Fundamental framing : a discourse analysis of Islamic States’ bi-monthly magazine : DABIQ

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A discourse analysis of Islamic States’ bi-monthly magazine; DABIQ

Abstract:

Islamic State produces and disseminates a variety of media online. This seems to give them a cutting edge in appealing to, inspiring, and recruiting individuals on a global level. The frame that Islamic State constructs in this media can be used to generate an understanding of the underlying ambitions and strategies of the organization. Hence, this research examines this frame they convey via one of their media outlets called DABIQ. Leading in this research is the theoretical concept of collective actions framing due to the hypothesis that Islamic State employs DABIQ to invoke action. The main methodology of doing research is Discourse Analysis, by way of which almost a thousand pages of Islamic State propaganda text are scrutinized. The thesis firstly shows, whilst identifying a variety of discursive framing techniques and steps, how DABIQ indeed provokes action. Secondly, this thesis adds the theory that Islamic State uses DABIQ to claim authority in the Islamic fundamentalist arena. This is the case because Islamic State is entangled in an ideological battle over Islamic legitimacy and is elaborately trying to appropriate itself with a ‘’true’’ Islamic fundamentalist ideology in order to harness broader support. Similarly, DABIQ frames Islamic State as a legitimate political actor in order to claim authority as a state, and arguably draws power from this conceptualization. They achieve this by way of conveying a strong and cohesive narrative of their ideology as well as presenting a situation that aims to appeal to Muslims both regionally and globally.

Keywords: Ideology / Ideoscape / Discourse Analysis / Islamic Fundamentalism

Student: Luuk van Os Student Number: 10074791 Supervisor: Martijn Dekker Second Reader: Martijn de Koning Date: 24-08-2016

Institute: University of Amsterdam – Graduate School of Social Sciences – GSSS Program: Conflict Resolution and Governance (MSc)

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1

- Introduction

On the 13th_{of June, shortly before the publication of this research, a man walked} into a LGBT club in Orlando and massacred 49 individuals. He made sure there was no doubt concerning in whose name his act was committed: Islamic State (CNN, 2016). This occurred shortly after Islamic State officially declared Ramadan, which started early June, as a holy month of Jihad, calling for increased attacks in Europe and America. They did so through DABIQ, a bi-monthly magazine that features lengthy articles, reports, instructions, and interviews, and is distributed online. This media is spread through a global network of supporters and is, once circulating within these virtual jihadist networks, difficult to take down (The Washington Post, 2015). Besides these attacks committed in name of Islamic State, it is estimated that over the last few years approximately 20.000 individuals from all over the world have travelled to Syria, or other Islamic State controlled areas, to join the cause of this organization (BBC, 2016).

This attraction is possibly linked to Islamic States’ revolutionized propaganda and recruitment strategies. From dusty cave-shot instructional videos like those disseminated by Al-Qaeda, they have made the transition to full-HD, Hollywood-like media, in its’ strive to reach, and shock, a worldwide audience. Interestingly, this elucidates the introduction of modern Western technologies into the field of previously rather conservatively operating Islamic fundamentalist movements. Additionally, besides employing the visual appeal of high-quality media, Islamic State also broadened the target audience by incorporating a plurality of translations of their propaganda output. This similarly points out a departure from former propaganda strategies that focused mainly upon the Arabic world (Gambhir, 2014). As such, Islamic State seems to be renewing and eloquent in its employment of media to appeal to potential adherents.

However, the frame Islamic State constructs and disseminates about itself in such media is most likely a disposed conceptualization of reality. Nevertheless, such a frame can consequently be revealing of the position, objectives and

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strategies of the organization. After all, the story the organization communicates about itself and the situation harbors information because it potentially reveals how it desires to be perceived and why. However, because it is a relatively new phenomenon most research into Islamic States’ propaganda either lacks in data extensiveness (Ibid.: 2014), theoretical context (Quilliam 2015), or is predominately focused on radicalization or the mechanisms of propaganda (RAND 2013, Perry and Long 2016, Franz 2015). Rather than reproducing simplified notions about Islamic States’ propaganda, academic analysis could inform a nuanced understanding of their attraction, strategy, or ambitions. Because Islamic State has proven to be a serious threat, both regionally as well as globally (BBC 2016, Washington Post 2016), building such a profound understanding of their propaganda exertions seems imperative.

Consequently this thesis aims to investigate what Islamic State is trying to accomplish via this media outlet and how. The research question then states: what are the strategic objectives of the frame Islamic State communicates through DABIQ? Considering the above-mentioned instructions within DABIQ and recurring acts in Islamic States’ name, the initial hypothesis is that DABIQ aims to provoke (violent) action. This thesis accordingly attempts to, by way of employing the theoretical concept of collective action frames, and the methodological toolbox of discourse analysis, extract and unravel if and how Islamic State attempts to do so through DABIQ. In other words, to ascertain the framing mechanisms with which Islamic State aims to appeal to, and inspire potential adherents. This research however also aims at establishing additional information about the functions of DABIQ for Islamic State. Fourteen editions, surmising a total of close to a thousand pages, have been subject to analysis for this thesis.

In order to supply the reader with the necessary contextual and background information, chapter one outlines the development of Islamic State and its convoluted relationships to other fundamentalist groups prior to 2015. Then the theoretical framework will be outlined; firstly, the theoretical toolbox of collective actions frames, as set forward by Benford and Snow (2000), provides a theory to evaluate DABIQs’ capability to invoke action. Secondly, the

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theoretical context provides insight into the processes of globalization, and the surge of a particular ideoscape that seems essential to the phenomenon. Subsequently, the methodology, discourse analysis, and its analytical discursive tools will be presented. Then the main analysis part is divided into two, each illuminating a different aspect. The first part seeks to assert Islamic States’ frame as set forward in DABIQ, in order to assess, employing theory on collective action frames, if and how it aims to stir people into action. The second part extricates an additional imperative, which is to communicate a claim of authority. This chapter dissects this claim and illuminates its underlying strategic mechanisms. As such the first analytical chapter maintains a deductive approach whilst the second chapter uses an inductive methodology due to the discovery of a second potential objective of DABIQ during the course of this research. Finally, the reader is provided with a summary, conclusion, and discussion.

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2

- Background information on Islamic State:

The Islamic State is notorious in the West for its numerous violent acts of terrorism. It is however an entity that comprises of much more. Most importantly, they hold territory and are therefore able to make a claim to statehood. However, this alone does not directly explain its rise and current sway in the region. As will be outlined, its rise to power and fame is due to a variety of reasons, of which most important, the situation of civil war in Syria. This background information chapter will supply the reader with the necessary knowledge to comprehend the complicated regional situation in which the phenomenon of Islamic States’ propaganda takes place.

The organization of Islamic State was initially founded by Abu Musab al-Zarqawi under the name of Jamaat al-Tahwid wa-i-Jihad and fought the American forces after their invasion of Iraq in 2003. Later Zarqawi pledged his allegiance to Bin-Laden and consequently renamed his branch Al-Qaeda in Iraq (AQI). This Sunni group was successful and subsumed multiple other groups under its flag. It fought alongside Al-Qaeda but with a relatively autonomous network of fighters and supporters (Friedland, 2015: 6-8). In 2006 the group signaled its territorial ambitions by renaming themselves ISI – Islamic State in Iraq. Leadership changed due to multiple deaths after which in 2010 Abu Bakr al-Baghdadi took over. The break out of the Syrian Civil War in 2013 constituted a critical alteration. ISI sent fighters into Syria and managed to create momentum by using the turmoil in its benefit, recruiting large amounts of fighters whilst gaining and holding territory within Syria (Frontline 2016).

Its expansion correspondingly led to another renaming; Islamic State in Syria and Levant (ISIL), but also to friction with its mother-organization Al-Qaeda, because the official branch of the organization in Syria, Jabhat Al-nusra, contested this move. Eventually the groups officially split up leading to the current state of affairs (Friedland, 2015: 9-10). On the 29th_{of June 2014 the}

group established a caliphate under its ruler and declared Abu Bakr al-Baghdadi its Caliph, consequently calling all Muslims worldwide to join (Al-jazeera 2014).

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Other groups, such as Al-Qaeda, do not agree that it was time to establish a Caliphate. In this sense, the organization mainly differs from other Jihadist groups on their vision of how and when to establish a Caliphate (Friedland, 2015: 13).

What is fundamental is that the Sunni population in the region had been dissatisfied for decades under various groups. This gave Islamic State much appeal, even amongst more moderate Sunni groups, which were therefore easily mobilized. The group quickly expanded to Syria whilst massacring every Shiite and other (according to them apostate) religious minority group in their way. The group claims to aim for a new world order and has received many pledges of fealty from kindred groups such as Boko Haram (Friedland, 2015).

The group is founded upon an orthodoxly strict interpretation of the Qur’an, refuses any modernization of Islam, and rejects all dissention. It employs a violent dogma that asserts that any who opposes its views as a heretic and implements the rule of Sharia. Islamic State declared a violent and holy war against all enemies of Allah and summoned all Muslims to this Jihad (NHK, 2015). Furthermore, the fact that its leader, Abu Bakr al-Baghdadi, held several speeches in public and in broad daylight, exhibited its control and legitimacy, in contrast to former Bin-Laden’s cave recordings. In this sense, Islamic State is one of the few terrorist organizations that went beyond a hit-and-run tactic and established a clearly defined territory (Frontline 2016).

Additionally, the group sets itself apart in other ways too. Firstly, they possess large amounts of money earned from the smuggling of oil out of the territories they hold. However, as mentioned in the introduction, Islamic States’ most divergent quality is their vivid presence on the web. On average, 38 separate media products are being produced every day (Winter, 2015: 3). This media ranges from videos to short articles, or even long essays, and is featured in many different languages. This constitutes a unique propaganda campaign through which they potentially reach an enormous amount of individuals around the world. Exactly this virtually disseminated propaganda campaign will be the subject of this research.

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3

- Theory

This chapter provides the theoretical foundation of this research into DABIQs’ objectives. In order to analyze the potential of DABIQ to invoke action, the concept of collective action frames will be the main theory used for this research project. This theory essentially investigates the necessary steps that have to be present within a discursively communicated frame that aims to impart action. Hence, by employing this theory on DABIQ, we can not only test if it has the potential of motivating action, but also illuminate the ways in which it does.

3.1 - Framing

Since the hypothesis states that DABIQ has the instrumental objective of invoking action, it is imperative to acquire theory that assists in grasping if, and how it aspires to do so. Theory on framing helps to investigate into how socio-political beliefs are articulated and how this can influence people’s beliefs and even direct their activities. Framing as a concept is predominantly based upon the ideas of Irvin Goffman, who argued that frames are ‘’schemata of interpretation’’ that function as a means through which we understand the world. Frames thus inform individuals with an idea of how certain events can be seen, what they might mean, and what ones reaction to them could or should be. In this manner frames link values to occurrences and have the power to subsequently guide action (Goffman 1974: 21).

One of the main ways in which a frame is created are discursive processes. These refer to the acts of spoken and or written communication of a multitude of actors. Through interaction a frame is articulated, which means that certain events and experiences are connected in order to constitute logical and potent stories. Thus, the way in which a frame is articulated, i.e. its perspective on, and interpretation of reality, is communicated via words. Subsequently, the frame will, if successful, be amplified through and amongst its adherents. As such, certain beliefs or issues are emphasized and spread (Benford and Snow, 2000: 623). Take for example how a particular kind of music is perceived of in

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public discourse. Frames are in this sense unconsciously incorporated and communicated in everyday life.

However, framing is also intertwined with the experience and communication of identity. Hunt (1994) agues that the processes of framing link individuals and groups on an ideological level. They furthermore establish, fortify, or change, identities and communicate them outwards. Frames thus also function to connect people and even spread ideas and a sense of collective identity. Through this notion and the discursive nature of framing, it becomes clear that through spreading text and talk, an organization can seek to reach certain audiences, and bind people to its cause. This means that frames can also be part of strategic processes, in the sense that they might be consciously developed in order to acquire a specified goal. As such, frames can be endorsed to the benefit of specific goals or groups. Due to the nature of this thesis, an examination of the propensities of DABIQ for invoking action, the focus will be on such strategic functions of framing.

Theory on framing illuminates these propensities and processes, making it an indispensible theory for this thesis. However, the particular theory of collective action framing is essential in order to provide an even more comprehensive perspective on the instrumental propensities of DABIQ. This specific theory encapsulates how frames can influence groups from belief into real action. These actions could theoretically range from acquiring resources and recruiting new members, but most importantly, mobilizing them, which is precisely what this thesis aims to investigate (Benford and Snow, 2000: 624). The following chapter will therefore outline the theory of collective action framing.

3.1.1 Collective Action Framing

The theory on collective action frames, as developed by Benford and Snow (2000), is pertinent in providing a way to interpret the frame as set forward in DABIQ. This is the case because this theory employs an elaborate interpretation of frames and their ability to inspire action. Furthermore, this theory illustrates the application of frames by movements, which use them in order to shape

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consent amongst constituents and motivate them towards certain deeds. They argue that:

‘’The framing perspective on collective action and social movements views movements not merely as carriers of existing ideas and meanings, but as signifying agents actively engaged in producing and maintaining meaning for constituents, antagonists, and bystanders.’’ (Snow and Byrd, 2007: 123) This means that by creating a frame, the leaders of a movement set out an interpretative structure that simultaneously communicates a mode of understanding reality for its members. In this sense, DABIQ can be seen to function as an outlet through which Islamic State communicates their vision on reality and in the process instigate actions.

The power of a frame is dependent upon three important framing practices: diagnostic, prognostic, and motivational framing. These together determine the extent to which a frame is able to address issues surrounding consensus and action mobilization (Ibid, 2007: 124). Consensus is about the cohesiveness and establishment of ideational and attitudinal support amongst active and passive supporters, whilst action mobilization subsequently focuses on transforming passive supporters in active engagement. In this way:

‘’[…] collective action frames may serve an interpretive function by focusing, articulating, and exe-ning meanings to activate adherents, transform bystanders into supporters, exact concessions from targets, and demobilize antagonists.’’ (Snow 2004: 124)

A strong framework thus harbors the power to not only communicate an ideology; it can convert interested people in participants. This also means that we may conclude that collective action frames can have a strategic imperative (Westby 2004: 287). An example could be a victimization framework in which a group is identified that is victim of injustices. Such a strong focus on victimhood consequently calls for collective protest or rebellion (Gamson et al, 1982). It is precisely this inherent factor that makes collective action frames a fitting theory

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for analysis because, in comparison to a mere focus on the mechanics of ideology, we aim to unravel the imperative for transferring frames and invoke action, which seems essential within the purpose of DABIQ.

3.1.2 – Core Framing Tasks

As Benford and Snow (2000) suggest, there are three parts within framing that are necessary for a capable collective action frame. These are diagnostic, prognostic and motivational frames and strategically follow each other up in terms of purpose, are consecutive, yet might appear in any order, or overlap, within the final frame. If all three framing tasks are present, coherent, and well articulated, the frame has the potential to invoke collective action. These three phases can be outlined as follows:

- Diagnostic Framing

Diagnostic framing is the initial phase in the grand scheme of collective action framing because it addresses what is to be seen as problematic. It therefore communicates a story in which the receiver is told ‘’what is or went wrong’’. This could be a biased system of government, or any specific part of life, but revolves around something that needs change or repair. Diagnostic rhetoric could thus create the notion that accepted societal problems are actually intolerable injustices that need to be confronted. As such, this phase revolves around determining what the movement is about. There are often differing points of view that are at odds with one another. It can therefore be considered as a quarrel for an ideologically colored perspective on reality. In this sense, diagnostic framing functions as a method to align consensus amongst current and potential adherents (Snow and Byrd, 2007: 124).

- Prognostic Framing

The prognostic frame stipulates the necessary steps that need to be taken in order to address the situation in need of change. Specific remedies, solutions, and tactics for accomplishing this, thus constitute the secondary phase and tell the story of ‘’what is to be done’’ (Snow and Byrd, 2007: 126). This phase often

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includes counter-framing, which is the process in which a group develops refutations of the enemies’ frame, and substantiates this with validations of their own solution. This could be an attempt to undermine the logic of the opposing party, or an attack on the authority of the identity of its rivals (Benford and Snow, 2000: 617). Most importantly, this framing task outlines what ought to be done to stop the problem diagnosed in the previous phase. It thus lays the foundation for a move to action.

- Motivational Framing

Motivational framing is the final step in the collective action frame and works towards creating active ideological adherents. It therefore aims to mobilize the individuals that have been prepared in the diagnostic and prognostic phases. This ‘’call to arms’’ therefore attempts to transform passive members into active contributors. In order to overcome the perceived risks of actively participating in a potential hazardous effort, the frame ought to neutralize fear. It can achieve its goal by framing action as one’s obligation, or even through inspiring people into believing in the virtues of martyrdom (Snow and Byrd, 2007:128). Implanting the sense of a moral duty thus seems imperative in motivational framing.

3.1.3 – Frame Articulation and Elaboration

Following the previously outlined framing tasks within the framing process, a collective action frame necessitates a variety of features essential to its elucidation. As such, the potential of a frame is not solely conjured by these three tasks alone. The sway of a frame depends not just on its originality but is derived from the manner in which it is ‘’assembled’’ (Snow and Byrd, 2007:130). In other words, the way in which a frame is constructed and related, determines its yielding power. As such, the identification of the problem, the presumed cause of it, and interlinked remedy includes simplifying certain features and highlighting others:

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‘’It is this weaving, this blending, this knitting or stitching together of strands of history, religious beliefs or ideology, conceptions of injustice, and selected events by movement and other sponsoring organizations that is the essence of the processes of frame articulation and elaboration.‘’ (Snow and Byrd, 2007:131)

Thus, it is the splicing together of various ideas, and combining these in a cohesive manner that empowers a collective action frame. These frames can subsequently come to control ones understanding of reality. An example could be suicide bombing which is understood as a heroic acts of martyrdom. This can be achieved by referring to such acts with specifically chosen words. As such, suicide bombers are within various extremist groups referred to as shaheed (martyrs) and their deaths are celebrated as weddings with Allah rather than funerals, in order to undermine its negative connotations (Lelyveld, 2001: 51). Also, the glorification of martyrdom within certain social-groups has a determining influence on how the act of suicide bombing may be perceived (Wilkinson 2002: A11). All in all, one’s idea of such an act is subject to the influential mechanisms of a frame.

Expanding on this, Benford and Snow (2000: 614) build on the wide range of literature about framing, and propose the following important features and processes inherent to collective action frames.

Locus of attribution:

The locus of attribution constitutes the size and quality of the problem. It therefore determines the amount of people that can be reached and thus its tractability (Gerhards and Rucht, 2992: 580). Big societal problems in which many include themselves can therefore mobilize more people than problems that are not widely experienced as such (Benford and Snow, 2000: 618).

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Flexibility and rigidity, inclusivity and exclusivity:

These are other features that give a frame its harnessing power. If it is a flexible frame, which can include divergent groups, it is transferrable to a wider range (Benford and Snow, 2000: 618). An example is the ‘’egalité fraternité liberté’’ frame that inspired large groups of people due to its inclusive character, and flexible and adaptable meaning to diverging social groups. Because of these two virtues, this frame was able to stir millions into action and helped start the French revolution.

Variation in interpretative scope and influence forms another way in which one can assess the power of a frame. It holds that dependent on the scope, and adaptability of a frame we can assess its potential reach. As such, imagine the variation of problems that a frame hypothetically covers. Frames that articulate minor injustices, against very specific social-group, automatically have a smaller scope and thus less influence. In this way the emphasis of a frame can either open up, or constrain the extent of its scope (Benford and Snow, 2000: 619).

Resonance:

The resonance of a frame is mostly based upon its salience and credibility. These are determined by the consistency of the frame, the reliability or authority of the frame articulators, and if there is congruence between the ideas and proposed actions (Benford and Snow, 2000: 620). As such, the frame must be consistent whilst the act should appear logical to what aims to accomplish. The resonance of a frame therefore also hangs together with the perception of opportunity. As such, Gamson and Meyer (1996: 285) argue that the idea that there is a (unprecedented) possibility for social change is essential within collective action frames.

In sum, there are a variety of factors that determine the potential of a collective action frame. Some frames, due to the deficiency of the abovementioned features, seem to lack the power to unite a group and instill action. Others however, have the sway to start revolutions.

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3.2 - Theoretical considerations:

The self-proclaimed objective of DABIQ to provoke action illustrated the need for theory that connects the concepts of ideology, framing and narratives, from an action-oriented logic. Furthermore, the instrumental character of propaganda in general and more specifically the hypothesis this is the case within DABIQ, necessitated theory to dissect instrumental communication. In my perspective, collective action framing is a highly applicable theory because it elaborates on exactly this: the framing processes which inspire action. Another reason for this choice in theory is its concurrent application by one of its founders in an article elaborating the functional value of collective action framing for analyzing fundamental Islamic and terrorist organizations (Snow and Byrd, 2007). It elucidated the value of the theory of collective action frames due to its understanding of the progression of inspiring, towards the motivation of action. As the research aims to extract this exact process, this theory lends itself in an appropriate fashion.

3.3 The Islamic Fundamentalist Ideoscape:

Frames do not exist in a vacuum void of socio-political context. Contrastingly, the setting in which frames are produced and disseminated is essential for their understanding. As such, the following chapter delineates various important developments and delves into the concept of the Islamic fundamentalist ideoscape. This because the emergence of this phenomenon is essential to understand in order to grasp the playing field in which DABIQ operates.

The content and meaning of frames is intertwined with ideology, which can be understood as socio-political belief systems that incorporate ideas on the existing order, and provide suggestions for potential change (Heywood, 2012: 5). The communication of ideology has however changed considerably due to the developments inspired by globalization. The processes of globalization can abstractly be described as developments in which time and space are compressed. Practically, this means that by virtue of the possibilities created by

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advancing technologies, people, ideas, and goods, have less spatial attachment. In other words, anything can travel anywhere, to anyone, in a time-span unimaginable a few decades ago (Geschiere and Meyer, 2003: 274). This means that ideas also have less geographical ties and that individuals, states, social movements or other organizations can distribute their ideas on a global scale.

This interconnectivity brought about by the processes of globalization has consequently led to a situation in which ideologies are widely communicated and incorporated. These ideologies are built up of narratives, which constitute cohesive stories about the world that produce identity (Cobb, 2003). The main technology that enables this is the Internet, which has connected people throughout the world and established imagined ties between communities. The communication of ideologies also transfer narratives of the ‘‘other’’ that informs either positive or negative conceptualizations of these people.

The combination of such narratives, worldviews, thoughts, and the images that accompany them, together with the individuals, diasporic communities, nation-states, religious groups and so on, which communicate them form an ideoscape. These are abstract constructs that are fluid and irregular, yet have the power to shape and characterize visions, ideas, styles, and conceptions. In other words, the information that floats around via communication technologies such as the Internet, form networks that have the power to connect and influence people ideologically (Inda and Rosaldo, 2002: 50-53). An ideoscape in this sense influences one’s conceptualization of reality, and is thus essential in the formation of one’s identity and ones role in relationship to others. Ideoscapes in this sense often incorporate a socio-political or ideological message.

The concept of Islamic fundamentalism, in combination with the various individuals, social groups, organization, and institutions, and their abstract network of thoughts, beliefs, and perspectives on the world, can be seen as such an ideoscape. It grounds itself in a variety of socio-political beliefs that are among others but most importantly the will to establish a theocratic state, in which religion dominates all spheres. As such, it is a politicized form of Islam that aims at abolishing any Western or modernized concepts of governance. This is

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due to the conceptualized irreconcilability of these practices (democracy, positive law, human rights, etc.) and the Islamic faith (Armborst, 2013: 240).

This ideoscape draws strongly on narratives of victimization. As such this ideoscape is informed by narratives that comprehend the American invasions as unjustified and condemns their political meddling in the Middle East. It furthermore problematizes the protracted Arab-Israeli conflict, the oppression of Sunni’s, and the recurring problems of socio-political bias such as dictatorships and corruption. Consequently, it inherently incorporates a strong sense of injustice against Muslims. These experienced injustices have led to much frustration and informed a high sense of animosity towards the West (Armborst, 2013: 240-242).

The ideoscape of Islamic fundamentalism however also incorporates a conceptualization that offers a remedy for these experienced injustices. It does so because it claims to empower, dispense righteousness, and unite the Islamic community. It also argues to restore Islamic grandeur, combat corruption, and end Islamic oppression. Following this ideational conceptualization, Islamic fundamentalism can be seen to offer a compelling narrative for a people that have been victimized for decades. It is therefore argued to function as an empowering form of Islamic neo-patriotism that contests Islamic decline and Western dominion, arguably an attractive counter-narrative in the troubled and anti-Western areas of the Middle East (Khatib, 2003: 240-242).

Following this, the increased present-day sense of injustice amongst many Muslims and its global communication via the Internet, has led to a momentum for the ideoscape of Islamic fundamentalism. As such, many Muslims can identity with this conceptualization of reality. Also, various networks have been seen to sprout in their opposition of Western hegemony. Groups ranging from Al-Qaida, Boko Haram, Ansar Al-Sharia, Al-Shabab and the Taliban, to more moderate Islamic fundamentalist parties contesting Western influence and advocating for international Islamic dominion and law. They hence promote a Pax-Islamica since they frame an overarching conceptualization of Islamic fundamentalist identity as the determining and necessary factor for power in opposition to the perception of anti-Islamism. This fundamentalist Islamic ideoscape thus

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functions as a delocalized socio-political identity that transcends states (Khatib, 2003: 391-393).

The global communication of this identity within this ideoscape has in turn perpetuated a broad base of sympathy and led to a wide-ranging social incorporation. All individuals, groups, and organizations, regardless of their exact interpretation, and subsequent differences, together form the ideoscape and take part in its production and dissemination. Therefore, both individuals inside and outside of the Middle East, regardless of their direct connection with the area, have incorporated or are persuaded towards these narratives and feel connected with the turmoil in the Middle East. This has created a fundamental backdrop for the distribution of Islamic States’ own frame in DABIQ because it has raised the potential susceptibility of Muslims to such ideologically charged frames that promise change for the Islamic world.

In sum, the developments amplified by globalization, in combination with the socio-political circumstances in the Middle East have led to the emergence of a widespread and well-connected fundamentalist Islamic ideoscape. This is an abstract network of ideas and people that is key in the communication of frames. It has an incomparable reach due to its virtual dissemination, and connects people regardless of their geographical location. The ideoscape employs powerful narratives of Islamic victimization and conveys a sense of necessity for Muslims to unite against their insinuated oppression.

The concept of ideoscapes thus generates an understanding of ideology as something that, through the emergence of modern communication technologies, connects and influences people through global networks of ideas. It also sets forward the idea of a specifically developing ideoscape: Islamic fundamentalism. Because DABIQ functions within the setting of an increasing Islamic fundamentalist ideoscape, its emergence is essential to understand the frame Islamic State constructs. This makes ideoscapes an indispensible concept for this thesis.

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4

– Methodology and Material:

“Without knowing the force of words, it is impossible to know more.” - Confucius

Following the theoretical framework outlined above, it is imperative to attain an analytical toolbox able to extract and dissect information from texts. Using text or talk as data in order to extricate information about its significance or consequences is part of the study of discourse. It is both a theory and method based upon the presumption that language is not neutral, but plays an active role in the process of creating or changing the way we view our world, identity, or relations between people (Jørgensen & Philips, 2002: 1). In order to analyze the narratives that sum up Islamic States’ frame as set forward in DABIQ, this chapter sets out the methodology of discourse analysis.

4.1 Discourse Analysis

Discourse analysis aims at understanding the role of language within the creation and transference of values. In order to comprehend such a discursive perspective, one ought to dissect and scrutinize the meaning of words. For example, when a politician speaks about waves of immigrants, he is not solely describing a group of incoming migrants. Rather he is conveying an implicit value of these people, which are demonized due to the negative connotation inherent to the imagined destructiveness of the word ‘’wave’’. The way something is called therefore implicitly orders value about it. Language is thus constructive in the sense that when we talk about the world, we simultaneously shape our understanding of it (Ibid.: 9).

Additionally, each separate way of referring to a certain event inherently signifies an appropriate action that ought to follow. It does so because it instills a value about the subject one is talking about. In this way, by calling a certain group terrorist, one frames them as an unlawful actor and undermines their legitimacy, whilst instilling an incentive of counteraction. From a different

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perspective this person might however be framed as a freedom fighter, illustrating the constructivist propensities of language. This distinguishes a relationship of power because power is not merely observable within language but also exerted through language. Politically, discourse has therefore played a big role in the enactment, reproduction and legitimization of power and domination (Van Dijk, 1998: 360). This points out the central concept of discursive struggle within discourse analysis, which holds that different discourses are continuously engaged in a struggle for hegemony. Hegemony in this case can be interpreted as a mechanism of control via (discursively instilled) consensus, rather than by the use of crude violence (Jørgensen & Philips, 2002: 6-7). In other words, through the use of language, different conceptualizations of reality are at odds with one another, and discursively battle via the transference of an antagonistic fixation of meaning.

Due to the nature of this research topic and data, several aspects from the broad field of discourse analysis are combined in order to create a methodological package suitable for investigation. As such, this research draws on a variety of analytical discourse principles without confining it to a specific methodological strain such as discursive psychology or critical discourse analysis. These schools of thought are more or less based upon the same main principles yet differ predominately in two ways. Firstly, the proposed vision on the ‘’scope’’ of discourse: do discourses constitute social reality completely or are they part of the social reality in which they function and are thus also formed by it. Secondly, the focus of analysis: towards a more abstract mapping of discourses prevalent within a cultural system or the examination of everyday social interaction (Ibid.: 3). However, this research does not involve such considerations and is solely adopted as a utensil for analysis. As such, discourse analysis is primarily employed as a methodology to create an understanding of the active role that language plays within the creation and transference of meaning.

Following this appreciation of language, the specific methodological approach of discourse analysis within this research aspires to understand the

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role of language in DABIQ in its construction of reality. By studying, among other qualities, the rhetoric of texts, one can furthermore withdraw information about the goal of the text, the position of the writer, and the influence it might exacerbate on its audience. In this sense, why things are viewed and experienced in certain ways is something we can extract via discourse analysis. This is the foundation of this thesis, in the sense that it is situated upon the assumption that one can extract knowledge via the analysis of linguistic documents. By way of discursively investigating DABIQ, this thesis aims to unravel obscured knowledge via Islamic States’ strategic self-conceptualization.

By underlining the discursive utensils in the rest of this methodological chapter, and later correspondingly in the analysis, this research inserts its own discursive method of highlighting by underscoring, in order to substantiate the analysis. Furthermore, as is commonly accepted in discourse analysis, one can also interpret the characteristics of visual images as if they are linguistic pieces of text (Jørgensen & Philips, 2002: 61). Therefore, various images and copies of pages from DABIQ are added to not only illustrate the way in which the text is supported by high quality images, but also draw separate interpretations of its purposes.

The methodological toolbox this research employs consists of several diagnostic devices of text analysis. As such, analyzing the linguistic features of text focuses on its direct textual features such as the vocabulary, the use of grammar, and sentence coherence (van Dijk, 2006: 125). There are however a variety of specific discursive qualities in which this thesis grounds its analysis. These are analytical tools such as the examination of the use of metaphors, which gives insight into why certain events or social relations are constructed in a certain way. Referring to tradition is such a method of conveying emotionally charged concepts onto (un)-related subjects. Through thorough analysis of such features within a text, one can extract the underlying mechanisms of particular words (Jorgensen and Philips, 2002: 69).

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Another grammatical element essential within this method of examining texts is modality. This refers to the way the author proposes his or her affinity with, or certainty of, a statement. This could be a modality of truth; it is cold today. Or rather a modality of doubt; it might be cold today (Thompson, 1990: 72). Another important discursive element is transitivity and constitutes the manner in which occurrences are connected. As such, one could instill the idea of a relationship between various events by mentioning them concurrently and in an implying sense (Jorgensen and Philips, 2002: 83). In this way, the choice of words is key in determining the meaning of the text for its reader. An example of this could be, narrativization, which is a way to instill a sense of meaningfulness by way of connecting the act or thing to widely known concepts or history (Thompson, 1990: 60).

Using biased words in the description of others is another observable way of predisposed representation that influences ones conceptualization. As such, amplifying the ‘’us versus them’’ distinction by ascribing others with certain negative characteristics does not only illustrates boundaries within society, it creates them (Van Dijk, 1998: 359). This is part of the discursive process of polarization, which represents people or ideas in such an opposed manner, that it creates a split understanding of reality and ones place in it. It often involves linguistic acts of implying good to ‘’us’’ and bad to ‘’them’’. It does so by either emphasizing certain topics, or de-emphasizing others. Such practices also involve positive or negative representation, which are key within manipulative discourse (van Dijk, 2006: 125). This could involve the construction of immigrants as a social group directly opposed to the interests of the social group the discursive receiver belongs to, by framing them as detrimental to economic stability, public safety, or social hygiene. This informs a negative understanding of a social entity through a pre-determined and opposed scheme of interpretation.

Furthermore important in this linguistic mechanism is generalization, in which the disseminator of the text or talk extends a certain contention onto other people, situations, or ideas. In other words, negative ideas about a certain

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person can be generalized onto an entire social group. Or alternatively, a strongly opinionated attitude towards a certain practice could be stretched onto the field to which it belongs. In this way, the discursive connection of emotionally charged ideas can be oversimplified and (ab)-used in order to transfer either positive or negative meaning (Van Dijk, 1998: 370). An example could be the racist interpretation that Arabs are all terrorists, because some terrorists have a Middle-Eastern background.

Either by being very specific or vague, explicit or implicit, a text thus informs a valued conceptualization (Ibid.: 370). Further ways of discursively forming reality are the use of euphemisms instead of overloaded language, (de)-focusing in order to highlight chosen things, hyperboles in order to convey more authority and implicit assumptions to naturalize whatever is being said (van Dijk, 2006: 125). All together, these analytical discursive tools will comprise the methodological package this research employs in order to find, extract, and dissect collective action frames, and the broader discursive mechanisms of the texts and images within DABIQ.

Viewing language as an interpretative framework from which we can learn something about its purpose and function, but also the wider context in which it is situated makes discourse analysis an appropriate approach for the ambitions of this thesis. Furthermore, this thesis will frequently refer to statistics from the analysis. These are numbers emanating from the categorization of DABIQ with Atlas.ti. This is a software program that was used to categorize repetitive topics and subsequently make an inventory of the recurring themes within DABIQ. The main results of this software-assisted analysis can be found in the Appendices.

4.2 - Material / Data:

As noted, the focus of this research is the bi-monthly produced magazine DABIQ. Besides this magazine, Islamic State uses several other outlets for the spread of its ideology as well as its online recruitment efforts. These range from video

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material (short recruitment clips and actual films), the publication of essays and the use of social media (predominately Twitter and Facebook accounts). The reason that DABIQ is the main focus is because it appears to be the main media outlet for Islamic State. As such, DABIQ features a plurality of topics, ranging the entire span of their various topics of media publications. Not only does it report about life from within Islamic State, it covers their aspirations, military operations, religious stance, threats to the international community, interviews with members, reports on foreign jihadists, and manipulated versions of interviews.

The content of DABIQ therefore seems to be a carefully selected categorical combination of the preferred frame that ISIS wants to send out. Furthermore, because of the holistic nature of the magazine, and the assumption it is created by Islamic State for certain purposes, it seems to be apt for thorough and academic analysis. The fact that it is distributed in multiple languages makes it all the more interesting because it points out a broad target audience. For the purpose of this thesis, the research confines itself to the English translation of DABIQ. A total of 14 editions are subject to this study, and constitute, at point of publication, the full amount of issues published by Islamic State. This consists of 976 of pages in total and amounts to an overview of most of Islamic States media output.

4.3 Research considerations:

Discourse analysis as a theory and method is inherently based on a variety of distinct theoretical and philosophical premises. These include that our knowledge of the world is no objective truth, but is historically and culturally specific of discursive interchanges between people. Discourse as such is seen a form of social action through which we construct what is true or false (Jorgensen and Philips, 2002: 5). This conceptualization of the nature of our social reality places discourse analysis in the social-constructivist domain of research. It also sets discourse analysis within post-structuralism because of the rejection of the structuralist notion that language is a stable, unchangeable, and totalizing

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structure. The notion within discourse analysis is rather that there are several systems of meaning reflected within discursive patterns that are either maintained or transformed through interaction (Jorgensen and Philips, 2002: 10-12). This idea that knowledge is mediated, yet grounded in underlying structures of power signifies its critical realist position (Parker, 2002).

Consequently, general criticisms of discourse analysis are that its lacks in internal validity. This is connected to the idea that within interpretative qualitative research other interpretations might be drawn from the same data. This also points out the problem of generalizability. However, this does not make discourse analysis redundant because it is, especially in the case of DABIQ, an essential way of extracting and analyzing information. Furthermore, by way of being highly reflexive of this drawback, it will be minimized as much as possible. In terms of analysis this research departs with a deductive approach because it firstly attempts to test a hypothesis with empirical data. This is that DABIQ functions as a window through which Islamic State can invoke action amongst (potential) adherents, and will be the subject of the first analytical chapter. However, during the course of the research it appeared that besides the objective of imparting action, DABIQ also has an additional imperative: one of claiming authority as an Islamic fundamentalist organization. This became clear by the frequent extraction of such discursive claims within the text. Therefore, besides solely testing the hypothesis via a deductive approach, this thesis expanded its analytical scope during the research period and will also inductively generate knowledge about Islamic States’ propaganda output. It will do so by formulating a theory about a second imperative of DABIQ for Islamic State. This will be done in the second analytical chapter.

In terms of generalization, DABIQ seems to provide a valid source of data since it functions as a substantial and clear communication vent of Islamic State to the outside world. Because it arguably functions as a window of propaganda, regardless of the verifiability of the information it incorporates, DABIQ is an important source of data if one want to scrutinize Islamic States’ ideological frame and goals.

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4.4 Research Relevancy and Ethics Statement:

Frequently, simplified notions inform popular explanations of the appeal of Islamic State. These might consist of considering Islam as an inherently violent religion, or anyone who joins Islamic State as irrational. Both conceptions do however not contribute to, or even conceal, a nuanced understanding of Islamic States’ magnetism. In order to contribute to a fair-minded apprehension of why individuals join Islamic State, this research aims to contribute to the idea that inclinations of religious affiliation, belonging and socio-political marginalization, form the structural grounds from which Islamic State receives its appeal. If it are predominately such socio-political factors, this research will also indirectly add knowledge to the understanding of the processes of Islamic fundamentalism, contemporary propaganda, and specifically Islamic States’ appeal and recruitment efforts. Furthermore, it could inspire more effective countermeasures of terrorism by instilling an appreciation of the necessity for structural change in the Middle East.

In line with the ethical guidelines as formulated by the American Anthropological Association, this research will be conducted whilst taking responsibility to the people directly and indirectly affected by it. It will most importantly but not limited to, avoid bringing harm and work from and towards integrity within the discipline and broader science (AAA, 2012). Considering the fact that the majority of my research will be based upon a discourse analysis of material which the subjects, Islamic State itself, publicly distributed, this can be used freely.

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5

– Analysis

“But if thought corrupts language, language can also corrupt thought.” – George Orwell 1984

5.1 - Collective Action Frames

According to the previously outlined theory on framing, a frame capable of encouraging action requires three framing tasks and several features. These consist of a diagnostic, a prognostic and a motivational task. Together, they form a collective action frame, which, if also adhering to the necessary propensities, harbors potential sway over large amounts of people. Accordingly, this analysis aims to dissect DABIQ on the basis of the framing tasks and features of collective action frames theory. This will lead to an understanding of the potential sway Islamic States’ framework as set forwards in DABIQ and its underlying discursive mechanisms. The following chapter distinguishes these three framing tasks within DABIQ and illustrates, using quotes and images, how they are discursively build up. As stated within the methodology chapter, discursive methods are underlined to provide the reader with increased structure.

5.1.1 Diagnostic framing

In this initial theoretical phase of collective action frames, the objective is to extract discursive ways in which DABIQ communicates an appreciation of ‘’what is wrong’’. This includes a conceptualization of various actors and the situation at large. It could involve the highlighting of certain injustices that help to convey an idea onto both existing and potential adherents about who or what is the problem. This is essential because only when the diagnostic phase is well defined, the frame can bolster sufficient consensus amongst it adherents (Snow and Byrd, 2007: 124).

Us versus Them

DABIQ incorporates a strong diagnostic frame through introducing a bi-polar conceptualization of social identity groups. As such, in order to define the enemy,

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they convey a polarized notion of Sunni Muslims against all others. The analysis distinguished between 119 different accounts of such polarized representation and is thus a highly recurrent theme throughout DABIQ. An example is the following use of discursive methodology:

‘’The world has been divided into two camps – […] The camp of Islam and faith, and the camp of kufr (disbelief) and hypocrisy – the camp of the Muslims and the mujahidin everywhere, and the camp of the jews, the crusaders, their allies, and with them the rest of the nations and religions of kufr, all being led by America and Russia, and being mobilized by the Jews.’’ (DABIQ, 1: 10)

By framing the world as a unit divided in two parts, with nothing in between, there is an implicit ordering present that is set to persuade its readers. Due to the conceptualization that this constitutes of being either a true Muslim or the inherent negative opposite of this; Jews, apostates, crusaders, and all other rejecters of Islam (Kuffar), the sentence influences the life-world of its reader. It imposes a polarized reality that arguably aims to motivate a move towards envisioning himself as the former or at least negatively perceive the entire latter grouping. This reflects how the writer conceptualizes reality and through this text employs generalization and rationalizes an ‘’us versus them’’ dogma. It can therefore be read as a reasoning that seeks to persuade its audience.

Victimization

After constructing and opposing the conceptualization of Islamic States’ proposed idea of identity against others, an essential tenet of DABIQ is framing the Muslim Ummah (global polity of believers) under threat. It is prevalent throughout the entire range of editions, is often accompanied by images, and functions mainly through defining enemies of Islam (and consequently Islamic State), through a narrative of victimization:

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‘’The US had killed women, children, and the elderly, during its direct occupation of Iraq prior to its withdrawal. There are countless accounts of American soldiers executing families and raping women under the sanctity of the US military and Blackwater. Muslim families were killed under the broad definition of “collateral damage,” which the US grants itself alone the right to apply. Therefore, if a mujāhid kills a single man with a knife, it is the barbaric killing of the “innocent.” However, if Americans kill thousands of Muslim families all over the world by pressing missile fire buttons, it is merely “collateral damage”.... ‘’(DABIQ, 3: 3)

This way DABIQ conveys the idea of Muslims as a social group under attack. The victimization of people that are rhetorically construed as part of ones religious group, fortifies a polarized interpretation of identity. Embellishments are inserted to emphasize the injustices perpetrated by the US. The yielding power of such framing is substantial because it takes severe crimes against Muslims as its point of departure and consequently addresses a large group of people.

The following pictures are depicted alongside such text and are meant to illustrate the victimization of Muslims in the Middle East. The ‘’crusader coalition’’ is coined in order to implicitly convey the idea of the current coalition as being similar to the former crusaders of the 11th_{century. Using the ‘‘crusader’’}

reference consequently attaches a negative connotation upon the social groups it is connected to. These groups are furthermore framed as violent oppressors, in whose attacks innocent Muslims are mere ‘’collateral damage’’.

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By ‘’exposing’’ who is responsible for the variety of injustices against Muslims, Islamic State provides DABIQs’ readers with a clear diagnosis of who are to be seen as the perpetrators of these crimes. The text and pictures seemingly aim at conveying a sense of injustice that both reinforces in-group affiliation, and underlines out-group division.

(Source: DABIQ, 1: 42/43) By depicting the death of innocent children, such imagery conveys a strong sense of injustice, which is subsequently attributed to the Assad regime. Similarly, in the following quote, the Kurdish PKK is, through a modality of truth, proposed as a group responsible for vile deeds:

‘’Hence, the PKK demolished entire villages, destroyed entire neighborhoods of homes, and displaced entire communities on an ethnic basis as was documented by the Western-oriented “Amnesty International” in its study of the PKK.’’ (DABIQ, 12: 50)

As is discernible from the quote above, hyperboles (‘’entire communities’’) are employed to substantiate this message. It also draws legitimacy for this

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statement by linking it to a report from a Western NGO. The communication of these negative representations informs ones understanding about reality. This culminates in a determining conceptualization of reality, and thus construes ones vision towards opposing others. DABIQ leaves no doubt considering who stands where:

‘’So the kuffār – whether they are Catholic, Protestant, or Orthodox Christians, whether they are Orthodox, Conservative, or Progressive Jews, whether they are Buddhists, Hindus, or Sikhs, whether they are capitalists, communists, or fascists – they are ultimately allies of one another against Islam and the Muslims.’’ (DABIQ, 12: 48)

By way of generalization a variety of groups are aligned with one another and diametrically opposed to Muslims. The injustices against Muslims by these groups constitute the diagnosis of ‘’the problem’’.

In conclusion, DABIQ offers a diagnostic framework that instills a sense of Muslims as opposed to others and solidifies it via a narrative of victimization. It is an inclusive framework because it theoretically includes all Sunni Muslims. Its locus of attribution is grounded in all crimes against Muslims and the long-lasting problematic situation in the Middle East. Together, there were over 150 separate accounts in which DABIQ exposes ‘’the problem’’ (See Appendices II). The recurrence and built-up of this narrative thus seems to give Islamic State a powerful scope.

5.1.2 Prognostic framing

After diagnosing what is wrong with the world, the prognostic frame theoretically ought to convey an idea about ‘’what is to be done’’. This should ideologically constitute a logical continuation of the previous phase and include the necessary steps in order to overcome the proposed problem as established in

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the diagnostic framing. The proposed remedies, solutions, and tactics are thus the focal point of this step.

Muslim Collectivity

DABIQ persistently insinuates a conceptualization of Sunni Muslims as united. This unity is conveyed as a certainty, yet functions as a prognostic frame because it seems to aspire to implant the idea that uniting is a fundamental step for the Muslims world. The research distinguished between 81 accounts of such identity formation narratives (See Appendices II). An important factor in this is instilling a collective sense of identity for all Sunni Muslims. Interestingly, they do so via a supra-ethnic narrative of brotherhood:

‘’It is a state where the Arab and non-Arab, the white man and black man, the easterner and westerner are all brothers. It is a khilāfah that gathered the Caucasian, Indian, Chinese, Shāmī, Iraqi, Yemeni, Egyptian, Maghribī (North African), American, French, German, and Australian. Allah brought their hearts together, and thus, they became brothers by His grace, loving each other for the sake of Allah, standing in a single trench, defending and guarding each other, and sacrificing themselves for one another. Their blood mixed and became one, under a single flag and goal, in one pavilion, enjoying this blessing, the blessing of faithful brotherhood. If kings were to taste this blessing, they would abandon their kingdoms and fight over this grace. All praise and thanks are due to Allah.’’ (DABIQ, 8: 3)

As is common in nationalist language (Anderson, 1983), this text illustrates the use of highly metaphorical phrases aimed at instilling a sense of unity such as: ‘’under a single flag and goal, in one pavilion’’. This rhetoric of union and brotherhood insinuates and hence constructs an imagined tight relationship between all Muslims. Through this, Islamic State seems to try to construct an ideological sense of Islamic unity. This narrative is therefor replete with the idea

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that (real) Muslims constitute one group. They frequently highlight this in DABIQ:

‘’Here in the Islamic State, all affiliations are null and void when they conflict with one’s allegiance to Islam and the Muslims.’’ (DABIQ, 11: 12)

This quote illustrates an emphasis on the importance of ones adherence to the Islamic faith, whilst de-emphasizing other identity markers such as ethnicities or nationalities. In this way, Islamic State is constructing an identity based on religion, rather than on other associations. It is also symbolically visualized within DABIQ:

(Source: DABIQ, 12: 9) The picture above shows men of several ethnicities together in the same uniform joined up in a circle. The composition seems rather unlikely, pointing out the probable arrangement of these individuals, in order to illustrate and solidify their discursively produced idea of Islamic unity surpassing ethnicity.

It is furthermore fortified through various other discursive elements visible in, among others, the following quote:

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‘’The American Muslim is our beloved brother. And the kāfir Arab is our despised enemy even if we and he were to have shared the same womb” [Al-Mawqif ash-Shar’ī min Hukūmat Karazay al-‘Irāq].’’ (DABIQ, 8: 2)

Again, a supra-national rhetoric of Islamic brotherhood and unity is established. This is partly done through the usage of religiously meaningful words such as Kafir, meaning nonbeliever, which harbors a highly negative connotation.

The concept of brotherhood for all Muslims is thus central in this conceptualization and features throughout the editions of DABIQ:

‘’Thus, the correct way to approach the issue of racism from an Islamic perspective is to reassert the importance and significance of walā’ and barā’, and to state in clear and unequivocal terms that those who wage war against Islam and the Muslims will not be spared on account of their skin color or ethnicity. The fate of a kāfir waging war against the Muslims is one and the same across the entire racial spectrum – slaughter. The reason for this is simple: A Muslim’s loyalty is determined, not by his skin color, his tribal affiliation, or his last name, but by his faith. He loves those whom Allah loves and hates those whom Allah hates. He forges alliances for the cause of Allah and breaks relations for the cause of Allah.’’ (DABIQ, 11: 11)

Again, DABIQ employs Arabic words that are charged with religious sentiment in order to convey their ideas. The words walā’ and barā (literally meaning loyalty and disavowal) are used to refer to the obligation of solidarity and innate brotherhood one has with other Muslims whilst simultaneously calling for the rejection of non-believers as friends or allies. This illustrates the prognostic framing task of defining what ought to be done. Such texts are often accompanied by the following visualizations:

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(Source: DABIQ, 11: 10)

Such imagery can be seen as substantiating the discursive framework proposed above. By depicting two individuals of apparent different ethnicities, and linking it to the religious concept of walā’ and barā and then contrasting it to the negatively represented situation of American racism, DABIQ aims to reinforce its statements. In all, these quotes and images strongly illustrate this element of collective action framing within DABIQ. It also leads us to the next sub-category within the prognostic frame.

Establishment of Islamic States’ Caliphate

This theme appeared around 33 times in the discourse analysis yet conjures DABIQs’ main precept considering its prognostic frame as well as follows up the

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idea of Islamic unity (See Appendices II). This narrative firstly proposes a sense of legitimacy onto the idea of socio-political unity for Muslims. The central concept of an Ummah, which ideologically constitutes the entirety of Muslims, is essential within this frame. It serves as a concept that ties Muslims together and allocates political dominion of a Khalifah. This well-known Islamic concept is then represented to be synonymous to Islamic State. It thus aims for the acceptance of the establishment of the Caliphate of Islamic State and points out its necessity for the protection of the Muslim collectivity and return of Islamic power and honor:

“The Khalīfah (hafidhahullāh) said, “O Muslims everywhere, glad tidings to you and expect good. Raise your heads high, for today – by Allah’s grace – you have a state and khilāfah, which will return your dignity, might, rights, and leadership.” (DABIQ, 8: 3)

This phrase aims at conveying the idea of the caliphate as a prerequisite to ‘’return your dignity, might, rights, and leadership’’. It contains an implicit assumption that these are lacking, and proposes, by way of transitivity, that a Caliphate, or more specifically the Caliphate established by Islamic State, will restore them.

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(Source: DABIQ, 1: 8/9) To highlight this necessity, the Caliphate is framed as an authoritative socio-political entity that takes care of its inhabitants:

‘’It is for this reason that the Islamic State has long maintained an initiative that sees it waging its jihād alongside a da’wah campaign that actively tends to the needs of its people. It fights to defend the Muslims, liberate their lands, and bring an end to the tawāghīt, while simultaneously seeking to guide and nurture those under its authority and ensure that both their religious and social needs are met.’’ (DABIQ, 3:13)

Such quotes use both religious and social rhetoric in order to communicate a sense of urgency to unite politically, and establish a Caliphate. This Caliphate is framed as a logical or even necessary structure in order to ensure safety and well-being for all Muslims.

This is subsequently inserted in their main point of symbolically rejecting the Sykes-Picot agreement, which in colonial times divided a big part of the Middle East between Britain and France. As such, the borders introduced by

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Western forces are negatively represented and historically narrativized as illegitimate:

“We do not perform jihād here for a fistful of dirt or an illusory border drawn up by Sykes and Picot.’’ (DABIQ, 8: 3)

This referencing to a timeworn agreement is recurring within DABIQ, and seeks to both inform and influence its readers about the divisions created by Western countries. It draws symbolic strength due to the connotations readers hold to such religious and historic ideas, terms, and designations. It furthermore paves the way for a discursive argument that Muslims must fight against such oppression. The frame thus aims to communicate congruence over the problem and the proposed response.

‘’Today we are upon the doorstep for a new era, a turning point for the map of the region, rather the world. Today we witness the end of the lie called western civilization and the rise of the Islamic giant.’’ (DABIQ, 4: 3)

As such, this sentence pursues to enhance the resonance of Islamic states frame. It does so by instilling the perception of an exceptional opportunity by way of stating that ‘’today we are upon the doorstep of a new era’’. This instills a sense of opportunity aimed at strengthening ones ideological motivation. It all points to the necessity of accepting Islamic States’ Caliphate as a crucial entity, which exceedingly illustrates the theoretical necessities of prognostic framing.

Socio-political and Religious Resolutions

In this step, DABIQ essentially outlines its ideological almanac considering several proposed ideational solutions. It fortifies the requirement of creating the Islamic state and several institutes of governance providing for the Ummah. In DABIQs’ first edition the following benefits of Islamic State are proposed: