Holland' in Wormer. Image database S. Ostkamp. Figure 35 - Werra Ware ceremonial dish from 1608,
produced in Enkhuizen. The dish was found in Graft and is now part of a private collection. Image database S. Ostkamp.
A typical Enkhuizer practice was the dating of plates and bowls that were decorated with suns or moons (see Figure 34 and 37). In Germany, these figurative scenes were part of the more simple undated group of subjects. Another Enkhuizer characteristic related to the use of dates is the inclusion of the Latin word ANNO. This word was sometimes added in front of the date. This practice is only known from sherds produced in the workshop in Enkhuizen (see Figures 35 and 38).83 The range of dates also forms an important clue for
provenancing Werra Ware. Production in Enkhuizen is limited to the period between 1602 and 1613. All the sherds with dates that were found at the ‘Spaans Leger’ site, are from this period.The pancake dish in Figure 30 is the only exception. When inspected closely, the year 1621 can be deciphered. The vessel shape and findspot, however, suggest that this dish should be attributed to the workshop in Enkhuizen. The most likely explanation is that an error was made by the decorator. Perhaps the date should have been 1612.
