Policy Transfer and Sustainable Tourism in
Amsterdam
Understanding policy transfer on sustainable tourism policy in Amsterdam
Koen van Veldhuizen
MA Research project: Transnational Sustainability Governance Prof. Dr. Philip
Schleifer
Second reader: Sebastian Krapohl
Abstract
Tourism is a serious issue in Amsterdam and in many other European cities. Sustainable tourism is on the agenda of many of these cities. Some of these cities cooperate through international city networks e.g. C40 or EUROCITIES. Cities can also cooperate outside these international city networks, bilaterally or through associations. Various forms of policy transfer are identified in the literature. It is unclear how the mechanisms of policy transfer play a role in relation to sustainable tourism in Amsterdam. This directly leads to the central research question of this research, namely: What is the role of policy transfer in relation to sustainable tourism in Amsterdam? The key findings in this study are that policy learning and policy transfer can be observed on the subject of sustainability. Yet, there is no evidence that there is policy transfer on the subject of sustainable tourism specifically. This study offers potential reasons and explanations for these outcomes.
Content
1. Introduction 5
1.1. The importance of cities and sustainability 5
1.2. Cities, tourism and sustainability 5
1.3. Transnational Municipal Networks 6
1.4. The importance of policy transfer 7
1.5. Research Question 8 1.6. Key findings 8 1.7. Societal relevance 8 1.8. Academic relevance 9 1.9. Structure 9 2. Literature Review 10
2.1. The debate on TMNs, sustainability and policy transfer 10
2.2. The debate on sustainable tourism 12
3. Theoretical Framework 13
3.1. The mechanisms of policy transfer 13
3.1.1. Learning 14
3.1.2. Competition 14
3.1.3. Coercion 15
3.1.4. Mimicry 15
3.2. Interaction between the mechanisms and causality 16
3.3. The policy transfer framework 17
3.3.1. Why do actors engage in policy transfer? 19
3.3.2. Who are the key actors involved in the policy transfer process? 19
3.3.3. What is transferred? 20
3.3.4. From where are lessons drawn? 20
3.3.5. What are the different degrees of transfer? 21 3.3.6. What restricts or facilitates the policy transfer process? 21 3.3.7. How is the process of policy transfer related to policy
“success” or policy “failure”? 22
3.4. Summary 22
4. Methodology 23
4.1. Research Approach 23
4.2. Research design 23
4.3. Case selection 23
4.3.1. Amsterdam and tourism 24
4.3.2. Amsterdam as an international city 24
4.4. Data and Method 25
4.4.1. Interviews 26
4.4.2. Document analysis 27
4.4.3. Validity and reliability concerns 27
4.4.4. Semi-structured interviews in relationship to validity and reliability 28
5.The case study: Amsterdam 29
5.1. TMNs and sustainable tourism in Amsterdam 29
5.2. Policy transfer in Amsterdam through initiatives 31
5.3. Tourism and booking platforms 32
5.4. Summary 33
6.Analysis: using the policy transfer framework 34
6.1. Why do actors engage in policy transfer? 35
6.2. Who is involved in the policy transfer process? 36
6.3 What is transferred? 36
6.4. From where are lessons drawn? 37
6.5. What are the different degrees of transfer? 38
6.6. What restricts or facilitates the policy transfer process? 39
6.7. Summary 40
7. Discussion and conclusion 41
8. Bibliography 43
09. Appendix A: List of interviewees 46
1. Introduction
1.1. The importance of cities and sustainability
Some scholars argue that the city is mankind's greatest invention (Glaeser 2011, 6). According to the UN agency: "The 100 years from 1950 to 2050 will be remembered for the greatest social, cultural, economic and environmental transformation in history; the urbanization of humanity. With half of us now occupying urban space, the future of the human species is tied to the city" (UN-Habitat 2008, 2). In recent years there has been a new phenomenon in global environmental governance, namely that subnational and municipal climate action has become more important. Cities and regions rather than nations have gained more and more importance in environmental governance (Bansard et al, 2016:230). In the last decade, cities and regions have actively engaged in global climate change issues in their own jurisdictions, and they have formed transnational networks to address climate change in international arenas (Lee, 2013:108). Increasingly, the conception that cities instead of states are the relevant actors for dealing with complex problems such as climate change has grown among academics, media and policy makers (Kousky & Schneider, 2003:370). Some argue that by understanding and taking advantage of the local, regional and international positioning of a city or group of cities, the process of diffusion of urban innovations, in particular those focused on sustainability issues, can be facilitated (Mejía-Dugand et al, 2016:62). This is why transnational municipal networks (TMNs) can be very important for environmental governance. The idea is that by becoming part of TMNs cities have access to knowledge that is collectively supported, maintained, nurtured and shared (ibid). Yet studies on the effectiveness of these TMNs seem to be lacking. In recent years an increase is observed in the number of cities that are part of a transnational network. Yet the effectiveness of these networks has not yet been proven. 1.2 Cities, tourism and sustainability
There are many different ways in which cities as entities can attempt to become more sustainable. One of the leading industries that is found mostly in cities is tourism. In recent decades, the tourism sector has become one of the world’s leading industries (WTTC, 2017). The significant growth in tourism has been experienced most notably within the European Union. The EU ranked first in terms of the direct contribution of tourism to GDP in 2016 (ibid). It is without a doubt that tourism is of economic importance to countries and cities within the EU. Yet, as always it seems, there is a downside to this story. In some cases, the high level of
tourism development has contributed to the degradation of the environment (Alfaro Navarro, 2019:1). It is not surprising that over the last decades, substantial and growing societal and academic interest has emerged for the development of environmentally sustainable tourism. In 2017, the United Nation even designated the year as the International Year of Sustainable Tourism for Development. The main objective of the UN was to promote tourism in the areas of inclusiveness, sustainable economic growth, resource efficiency, environmental protection and climate change (Lamers et al, 2019:349). In the city of Amsterdam, the subject of sustainable tourism has been on the agenda for over a decade (Amsterdamin2020). Amsterdam is the main tourist destination in the Netherlands and has seen a significant growth in the tourism industry in recent years. A good indicator of this trend is the fact that Amsterdam has seen an increase in hotel occupancy rates from 70% in 2005 to 81% in 2016 (Noordeloos, 2018:133). Unsurprisingly, this has a big impact on the city and the surrounding areas in an economic, social and environmental way. According to Noordeloos it is crucial that the city of Amsterdam achieves a balanced tourism situation that can be sustained in the long term. For this to be realized it is important to make long-term tourism plans and to include all stakeholders in the decision-making process. “This, value is added to the economy, society and environment simultaneously and tourism can be further developed in a sustainable way” (ibid). These long-term tourism plans should not only include the direct stakeholders like hotels, restaurants and shops, but also stakeholders from the transportation industries like airports, cruise ship terminals and railways.
1.3. Transnational Municipal Networks
One can argue that TMNs are in fact not a new phenomenon at all. In the Middle Ages it was not uncommon for cities to be within city networks. The Hanseatic League is an example of a city network based on trade in the late 13th century. This research will however focus on the TMNs that were established in recent years. First, it is important to know what a TMN is. According to Kern and Bulkeley (2009), TMNs have three distinguishing features. The first one is that member cities are autonomous and are free to join or leave. The second one is that the networks are often characterized as a form of self-governance, this is because the networks are considered non-hierarchical, horizontal and polycentric. The third feature is that decisions taken within the network are directly implemented by the members of the network (Kern & Bulkeley, 2009:309-310). It is important to note that TMNs are different from the traditional transnational associations or NGO’s, for these focus more on lobbying and mobilization than
on self-governance (Kern & Bulkeley, 2009:310). There are also TMNs that focus solely on environmental issues some scholars call these transnational municipal climate networks or TMCNs. TMCNs are transnational institutions that provide the space and opportunity for local governments to exchange ideas on the subject of sustainable governance. Busch and Anderberg (2015), expand on the criteria given by Kern and Bulkeley for their definition of a TMCN. The first criteria that Busch and Anderberg add is that TMCNs need to have more than two members. This means that a partnership between two cities or municipalities does not constitute a network (Busch & Anderberg, 2015:6). The second criteria that is added is that TMCNs need to have a certain degree of formalisation and institutionalisation. This means that cities that join a network gain certain rights and obligations, also the network must have its own staff and physical headquarters (ibid). In this thesis, no distinction will be made between TMNs and TMCNs, since for the intents and purposes of this research they can be considered the same. So, from now on only the term TMN will be used. There have not been many studies on the phenomenon of these ‘new’ TMNs. Some scholars argue that rigorous assessment of the aggregate phenomenon of TMNs in climate governance is still missing (Bansard et al, 2016:230).
1.4. The importance of policy transfer and policy diffusion
The focus in this research project will be on understanding policy transfer and policy diffusion between cities on the subject of sustainable tourism. An often cited, very minimal, definition of policy diffusion is: “diffusion is defined as a process where choices are interdependent, that is, where the choice of a government influences the choices made by others and, conversely, the choice of a government is influenced by the choices made by others” (Braun & Gilardi, 2006:299). There are three distinct ways in which diffusion can take place. First, the success or failure of a policy in another state or city can shape the decision to adopt similar policies (Magetti & Gilardi, 2015:87). A second reason for diffusion can be because a policy is highly valued by peers, provides legitimacy to adopters or is widely accepted as an appropriate response to a given problem (ibid). Thirdly, policies can be adopted in need to maintain one’s attractiveness as compared to others (ibid). When it comes to policy transfer, the most popular definition is policy transfer as a process by which: “knowledge about policies, administrative arrangements, institutions and ideas in one political setting is used in development of policies, administrative arrangements and ideas in another political setting” (Dolowitz & Marsh, 2000:5). Yet others argue that policy transfer is not simply copying or emulation. There is also
designs’ (Wolman, 1992:41). According to Marsh and Sharman (2009), there are four major mechanisms in explaining policy diffusion and policy transfer. These are respectively learning, competition, coercion and mimicry (Marsh and Sharman, 2009:271).
1.5. Research question
In this research, an attempt will be made to get a better insight into how sustainable tourism policies in Amsterdam come into being. The focus of the research is on getting a better understanding of to what extent Amsterdam’s intercity relations play a role in the process of developing sustainable tourism policies. The research question that has been developed for the intends and purposes of this project is as follows:
What is the role of policy transfer in relation to sustainable tourism in Amsterdam? Answering this question should provide a broader insight into the role of policy transfer in Amsterdam in general, as well as an insight into the role of policy transfer in relation to sustainable tourism in Amsterdam in specific.
1.6. Key findings
This study finds that there is some policy learning through the TMNs, yet not on the subject of sustainable tourism. The most important reason for this is that while sustainability is high on the agenda of almost every TMN, sustainable tourism specifically is not. A potential reason for this could be that tourism policies differ to a large extent between cities. While many cities deal with tourism as a problem, the cities themselves vary tremendously in the way that they are organized at the municipal level when it comes to tourist policy. This study found that there are other initiatives between cities in Europe when it comes to sustainable tourism, but these are not organized through the traditional TMN structures. Also, some specific areas of sustainable tourism have more international traction than other areas. This was most notably found in relation to platform-based tourist services like Airbnb. When it comes to Airbnb, there seems to be policy transfer between cities, yet this is mostly in bilateral bases instead of through the TMN structures.
1.7. Societal relevance
As previously stated, the tourism sector has become one of the world’s leading industries (WTTC, 2017). The significant growth in tourism has been experienced most notably within the European Union. The EU ranked first in terms of the direct contribution of tourism to GDP in 2016 (ibid). It is without a doubt that tourism is of economic importance to countries and
cities within the EU. Yet, as always it seems, there is a downside to this story. In some cases, the high level of tourism development has contributed to the degradation of the environment (Alfaro Navarro, 2019:1). Cities and urban areas are to a large extent responsible for worldwide pollution and negative effects on climate change. Tourism is an important factor in this as well. In recent decades there has been a steep increase in membership to TMNs by cities. Understanding the dynamics of policy transfer in relation to sustainable tourism in Amsterdam can proof helpful in similar cases all over the world. It should provide some insight into to what extent TMNs are the actual drivers of sustainable innovation in cities, beyond just being a platform for intermunicipal collaboration.
1.8. Academic relevance
There is a plethora of literature on TMNs in general, and some literature on TMNs in relation to policy transfer (Wolman & Page, 2003; Hakelberg, 2014; Busch et al, 2018; Fünfgeld, 2015; Kern & Bulkeley, 2009). According to Busch et al (2018), there is still a blind spot in the literature when it comes to the internal use of TMN membership. In the research of the last decades on this subject, the internal use of TMN membership has been neglected. It is therefore suggested that further research must focus, most of all, on the internal processes of decision making (Busch et al, 2018:229). This research is a humble attempt to fill this gap. While trying to answer the question; What is the role of policy transfer in relation to sustainable tourism in Amsterdam? The focus will be on the internal process of decision making.
1.9. Structure
Now that the introduction to the subject matter is clear, it is time to briefly discuss the structure of the rest of the thesis. The structure of the rest of this thesis will be as follows: First a thorough review of the relevant and current literature will be presented in chapter 2. In this chapter, the literature on the debate on policy transfer in relation to TMNs will be discussed first. After this, the debate on sustainable tourism and city branding will be analyzed. After the literature review, chapter 3 follows in which the theoretical framework will be discussed. When the theoretical basis of the research has been explained, the methodology will be set out in chapter 4. Chapter 4 will consist of the research design, case selection, the data and methods, and finally a brief discussion on the validity and reliability concerns. In chapter 5 it is time for the analysis of the data. Here the findings of the research will be thoroughly discussed. Chapters 6,7 and 8 are respectively the discussion, conclusion and bibliography.
2. Literature review
The purpose of this literature review is to assess the state of the art of the academic literature in relation to the research. This literature review will serve as the jumping point on which this research shall build. In recent decades, there has been a growth in literature on the subject of policy transfer and diffusion (Dolowitz & Marsh, 2000:5). This can to some extend be understood as a result of economic globalization. There are, however, other developments that can be deemed equally important such as the rapid growth in communications of all types which makes exchange of ideas and knowledge much easier (Dolowitz & Marsh, 2000:7). For the intends and purposes of this research it will not be needed to thoroughly review all the literature on policy transfer. In this section, only the most recent and relevant literature on policy transfer and TMNs will be reviewed.
2.1. The debate on TMNs, sustainability and policy transfer
From very local networks encompassing only local government, to national and transnational municipal networks as well as bilateral cooperation between cities. All these networks can provide important institutional settings within which knowledge about climate change can be exchanged (Gustavsson et al, 2009:70) (Shefer, 2019:61). In recent years there have been studies on whether these networks are actually successful in providing this knowledge exchange. In their research on the role of TMNs on cities’ climate policy, Rashidi and Patt (2018) found that joining international networks correlates with an increase in the adoption of climate policies (Rashidi & Patt, 2018:517). For their research they focused on two networks, Local Governments for Sustainability or ICLEI (from its previous name International Council for Local Climate Initiatives) and the more recent C40. Both are considered noticeable transnational networks focusing on climate change mitigation programs, setting the grounds and facilitating the process for knowledge sharing (Rashidi & Patt, 2018:508). The results of their research show that cities that are a member of both networks adopt more climate policies than those in only one. Also, members of the C40 network are more likely to adopt climate policies than members of ICLEI (Rashidi & Patt, 2018:517). According to the authors, other socioeconomic, demographic, policy and environmental variables also influence the likelihood of policy adoption (Rashidi & Patt, 2018:520). Other researchers are a little more critical about the relationship between TMNs and policy transfer.
In their introduction, Bansard et al (2017) argue that a rigorous assessment of the aggregate phenomenon of TMNs in climate governance is missing (Bansard et al, 2017:230).
According to their research, there is a high concentration of TMNs in Europe and North America. Yet, there are no cities or regions situated within a developing country. This could mean that TMNs are not an alternative form of climate governance, but just a replication of existing policy networks in Europe and the USA (Bansard et al, 2017:242). While both of these researches provide some insight in the correlation between TMNs and their effects on cities policies, they show little of the dynamics of policy transfer itself in relationship to TMNs.
According to Kern and Bulkeley (2009), there are three governance strategies that are used by TMNs. The first strategy uses information and communication, the second strategy uses project funding and cooperation, the third strategy uses recognition, benchmarking and certification (Kern & Bulkeley, 2009:319). Hakelberg (2014) continues to build on this premise. Hakelberg argues that all of these three strategies used by TMNs involve policy diffusion. Hakelberg’s argument is that TMNs can play an important role in accelerating the policy diffusion dynamics (Hakelberk, 2014:113). One of the findings by Hakelberg that can be considered relevant for this research is that TMNs have promoted the spread of local climate strategies among European cities between 1992 and 2009, through the successful acceleration of learning processes among their constituents, relying on several strategies for governance by diffusion (Hakelberg, 2014:123).
Bulkeley et al (2003) state that the structure of TMNs is crucial to the process of policy transfer and diffusion. Because TMNs are usually polycentric, horizontal and non-hierarchical in nature, hierarchical mechanisms and dynamics for the management of TMNs is uncommon (Bulkeley et al, 2003:244). This is where policy diffusion and policy transfer come into play. Central components of TMNs that work without a hierarchical structure are, the exchange of information and experience, the selection of ‘best’ practice and transnational policy transfer. Other mechanisms that are central components of the intra organizational strategy of TMNs are policy diffusion and policy learning (ibid). However, some studies have found that policy transfer between cities not self-evident. In a study on policy transfer in Britain, Wolman and Page (2002) found that learning between local authorities is overall weak. In more than half of the cases where the researchers found learning, it concerned neighboring local and regional authorities (Wolman & Page, 2002:487-488). Bulkeley et al (2003) found that TMNs tend to be focused rather on policy ‘innovation’ and influence than on transfer. TMNs can be seen as networks that function as a platform for policy learning rather than policy transfer or diffusion. Yet according to the authors, the process of policy learning within TMNs is far from straightforward (Bulkeley et al, 2003:248).
These studies reveal there are still many questions to be answered about the relationship between TMNs and policy diffusion, policy transfer and policy learning. It is still to be seen if and to what extent TMNs can accelerate and enhance municipal climate change adaptation processes. Some studies suggest that TMNs are becoming important catalysts for local policy adaptation (Fünfgeld, 2015:71). The question is to what extent TMNs can be the drivers of innovation beyond basic, functional aspects of intermunicipal collaboration. Urgent questions like these about the workings of TMNs could be addressed through further empirical, social and institutional research (Fünfgeld, 2015:71). Some scholars state that membership to a TMN plays an important role in internal decision-making processes in municipalities. Yet in research the aspect of the internal use of TMN membership has been neglected. It is therefore suggested that further research must focus, most of all, on the internal processes of decision making (Busch et al, 2018:229).
2.2. The debate on sustainable tourism
Broadly speaking the focus of TMNs tends to be on climate change and sustainability in general. In this research the focus will primarily be on sustainable tourism. It is therefore important to have an up-to-date understanding of what is meant with the term sustainable tourism, since the concept of sustainable tourism is subject to academic debate.
First of all, there are scholars that argue that tourism is inherently unsustainable in nature. The argument here is that tourism, same as any other economic sector, wants to grow. This growth of the tourist sector is in conflict with sustainability goals. Scholars have discussed the options and limits of sustainable tourism for decades, yet the tourism industry and authorities continue to promote tourism growth despite the ecological and social limits of living on a finite planet (Higgins-Desbiolles, 2018:157). Higgins-Desbiolles makes the case that tourism must be understood and manage in terms of the wider systems within which it operates. According to her, efforts to make tourism more sustainable will be undermined as long as these are made within a neoliberal paradigm promoting growth (Higgins-Desbiolles, 2018:159). In an earlier article she states that the culture-ideology of consumerism that underpins this growth in tourism is at odds with the demand for limits that sustainability requires (Higgins-Desbiolles, 2010:127). Yet one could argue that tourism has a dire need for more sustainability. The loss of coastal environments, crime-ridden and unstable destinations, extreme weather patterns and devastated nature are all factors that are bad for the tourist industry (Higgins-Desbiolles, 2018:159). It is not uncommon or unique that there are doubts about the viability of the sustainability concept of tourism. These or similar doubts have been discussed in other
branches long enough to show that focusing on the concepts shortcomings is not optimal for progress (Budeanu et al, 2016:287). According to Budeanu et al, there is value in giving considerations of wider connections between tourism and global sustainability and of how tourism is addressed in areas outside tourism scholarship (Budeanu, 2016:292).
2.2.1 City branding
In relation to the subjects of TMNs and sustainability, there is one important side note that needs to be addressed. Some scholars wonder whether cities use the membership in climate networks to genuinely improve local climate change strategies, or whether cities join in order to perform ‘city branding’ (Busch & Anderberg, 2015:1). In recent years, green city branding, which is based on innovative local sustainability initiatives, has been rising in popularity as a potential basis for city branding (Busch & Anderberg, 2015:2). According to Gustavsson and Elander (2012) there are two principal ways in which a city can try to “sell” itself to the rest of the world. The first one is to market a city as “a place for profitable business”, the second one is to market a city as “a good place to live in”. The second way of marketing leaves room for subthemes such as “the global city”, “the fun city” and the “culture city” (Gustavsson & Elander, 2012:769). Recently a new subtheme has been added to that list; “the green city”. Some argue that the brand of a green city has the potential to combine the more economical aspects with the more constructivist aspects.
3.Theoretical Framework
3.1. The mechanisms of policy transfer
The aim of this thesis is to gain an insight into the policy transfer mechanism on sustainable tourism in Amsterdam. The goal is to answer the question: What is the role of policy transfer in relation to sustainable tourism in Amsterdam? As previously mentioned, there are four major mechanisms in explaining policy diffusion and policy transfer. These are respectively learning, competition, coercion and mimicry (Marsh & Sharman, 2009:271). The aim of the research is to find indications that there is policy transfer on the subject of sustainable tourism in Amsterdam. Hopefully, the research will provide data in which it is possible to discern what kind of policy transfer occurs on the subject of sustainable tourism. To be able to do this, first it is important to discuss each mechanism in detail. Also, a discussion on how these mechanisms interact is needed. This will proof to be the basis of the theoretical framework.
3.1.1. Policy learning
Policy learning is probably the most prevalent form of policy transfer of the four mechanisms. In essence, policy learning occurs when policy makers choose to emulate practices from foreign policy makers in order to get the most efficient policy outcomes (Marsh & Sharman, 2009:271). Policy learning can happen in various international settings. Thanks to the significant growth of the forms of communication in the last decades, policy makers have ventured to look across borders when in search for policy solutions for domestic policy problems. More than ever there is information sharing between politicians, policy makers and other civil servants from all around the world. These forms of information sharing can happen on a bilateral basis between two countries, or two cities. But policy learning is also often promoted in multi-lateral settings, like international epistemic communities, international policy networks, advocacy coalitions or indeed transnational municipal networks (Dolowitz & Marsh, 2000:21). It is important to note that policy learning does not always lead to complete policy transfer. It depends on the subject and the policy makers in question. Sometimes policy learning only leads to partial policy transfer, while at other times it does lead to complete policy transfer. Examples of policy learning can be found in many places in the last decades. A well-known example was provided by Thatcherism in the United Kingdom in the 1980s. Thatcherism can be seen as an experiment to determine the consequences of privatization. While the politics of Margaret Thatcher were highly debated, one could argue that her policies worked to the extend that it newly privatized industries seemed to do better than was expected by economists around the world. Quickly after this realization, many governments started to apply similar strategies to the UK and privatized industries (Dobbin et al, 2007:461). This is an example of policy learning, leading to partial or complete policy transfer.
3.1.2. Policy competition
The term policy competition unsurprisingly has to do with international competition. Usually, this international competition is on environmental, fiscal or labor standards. Often, the country with the most lenient standards is able to attract the attention of large international companies and industries. Policy transfer through policy competition would therefore explain why a growing number of countries have adopted similar investor-friendly policies (Marsh & Sharman, 2009:271-272). It might seem like policy competition is about having the least regulations when it comes to environmental, fiscal or labor standards. While this is often the case, the other way around is also possible. A good example in relation to the focus on cities is policy competition for branding a city. Nowadays, it is not uncommon for cities to enter policy
competition in order to be either a ‘smart city’, ‘creative city’ or a ‘green city’. Investing in certain policy areas can create a brand for a city which attracts international investors in a similar way that having low environmental, fiscal or labor standards does (Kavaratzis, 2004:59)
3.1.3. Policy coercion
Both policy learning and policy competition have been discussed and it is clear that both mechanisms can occur between two countries or cities that are to some extent equals. Policy coercion works according to a different mechanism. It is to some extent intuitive that for policy coercion to occur there has to be an asymmetrical or hierarchical relationship between two or more political entities. In Europe, many countries with varying institutional frameworks have adopted similar policies. According to most scholars this is at least partly due to policy coercion. Policy coercion can come from large international or transnational organizations like the IMF, the World Bank, or the European Union. Policy coercion can also come from powerful states (Marsh & Sharman, 2009:272). While many scholars agree that policy coercion can contribute to policy transfer, not many scholars see policy coercion as a leading mechanism in policy transfer. Coercive transfer can be observed within the European Union. Most notably when countries are trying to join the EU. Governments that are wishing to join the European Union have adopt certain policies as a condition for membership. Another example is when countries want financial assistance from the EU. The EU tends only to give financial aid in a conditional setting, meaning that governments have to adopt or change certain policies in order to get the financial aid. This policy coercion can thus occur by the supranational institutions of the EU exercising their control (Bulmer & Padgett, 2004:105).
3.1.4. Policy mimicry
The last policy transfer mechanism that will be discussed the policy mimicry. Mimicry can be seen as the most constructivist mechanism of the four mechanisms. This is because policy mimicry has more to do with the shared conceptions of appropriate behavior than technical or rational concern with functional efficiency (Marsh & Sharman, 2009:272). In essence, mimicry occurs when governments adopt the policies, practices and institutional forms of governments that are considered social leaders. By mimicking the worlds social leaders, these governments hope to be perceived as similarly advanced and progressive. Policies introduced through the mechanism of mimicry do not even have to be effective at all. The international perception of implementing such a policy supersedes the actual results of said policy.
3.2. Interaction between the mechanisms and causality
The four mechanisms that can lead to policy transfer have now been discussed. While it is important to have a clear understanding of each individual mechanism, one could argue that it is even more important to understand the interaction between these four mechanisms. That is because in the empirical world it is seldom the case that only one of the four mechanisms cause policy transfer. It is much likelier that a combination of two or more of the four mechanisms is observed. It is difficult, however, to distinguish between the operation of one mechanism from another mechanism (Marsh & Sharman, 2009:273). In the literature, scholars often assume that these mechanisms are individually sufficient or can be complementary to each other. This can be problematic when one attempts to claim a causal relationship. When these four mechanisms are so intertwined in the empirical world, one can assume that different causal pathways can lead to the same result, which is called multiple causation. Another problem might be that small chance events cause major changes, which is called nonlinear causation. Last but not least, individual mechanisms may only produce changes when in combination with certain other mechanisms, which is called conjunctural causation (Marsh & Sharman, 2009:273). The concern for how to deal with causality becomes ever more pronounced when undertaking large statistical investigations on policy transfer. A solution to this problem of causality is doing detailed case studies on policy transfer with a focus on fieldwork and interviews. This method could provide some tools to unravel the problematic question of causality in relation to the mechanisms of policy transfer. An in-depth analysis of a case study could prove to yield some insight into the relative impact of variables like economic competition and norms (ibid).
3.3. The policy transfer framework
Now that all of the mechanisms and the problem of causality is discussed it is time to see what kind of framework can be used in the case of this research. Dolowitz and Marsh (2000) have come up with a framework that provides the tools needed to perform this research. The framework that will be used is based upon six questions (see table.1). These questions are respectively: Why do actors engage in policy transfer? Who are the key actors involved in the policy transfer process? What is transferred? From where are lessons drawn? What are the different degrees of transfer? What restricts or facilitates the policy transfer process? How is the process of policy transfer related to policy “success” or policy “failure”? (Dolowitz & Marsh, 2000:8). While some of these questions might seem somewhat obvious, the combination of all the questions provides a rather in-depth view of how the mechanisms of policy transfer operate. Knowing who the actors are that engage in policy transfer gives an important empirical insight into to what extend countries can choose to engage in policy transfer. It is interesting to know who is more active in policy transfer, elected officials or civil servants? Likewise, it is important to know what is exactly transferred and to what degree. To combine this framework with a study focused on interviews and other data sources should at least provide some insight in the mechanisms of policy transfer. These questions provide the tools needed to understand policy transfer as a mechanism. The argument here is that one can also treat policy tracing as either an independent or a dependent variable. To elaborate, one can either attempt to explain the process of policy transfer or use policy transfer to explain policy outcomes. In the end these exercises can be considered futile unless you attempt both. For what is the purpose of wanting to know how policy transfer can lead to certain policy outcomes, if one does not also know what causes the transfer in the first place. It is for this reason the list of questions used in the framework have a broad analytical reach. That means the answers combined will to some extent cover the question of the independent variable as well as the dependent variable and thus provide a full understanding of the mechanism of policy transfer (Dolowitz & Marsh, 2000:8). In order to understand the answers to the questions, it is important to also understand the questions themselves. Therefor the questions used for the policy transfer framework will be briefly discussed.
3.3.1. Why do actors engage in policy transfer?
This question might seem somewhat self-explanatory, yet it can be very useful to wonder why actors engage in policy transfer in the first place. The purpose of these questions is providing a broad analytical reach and thus this question is very important. Actors can engage in policy transfer for different reasons. Actors can engage in policy transfer to emulate practices from foreign policy makers in order to get the most efficient policy outcomes in domestic policy issues, this is policy learning. Actors can engage in policy transfer from a competitive point of view, which is called policy competition. Actors can also be coerced into policy transfer, which is called policy coercion. And lastly if an actor aims to mimic another actor by engaging in policy transfer this is called policy mimicry. These different kinds of policy transfer can be incorporated in the policy framework by Dolowitz and Marsh (2000:9), because they fit under the ‘Why transfer continuum’ as seen in table 1. Policy learning is an example of voluntary lesson-drawing, while policy coercion falls under coercive direct imposition. Policy mimicry and policy competition fall between those two ends on the continuum.
3.3.2. Who are the key actors involved in the policy transfer process?
While it might seem a little obvious, it is very important to know who the key actors involved with the policy transfer process are. Knowing who the key actors are can already provide some clues as to in what extent transfer will occur and how much an actor has a choice engaging in policy transfer (Dolowitz & Marsh, 2000:10). It is however important to stay critical when trying to understand the key actors in the policy transfer process. An understanding is needed that generalizations of actors do not always hold true, which means that sometimes actors that are usually perceived as policy lenders can be policy borrowers and the other way around (ibid). According to Dolowitz and Marsh (ibid), nine main categories of political actors engaged in the policy transfer process can be identified. These political actors are respectively: elected officials political parties, bureaucrats/civil servants, pressure groups, policy entrepreneurs and experts, transnational corporations, think tanks, supra-national governmental and nongovernmental institutions and consultants (ibid). It is further noted that the role of the consultant as a political actor engaged in policy transfer is increasingly important since policymakers are relying more and more on the advice of consultants. Consultants can be a complicating factor when assessing policy transfer because they can operate between voluntary and coercive transfer (ibid).
3.3.3. What is transferred?
Policy transfer between cities or between countries can entail a lot of different things. In the end, policy transfer can be the transfer of small policy adjustments, or the transfer of a complete ideology. Luckily, Dolowitz and Marsh have provided a helpful overview with eight different categories of things that can be transferred through policy transfer. These categories are respectively: policy goals, policy content, policy instruments, policy programs, institutions, ideologies, ideas and attitudes, negative lessons (Dolowitz & Marsh, 2000:12). With this categorization it is important to note the difference between policy, which is sub-divided into policy goals, policy content and policy instruments, and programs. The distinction between policies and programs lies in the fact that policies are broader statements of intention. Policies usually denote the direction policymakers wish to take, whereas programs are specific means used to implement policies (ibid). For example, through policy transfer a policy actor may attain similar policy goals to make a city more sustainable. This can be seen as a broader statement of intention. In another example, it is also possible that a policy actor implements a program on waste reduction in a city. In this case a program is a specific means used to implement policies.
3.3.4. From where are lessons drawn?
The fourth question that needs to be asked in order to use the policy transfer framework has to do with where the lessons are drawn from. This has to do with the levels of governance that actors look to for lessons (ibid). A distinction can be made between three different levels of governance: the international, the national and the local. Intuitively one might think that policy transfer can only happen within the levels of governance, yet this is often times not true. In this research the focus lies on policy transfer between cities. This means that sub-national units of government can draw lessons from each other, within and outside national borders. It is also possible that cities draw lessons from the national government or that the national government draws lessons from cities (ibid). According to Dolowitz and Marsh, it should be stressed that when drawing lessons from other nations, actors are not limited to looking at national governments but can also draw lessons from sub-national levels and units of government like municipalities, urban areas or cities (ibid). It is also important to keep in mind that lessons can be forced upon countries or cities by the international level. An example for this could be a directive from the European Union in relation to sustainable urban development that forces a city or a country to take specific measures or follow specific policies.
3.3.5. What are the different degrees of transfer?
Analyzing whether something is a case of policy transfer or not can sometimes be quite challenging in itself. It becomes even more difficult when one needs to define to what extent there is policy transfer in a case. This needs to be done because not all kinds of policy transfer are the same, some kinds of policy transfer are more extensive than others. When trying to apply the policy transfer framework, it is important to assess the degree of transfer. It is important to note that every case of policy transfer can be unique, with different combinations of processes and actors involved. According to Dolowitz and Marsh, there are four different degrees of transfer (Dolowitz & Marsh, 2000:13). The first degree of transfer is copying. Copying is the highest degree of transfer and involves direct and complete transfer. The second degree of transfer is emulation. One speaks of emulation when the ideas behind a policy of program are being transferred. The third degree of transfer is combinations. This means that there is a mixture between several different policies. The fourth degree of transfer is inspiration. Inspiration as a degree of transfer means that policy in another country or city can inspire change in policy. This however does not mean that the final outcome of this change in policy draws from the original (ibid). When applying the information on the degrees of transfer to the policy transfer framework it is important to focus on how the degrees of transfer relate to other factors, like the key actors involved in the policy transfer process. Different key actors in the policy transfer process might aim for different degrees of transfer. Another factor that may be of importance when assessing the degrees of transfer is where within the policy making process the transfer occurs. Some degrees of transfer can be seen as more applicable by some actors in some periods during the policy making process (ibid). Keeping these variables in mind is detrimental when trying to understand the policy transfer process.
3.3.6. What restricts or facilitates the policy transfer process?
To understand a specific case of policy transfer, it is also important to look at restricting and facilitating factors in the policy transfer process. The factors that either restrict or facilitate policy transfer are often two sides of the same coin. An example of this can be policy complexity. For when a policy is less complex, it often facilitates the policy transfer process. However, more complex policies tend to be harder to transfer. Another example can be ideology or cultural proximity. This example works in a similar way as the example of the complexity of a policy. If actors share the same ideology or are culturally close to each other, the chances are that the policy transfer process will be easier than when actors do not share the
facilitates the policy transfer process is a way assess external variables that otherwise could be overlooked.
3.3.7. How is the process of policy transfer related to policy “success” or policy “failure”? The last question that needs to be answered in order to use the policy transfer framework is how the process of policy transfer relates to policy “success” or policy “failure”. Most studies on policy transfer focus on successful policy transfer. Yet it must be taken into account that not all policy transfer is successful. According to Dolowitz and Marsh, it is important to try and understand why some transfer is unsuccessful. This could provide an insight into which factors are related to successful policy transfer (Dolowitz & Marsh, 2000:17). According to their research there are three factors that have a significant effect on policy failure. The first factor is uninformed transfer. Uninformed transfer occurs when a country or city wants to copy or emulate a policy without sufficient information about the specifics of a policy, program or institution. Uninformed transfer can also happen when key actors have insufficient knowledge on how a policy or program actually works in the setting from which it is transferred (ibid). The second factor that has a significant effect on policy failure is incomplete transfer. Incomplete transfer occurs when important elements of what made the policy a success in the original setting, are not transferred to the new setting. The third factor is called inappropriate transfer. Inappropriate transfer occurs when factors like difference in economic, social, political and ideological contexts are not being taken in consideration when attempting to transfer policy between two settings (ibid).
3.3. Summary
The goal of this chapter was to provide a useful framework through which the collected data will be analyzed. There is a significant body of literature on policy transfer. Marsh and Sharman (2009) contributed to that body by defining four mechanisms of policy transfer. These four mechanisms are learning, competition, coercion and mimicry. These four mechanisms provide the basis of this research, for an attempt will be made to asses what kind of policy transfer can be observed in sustainable tourism policies in Amsterdam. To be able to asses these mechanisms a framework was needed through which the data can be analyzed. This framework is provided by Dolowitz and Marsh (2000) and consists of six questions. Using these questions to analyze the data will provide in an answer to the research question.
4. Methodology
4.1. Research Approach
As discussed in the theoretical framework. The conceptual basis of this research is built on the four different mechanisms of policy transfer; learning, competition, coercion and mimicry (Marsh and Sharman, 2009:271). This study has made an attempt to analyze data from different sources in order to find cross-data patterns in which these mechanisms of policy transfer can be discerned. This thesis can be labeled as a mix between an inductive and deductive qualitative study with a focus on both interviews and other data sources. The interviews and other data sources will be analyzed using the framework provided by Dolowitz and Marsh (2000). On the one hand this research assembles new data, organizes the data and makes arguments on that basis (Hancke, 2009:110). On the other hand, is this thesis an attempt to test the theory on policy transfer in a new setting. As Hancke (2009) puts it when talking about inductive and deductive research; most work in the social sciences today falls in between these two pure versions (Hancke, 2009:110).
4.2. Research design
Earlier versions of this research aimed to do a comparative case study between two cities. Later it proved more efficient to adopt a single case study design in order to analyze to what extent policy transfer between cities plays a role in sustainable tourism policies in Amsterdam. In the end the goal of this study is to understand the influence of policy transfer on the internal workings of the decision process when it comes to sustainable tourism policies in Amsterdam. Single case studies are more equipped to deal with these relatively complex phenomena. A comparison between Amsterdam and another city would have been interesting, but it would probably have yielded results that are similar to a lot of previous studies on TMNs in relation to policy transfer (Wolman & Page, 2003; Hakelberg, 2014; Busch et al, 2018; Fünfgeld, 2015; Kern & Bulkeley, 2009). In order to focus on the internal processes of decision making (Busch et al, 2018:229) a single case study seems the most logical choice.
4.3. Case selection
The case selected for this research is the city of Amsterdam. Amsterdam suits this study very well for a combination of reasons. Most notably, Amsterdam has seen a significant increase in tourism in the last years and Amsterdam is linked to intercity networks. It is also very
convenient to live in the city where the research takes place. This provides opportunities to get the data needed to answer the research question
4.3.1. Amsterdam and tourism
In recent years, Amsterdam has seen an explosive increase in tourism. And this increase is still going strong, with some forecasting an increase from 18 million visitors in 2018 to 42 million in 2030 (CNN, 2019). According to the World Tourism Organization (UNWTO) the tourist industry grew with 7% internationally and in Europe with 8% in 2017, Amsterdam was far above this number with a growth rate 13% higher than the European average (Gemeente Amsterdam, 2018). While the growth in tourism is economically beneficial for the city, there are also risks involved with such a steep growth in tourism. According to a study by McKinsey ordered by the World Travel & Tourism Council, the risk for overcrowding is considered high in Amsterdam because the number of tourists per resident per square kilometer is relatively high. The same risk assessment showed that the risk of air pollution due to tourists is relatively low in Amsterdam (ibid). The municipal government of Amsterdam addressed the issue of tourism extensively in the coalition agreement of 2018. In the coalition agreement it is mentioned that the city is looking for a new balance between the city and its tourists in which the residents are promised a central position (Coalition Agreement, 2018:50). According to the municipal government, Amsterdam needs to be a city to live and work in rather than a tourist destination. To attain this goal, the city is planning on taxing the tourists more severely and attempting to spread the tourists over a wider area in and outside Amsterdam. The city will also reconsider hotel policies in relation to regular hotels, cruise ships, B&Bs and Airbnb (ibid)
4.3.2. Amsterdam as an international city
As previously stated, Amsterdam is linked to many international organizations. Most notably, Amsterdam is a member of the Covenant of Mayors, C40 and EUROCITIES. The Covenant of Mayors (CoM) is a European movement involving local and regional authorities. The CoM was launched by the European Commission in 2008 with the goal of endorsing and supporting the efforts of local authorities in the implementation of sustainable energy policies (Gemeente Amsterdam-CoM, 2019). According to the CoM, local governments play a crucial role when it comes to combatting the effects of climate change, considering that 80% of energy consumption and C02 emissions is associated with urban activity (ibid). The C40 has similar goals to the CoM. The C40 also hopes to combat greenhouse gas emissions in the world’s
largest cities. Amsterdam has contributed to C40 with several case studies in recent years (Website C40, 2019). Amsterdam is also an active member of the EUROCITIES network. EUROCITIES is a large network of European cities that focuses on climate, economy and inclusion (Gemeente Amsterdam-EUROCITIES, 2019). The goal of this network is to reinforce the role that local governments should play in a multilevel governance structure. EUROCITIES focusses specifically on shaping the opinions of important stakeholders in Brussels, in order to shift the focus of EU legislation in a way which allows cities to tackle strategic challenges at their local level. Amsterdam is a member of various working groups through the EUROCITIES network (ibid).
To summarize, Amsterdam has seen a significant increase in tourism in the last years and Amsterdam is linked to intercity networks. This makes the case of Amsterdam highly suited for an in-depth analysis which should provide some insight in the workings of policy transfer in Amsterdam. With tourism growing worldwide, and Amsterdam being a frontrunner in that respect, this case study can also prove exemplary for other cities in identifying the mechanisms of policy transfer on sustainable tourism.
4.4. Data and Method
As previously mentioned, this thesis is an empirical study that attempts to shine a light on the mechanisms of policy transfer in relation to sustainable tourism policies in Amsterdam, and can be labeled as a mix between an inductive and deductive qualitative study with a focus on both interviews and other data sources. On the one hand this research assembles new data, organizes the data and makes arguments on that basis (Hancke, 2009:110). On the other hand, is this thesis an attempt to test the theory on policy transfer in a new setting. As Hancke (2009) puts it when talking about inductive and deductive research; most work in the social sciences today falls in between these two pure versions (Hancke, 2009:110). Process tracing is a within case study technique that uses process observation to provide additional evidence for cause and effect. According to George and Bennet (2005): “In process tracing, the researcher examines histories, archival documents, interview transcripts, and other sources to see whether the causal process a theory hypothesizes or implies in a case is in fact evident in the sequence and values of the intervening variables in that case” (George & Bennet, 2005:6). Since this research will attempt a within-case study analysis in order to better understand the causal mechanism behind policy transfer in Amsterdam on the subject of sustainable tourism, process tracing is the method that will be used. The data that will be analyzed will be comprised by a set of
semi-data includes press statements, annual reports, news articles, letters to the European Commission and documented questions from the European Parliament. It is the combination of these different data-sources in combination with the framework on policy transfer by Dolowitz and Marsh (2000) that will allow for a process tracing analysis of the mechanism behind policy transfer in Amsterdam on the subject of sustainable tourism.
4.4.1. Interviews
For the intends and purposes of this research the choice has been made to conduct semi-structured interviews rather than semi-structured interviews. A list of predetermined questions has been prepared ahead of the interview, yet a semi-structured interview also allows the interviewee the chance to lead the conversation into a direction of which they feel it is more important or relevant (Longhurst, 2003:103). Since the focus of this research is on the inner workings of policy transfer mechanisms, it can be useful to have interviews in a conversational manner for there is a chance that an interviewee might come upon a relevant subject or variable not previously thought of.
In order to get the needed data, an extensive list of relevant potential respondents was constructed. The list of potential respondents ranged from officials involved in policymaking, to people working in the tourist industry. A combination of relevant organizations and people selected on their position in relation to either sustainable tourism or policy transfer is needed for this research to be successful. Getting the actual interviews was harder than previously thought. Many of the people contacted claimed to be very interested in the subject but had not enough insight into the subject to be willing to do an interview. In order to further the investigation, all the people contacted were asked for referrals in the case they were not up for an interview. I was referred to some people multiple times, yet even some of these people ended up unwilling to cooperate in this project. So, while some might think that doing research in Amsterdam, while living in Amsterdam should provide one with an endless list of willing respondents, this is sadly not the case. In order to conduct interviews, 15 people with a relevant background were contacted. This resulted in four interviews, and some e-mail correspondence. The first interview was in a face-to-face setting with a market strategy consultant for Amsterdam&partners, which is a nonprofit organization focused on public-private sector in Amsterdam. The second interview was with the EU representative of the city of Amsterdam, also conducted in a face-to-face setting. The third interview was with the liaison of the city of Amsterdam to the EUROCITIES network. This interview was conducted over the telephone. The third interview was with a representative of Stad in Balans, an organization launched by
the municipality of Amsterdam with the goal of executing and assessing the policy goals set by the municipality. There also was correspondence through e-mail with the organization Wij-Amsterdam, and further e-mail correspondence with the EU representative of the city of Amsterdam leading to valuable secondary data.
4.4.2. Document analysis
While the interviews are the most relevant form of data in this research, document analysis also plays an important role. As previously mentioned, e-mail correspondence with the EU representative of the city of Amsterdam has led to valuable secondary data. This secondary data includes press statements, news articles, letters to the European Commission and documented questions from the European Parliament. This data is open to the public, but sometimes hard to find. Luckily enough, the EU representative of the city of Amsterdam was willing to e-mail a lot of documents. Other than the data provided by the EU representative, more secondary data is used in the form of publications, news articles, annual reports and academic reports. This data was found by searching online.
4.4.3. General validity and reliability concerns
It is well known that no research is perfect, every research method has its strong points and weak points. Now that the research method and data of this thesis are discussed, it is important to review it in relation to validity and reliability. Generally speaking, case studies are strong in those areas where statistical methods are weak. It is possible to identify four advantages to case studies that make them valuable in theory development: their potential for achieving high conceptual validity; their strong procedures for fostering new hypotheses; their value as a useful means to closely examine the hypothesized role of causal mechanisms in the context of individual cases; and their capacity for addressing causal complexity (George & Bennett, 2005:19). In this thesis, the last two of these four advantages are most important. Doing a single case study gives the researcher the opportunity to examine the operation of causal mechanism in great detail. Within a single case study, it is possible to investigate a large number of variables and their respective relations. This will help to identify what conditions present in a case activate the causal mechanism (George & Bennett, 2005:21). It is important to note that there are also limitations to doing a single case study. According to George and Bennet (2005): “Recurrent trade-offs include the problem of case selection; the trade-off between parsimony and richness; and the related tension between achieving high internal validity and good
populations” (George & Bennet, 2005:22). Selection bias can be problematic in single case studies. Selection bias occurs when some form of selection process in the design of the study or in the empirical data under investigation results in inferences that suffer from systematic error (Collier & Mahoney, 1996:59).
4.4.4. Semi-structured interviews in relation to validity and reliability
Research mainly based on semi-structured interviews have their own set of limitations and pitfalls. First off, there can be limitations to the internal validity of the data. This can make it hard to make sense of the data in general. Problems might arise because the data provided by the semi-structured interviews is insufficient because of their quality, quantity, or the time frame they cover. It could be that the data from the interviews does not mirror reality. A reason for this could be that respondents have a bias in the information they wish to share during an interview. This will eventually lead to low internal validity of the data. This research has attempted to deal with this problem by combining the data from the interviews with secondary data. Triangulating the data with other data sources is a measure to combat low internal validity. A lack of objective criteria for the selection and grouping of the data could also be problematic. If the interpretation of the researcher and the writing up of the findings by the researcher is subjective in nature, then the internal validity of the research can also be considered compromised (Diefenbach, 2009:891). Research mainly based on semi-structured interviews can also have limitations and pitfalls in relation to the external validity of the findings. It could be that the data gathered is insufficient to generalize the findings or formulate a theory. Another limitation could be that the combination of a single case with semi-structured interviews leads to findings that can not be tested or replicated because of their unique nature (ibid). Now that the concerns in relation to the internal and external validity have been addressed, it is important to also reflect on the reliability of the research.
When discussing reliability in relation to research and research methods, what is meant Is the degree to which research provides consistent results. In essence, reliability is about the question of whether a different researcher doing the same research, would come up with the same results. In the case of this research the data comes mostly from semi-structured interviews. This can pose a problem for the reliability of the research. In the world of academics, a distinction is made between three types of reliability. These are respectively stability, accuracy and reproducibility (Krippendorff, 2004:280). With semi-structured interviews, it is often this last category also called intercoder reliability that can be problematic. The concern with reproducibility or inter coder reliability lies in whether different researchers code the same data
the same way. There is a significant body of literature on the subject of intercoder reliability in general, yet very little on the subject of intercoder reliability for research based on semi-structured interviews (Campbell et al, 2013:296). Campbell et al (2013) have made an attempt to develop a coding scheme specifically for semi-structured interviews, which can be used to evaluate intercoder reliability for research that uses semi-structured interviews as data-source. Due to the limitations of this research it will not be possible to apply the coding scheme to this thesis. In order to mitigate possible problems with the reliability of this research triangulation of the data will be used. By combining the data from the semi-structured interviews with secondary data from policy documents, annual reports and other data sources, it is possible to increase the reliability.
5. The case study: Amsterdam
After conducting the necessary interviews and after analyzing the secondary data sources, this study shows that Amsterdam engages in policy learning through TMNs in some policy areas. However, on the subject of sustainable tourism no evidence of policy transfer through TMNs could be found. In this chapter, these findings will be interpreted. This study also found that there are other initiatives between cities in Europe where some forms of policy transfer can be observed, these findings shall also be discussed in this chapter. In order to provide the necessary structure to the analysis, the results will be divided in subchapters. Each of the following subchapters will elaborate on one part of the case study. In the next chapter the findings will be analyzed using the framework provided by Dolowitz and Marsh (2000)
5.1. TMNs and sustainable tourism in Amsterdam
Amsterdam is linked to many international organizations. Most notably, Amsterdam is a member of the Covenant of Mayors, C40 and EUROCITIES. The Covenant of Mayors (CoM). These TMNs try to act as a platform through which policy transfer can be promoted. To promote policy transfer, TMNs have different strategies at their disposal. One strategy to promote policy learning is to organize roundtable meetings and working groups where information and expertise on certain policies can be shared between experts, elected officials and civil servants. Another strategy used by TMNs is organizing annual awards for cities that perform well in certain policy areas. This could lead to policy competition. A preliminary search online has shown that most TMNs attempt to promote sustainable development in general by using such strategies. Yet, the preliminary search on the internet yielded no results
