Media Manipulation in the
Refugee Crisis
An account of the distinction between a left- and right-wing perspective of
the Dutch press in the refugee crisis
Name: Thierry Weber Student number: 6214762
Date: August 23, 2016
Supervisor: dhr. prof. Dr. G.J. Steen Second reader: dhr. Dr. B.J. Garssen
A thesis submitted in fulfilment of the requirements for the MA Communication and Information Studies: Discourse and Argumentation Studies
Table of Contents List of Tables
Introduction 1
Chapter 1 The Crisis Explained
1.1 Refugee Crisis 4
1.2 Political Climate 6
1.2.1 Representing the Left: De Volkskrant 8
1.2.2 Representing the Right: De Telegraaf 9
Chapter 2 Media Manipulation
2.1 Analytical Properties 10
2.2 Discourse Analysis 11
2.2.1 Strategic control of Knowledge 12
2.2.2 Discursive Strategies 13
2.3 Framing Theory 15
2.3.1 Frame Identification Typology 18
Chapter 3 Content Analysis
3.1 Chronological Design 20
3.2 Discursive and Frame Analysis 22
3.2.1 Article 1 23 3.2.2 Article 2 27 3.2.3 Article 3 31 3.2.4 Article 4 37 3.2.5 Article 5 39 3.2.6 Article 6 42 3.2.7 Article 7 46 3.2.8 Article 8 50
Chapter 4 Political Signature: Discussion
4.1 Left versus Right Signature 54
4.1.1 Discursive Comparison 55 4.1.2 Frame Comparison 59 Conclusion 64 Bibliography 69 Appendix Appendix A: De Volkskrant 71 Appendix B: De Telegraaf 85 List of Tables
Table 1.1 Discursive strategies 14
Table 1.2 Identificational properties in politically charged news 19
Table 1.3 Timeline De Volkskrant 21
Table 1.4 Timeline De Telegraaf 21
Table 2.1 Discursive strategies Article 1 23
Table 2.2 Discursive strategies Article 2 27
Table 2.3 Discursive strategies Article 3 31
Table 2.4 Discursive strategies Article 4 37
Table 2.5 Discursive strategies Article 5 39
Table 2.6 Discursive strategies Article 6 42
Table 2.7 Discursive strategies Article 7 46
Table 2.8 Discursive strategies Article 8 50
Table 3.1 Total number of news frames Volkskrant 59
Introduction
Over the past decade, the number of news channels has grown exponentially. Billboards, podcasts, blogs and mobile advertisements are only a few examples. Especially the internet introduced a wide range of possibilities. The mass media is in a constant battle to present news through as many channels as possible, with the aim to be faster, more relevant and better informed than the competition. Although television, radio and the internet are big players in the world of mass communication, the press –newspapers in particular- is still going strong. Newspapers traditionally have a solid client base; considering newspapers have expanded their presence rapidly, primarily by means of online availability through tablets and mobile phones, their impact on the distribution of news is unwavering. Whether digital or printed, many people rely on a newspaper for their daily dose of news.
The goal of mass media is to shape public opinion, which demonstrates the social power of the news media. This ‘power is not restricted to the influence of the media on their audiences, but also involves the role of the media within the broader framework of the social, cultural, political or economic power structures of society’ (van Dijk, 1995, p. 9). Depending on the subject, mass media employs the news channel that is expected to reach the biggest audience and has the potential to influence public opinion in their favour. In order to
‘understand the role of the news media and their messages, one needs to pay detailed attention to the structures and strategies of such discourses and to the way these relate to institutional arrangement, on the one hand, and to the audience, on the other hand (van Dijk, 1995, p. 10). The institutional arrangement refers to the power structures of society that govern the
coverage of a news subject. Looking at a certain news message in detail, more can be said about the news value and the factuality, whereas the topics, content and form ‘may subtly influence the interpretation and hence the persuasive effects among readers (van Dijk, 1995, p. 10). The process of shaping public opinion could be interpreted as a form of manipulation, and assuming this is the case, it’s important to find out under what ‘precise conditions and structural properties of news reports’ this is realized. From this perspective, selective
reporting and agenda-setting are important features in the presentation of news to the public. Selective reporting deals with the information that is provided in a news report; some information will be held back deliberately, whereas other information, more significant to the publisher and its political orientation, will be emphasized. In addition, the information
included is presented in a favourable perception of the publisher. Agenda-setting is ‘a process by which issue proponents work to gain the attention of media professionals, the public and
public policy makers (Bivins, 2007, p. ). Continuous reporting on a certain news issue does not only ‘reflect reality’, it allows for the ‘determination of reality: if the news media “cover” violent crime extensively, the public and policy makers will respond accordingly’ (Bivins, 2007). The influential character of mass media, and the press in particular, is nothing new. Back in 1977, in The Agenda-Setting Function of the Press, Shaw and McCombs observed that ‘considerable evidence has accumulated that editors and broadcasters play an important part in shaping our social reality as they go about their dayto-day task of choosing and displaying the news’ (Shaw & McCombs, 1977). It’s no surprise ‘this impact of the mass media has been labeled the agenda-setting function of mass communication, in which the media may not be successful in telling us what to think, but they are stunningly successful in telling us what to think about’ (Bivins, 2007, p. 6).
In order to shape public opinion, mass media cultivates selective reporting and agenda-setting in its news coverage. First and foremost, framing theory is administered; which
suggests that ‘how something is presented (the frame) influences the choices people make (Bivins, 2007, p. 1). The concept of framing is ‘increasingly popular’ in media analysis, because it gives ‘guidance to both investigations of media content and to studies of the relationship between media and public opinion’ (de Vreese, 2005, p. 51). Framing has a ‘selective function’, as it has the ability to ‘affect an individual by stressing certain aspects of reality and pushing others into the background’ (Lecheler and de Vreese, 2012, p. 186). When it comes to news framing, there is no single definition, as there are multiple interpretations in a field of multidisciplinary literature. Nonetheless, the following definition corresponds with my research: ‘news frames are conceptual tools which media and individuals rely on to convey, interpret and evaluate information’ (Neuman et al., 1992, p. 60). Besides news frames, discursive strategies are implemented to enhance the persuasive character of the subject a newspaper is reporting on.
The press frequently utilizes a news subject for its own -and affiliated- interests, and news framing tends to be specifically effective in crisis news coverage. A crisis allows for the implication of social, economic and policy-related issues in a news report. On top of this, a crisis usually distinguishes itself in two or more sides, which represent adversary responsive strategies to adhere to. If one such responsive strategy –or policy- gains the upper hand in terms of public and political endorsement, this side could be declared the ‘winner’.
Accordingly, a crisis usually ends up in winners and losers in the political arena. The role of the press in this process caught my interest, and because of the humanitarian refugee crisis the world is currently involved in, I decided to investigate the role of the Dutch press in its
coverage, particularly focusing on politically motivated discursive strategies and crisis news frames. For an ethnic event such as the refugee crisis, the discursive strategies ‘employed to manipulate the prevailing models of ethnic events are now well-known’ (van Dijk, 1995, p. 38). To specify my research object, the source of the investigation is a content analysis consisting of a chronological accumulation of specific news reports from De Volkskrant on the one hand representing the left, and De Telegraaf on the other hand representing the right. Although the refugee crisis is far from over, the question is how the press has been utilized in order to create a favourable political environment, resulting in the following research
question: Which elements constitute for the distinction between a left- and right-wing
perspective of the Dutch press in the refugee crisis? To acknowledge the presumed adversary
political interests, the following hypotheses have been formulated:
H1: Coverage of the refugee crisis from De Volkskrant will be generally positive
towards left-wing policy and generally negative towards right-wing policy.
Left –wing policy on the refugee crisis: pro-immigration and pro-Europe. H2: Coverage of the refugee crisis from De Telegraaf will be generally positive
towards right-wing policy and generally negative towards left-wing policy.
Right –wing policy on the refugee crisis: Anti-immigration and anti-Europe.
Chapter 1 explores the context of my research, describing the refugee crisis in more detail. The political climate and the conflicting interests that surfaced are examined, followed by the representation of a typical left and right signature. Chapter 2 introduces the theoretical
framework, expounding on the distinct way the refugee crisis is covered and shedding more light on discursive strategies and news framing in crisis communication. Subsequently, the cohesion and implications both approaches have will be elucidated. Chapter 3 accounts for the selection of research material, describing the selection process and comparative analysis. Chapter 4 deliberates these comparisons, regarding the hypotheses in the process. Ultimately, a substantiated approach of my research question is administered for in the conclusion.
1 The Crisis Explained
1.1 Refugee Crisis
At the very moment, there are estimated to be twenty million refugees all over the world. Conflict zones produce refugee streams, but most of these streams are relatively manageable and to an extent even expected. The Syrian refugee crisis however, is from a whole different scale, and as the greatest migration stream since the second world war, this crisis is
unmistakably a worldwide problem. Millions of people from Syria and neighbouring
countries in the region are fleeing simultaneously, creating an exodus of biblical proportions. According to syrianrefugees.eu1, a project started in January 2013 by the European
University Institute , the Robert Schuman Centre and the Migration Policy Centre, ‘an estimated 11 million Syrians have fled their homes since the outbreak of the civil war in March 2011. The United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR) reports that ‘4,8 million have fled to Turkey, Lebanon, Jordan, Egypt and Iraq, and 6,6 million are
internally displaced within Syria. At the same time, about ‘one million have requested asylum to Europe, of which ‘Germany, with more than 300.000 cumulated applications, and Sweden with 100.000, are EU’s top receiving countries.’
Ever since the rising refugee stream from the Middle East, policy makers and
researchers have been interested in what provoked the crisis. There are multiple theories, yet most agree that the Arab Spring of 2011 probably kick-started the foundation of the refugee crisis. What started as a series of pro-democracy movements across the Middle East,
amounted to a number of terrible conflicts in the region, which still rage on today, fuelling the crisis even more. More recent triggers of the refugee crisis are attributed to:
According to an article2 of the Washington Post, the change in policy (June 18) of the
Macedonian government on immigration enabled ‘migrants from the Middle East to take very short inexpensive voyages from the coast of Turkey to the Greek Islands.’ That same article noted that the Syrian government gave citizens the possibility to
obtain a passport more easily, fuelling speculation he was encouraging the adversaries of his regime to leave Syria.
1 http://syrianrefugees.eu/
Simultaneously, Angela Merkel’s speech3 at a press conference about the refugee
crisis on August 31, persuaded many people to move from Turkey towards the Balkan Route.
Most of all the refugee crisis is a humanitarian tragedy for which a short- and long-term solution must be found, but also a controversial issue leading to strong language from both pro- and opponents; particularly in regard to immigration and EU membership, but many more issues have cultivated in the wake of the crisis. It’s no surprise the public pays close attention to the political response, taking into account that the Netherlands is part of the European Union which means international laws dictate the legislation. With the elections on the doorstep in many European countries, the political response to the refugee crisis will be a determining factor for the outcome. The pressure of the EU regarding the mandatory intake of immigrants has led certain countries to reconsider their position within the union, for example Denmark4. By means of a referendum the Danish people voted against an opt-in position,
which means European law would not be applied to their judicial and domestic affairs. The Netherlands experienced similar appeals, which resulted in a successful primary election5 for
the parties that oppose more EU influence and immigration, incidentally primarily right-wing based parties. The antinomy between right- and left-wing parties will be elaborated upon in the political climate. In order to avoid confusion about terminology, the subject of my
research –the European refugee crisis- will be referred to as the ‘refugee crisis’ from now on.
1.2 Political Climate
3 De speech van Merkel Duitsland blijft Duitsland 4 Denemarken stemt tegen meer EU bemoeienis 5 Peiling 2e kamer 24-01-2016 Maurice de Hond
Although the primary election of early 2016 was favourable for the right-wing based parties in the Netherlands, the dispute between left and right with respect to the refugee crisis was only just getting started. The conflicting political agenda force both sides to tap into all their resources to influence public opinion. A differentiation between exclusively left-wing or right-wing based parties is no easy task, and assuming the following report6 on the current
political situation in the Netherlands is reasonably credible, only a few parties can be regarded as exclusively left or right; most are regarded as more centre-based. Considering there are only few examples in the coverage of the refugee crisis in which a political party is explicitly mentioned, the position on certain issues of most parties is hard to attribute to one certain affiliation. In other words, designating a party as strictly left, right or centre is not distinct enough. Nevertheless, there are conceptions of the political spectrum of the Netherlands; the combination of the following images derived from a depiction (Kieskompas7) of the result of
the general election in 2012 and a report8 part of ‘leftrightweek’ come fairly close to a credible
representation of the political reality in the Netherlands.
Regardless, the content analysis distinguishes
left and right in terms of their stance on immigration and membership of the EU. To what length does either side go to influence public opinion in their favour? One of the main
resources of the political agenda is the media, and in specifics newspapers. Newspapers offer
6 Links en Rechts
7 https://home.kieskompas.nl/nl/ 8 Linksrechts is achterhaald
a familiar way of reaching a large audience, because of accessability, circulation and the fact that people are used to them for their daily dose of news. Politicians are well aware that the press is a perfect news channel to influence public opinion, resulting in that news
‘increasingly originates from decisions made in the newsroom rather than by events from the outside’ (Pew Research Center, 1998, p. 2).
The Netherlands knows** two major publishers; Telegraaf Media Group, publishing
De Telegraaf and Metro, and De Persgroep Nederland, publishing the Algemeen Dagblad, De Volkskrant, NRC and Trouw. The papers with the highest circulation and the biggest
audience are De Telegraaf and De Volkskrant. Both make extensive use of news frames and discursive strategies to maximize their persuasiveness, increasing the potential to influence the outcome of an election: ‘With regard to their effect on public opinion, news frames thus have to be seen as a powerful tool in constructing meaning in public debate and in shaping understanding of political issues. The potential impact of news frames on public opinion becomes crucial when we assume public opinion to be influential in affecting real policy decisions’ (Schuck & de Vreese, 2006, p. 6). Because the refugee crisis has not just political, but also social, cultural and economical consequences, politicians have numerous ways to address the public.
A number of topics orchestrate the coverage of the crisis, such as immigration, integration, racism, religion, social coherence and EU membership. Both sides will strive to ‘protect their positive image and their humanitarian face, but the media does not altogether ban protests against racism’ (van Dijk, 1995, p. 23). By deliberately identifying the right as the only side involved in racism, the ‘left position–however negative- will be presented as more moderate, tolerant and humane.’ Criticism of the racist right ‘thus implies a denial of their own racism’ (van Dijk, 1995, p. 23). Although these statements are somewhat dated, van Dijk has thoroughly investigated the discursive elements that contribute to ‘the reproduction of racial and ethnic inequality in these societies’ (van Dijk, 2000, p. 33), and his research shows that certain elements are commonly utilized in mainstream media. There is no doubt the refugee crisis is an ethnically charged subject, although the focal point of my analysis is a distinction between a left- and right-wing perspective, elucidating on the defining elements in the designation of a political affiliation. Subsequently, the background of both newspapers as well as the perception of a typical left- or right-wing news report are explicated next.
What started as a weekly paper for the catholic labour movement in 19199, is now regarded as
a ‘quality tabloid newspaper’, focusing on a ‘more educated target audience’. After the second world war, it carried the subtitle ‘Catholic newspaper for the Dutch people’, but this all changed with the appointment of an economist as the new editor in the 1960’s. Slowly but surely, De Volkskrant unfolded a more critical tone, turning it into a progressive newspaper. The accent on comprehensive financial, economical and sports reporting administers a (centre) left-wing political affiliation; according to the following news report10, a prominent
politician (Frits Bolkestein) accused De Volkskrant of showing ‘more attention to left- rather than right-wing issues’. The report is a letter of the editor (Philippe Remarque) in response to that, and contains a striking quote: ‘Those who follow our reporting, know we do not
distinguish between left and right, and always pursue nuance. The readers that do express criticism, acknowledge we are no longer leftist enough. So be it.’
Because the same editor is in place, attributing an either left- or right-wing affiliation to the newspaper is challenging, yet, because of the liberal nature, concentration on more educated readers and the overall critical tone, De Volkskrant is considered to represent a (centre) left-wing political orientation. On top of that, most readers are assumed to vote for left-wing parties11. If we are to believe the outcome of this survey, it’s much easier to line up De Volkskrant and De Telegraaf against each other; with PvdA, GroenLinks and SP (left)
voters reading De Volkskrant and PVV, VVD and CDA (right) voters reading De Telegraaf. In concordance with the first hypothesis (H1), a typical left-wing policy on the crisis is pro-immigration and pro-Europe:
Pro-immigration - Positive towards left-wing policy on immigration.
- Positive towards immigration and refugees in general, as well as a negative position on right-wing policy.
Pro-Europe - Positive towards left-wing policy on the Dutch position within the EU, focus on cooperation to handle the crisis.
- Positive towards membership of the EU in general, as well as a negative position on right-wing policy.
1.2.2 Representing the Right: De Telegraaf
9 De geschiedenis van De Volkskrant
10 Remarque en Bolkestein schrijven elkaar is De Volkskrant te links 11 https://localfocus2.appspot.com/5509d46754d0f
Holding the title of the biggest newspaper in the Netherlands, in both paper and online circulation, De Telegraaf was founded in 189212. The paper reports on domestic and foreign
issues and has a daily financial and sports section. Van Dijk (1995, p. 38) describes it as a ‘conservative broadsheet, less blatantly –the same is, true, however- xenophobic or racist than
The Sun and The Daily Mail in the UK and Bild Zeitung in Germany. In spite of this
characterization, ‘these conservative newspapers dominate the market, that is, they have preferential access to the minds of the largest part of the population’ (van Dijk 1995, p. 38). Largely related to a high dose of sensational and entertaining reports, De Telegraaf is regarded as a ‘popular paper’, aiming at a broad audience, assumingly following a ‘conservative style with which specific target groups can be attracted.’
The conservative nature inclines a right-wing political affiliation. The manifestation of this affiliation is prevalently reflected in the stance on immigration and the European Union in its news reporting. In agreement with the second hypothesis (H2), a typical right-wing policy on the crisis is anti-immigration and anti-Europe:
Anti-immigration - Positive towards right-wing policy on immigration.
- Negative towards immigration and refugees in general, as well as a negative position on left-wing policy.
Anti-Europe - Positive towards right-wing policy on the Dutch position within the EU, focus on an independent approach to handle the crisis.
- Negative towards membership of the EU in general, as well as a negative position on left-wing policy.
2 Media Manipulation
2.1 Analytical Properties
Manipulation in the press is a recurring phenomenon, but the basis for each employed strategy pertains to agenda-setting and selective reporting. The trick is to do so in light of the subject at hand, in the case of the refugee crisis an international, ethnic event affecting many aspects of society one way or another. For a newspaper, this usually means a subtle link to the crisis in the majority of their news coverage, even if the subject is far from related. The refugee crisis seems to dominate or overshadow any other subject in importance and significance. From this angle, a newspaper has the potential to shape public discussion and opinion by reporting on it from every given angle. Repetition plays a signification part in this process, which is a known news frame. Although news frames are crucial for the analysis, it’s necessary to look at the discursive elements of the news reports first, in order to lay bare the discursive structure and context. According to Teun van Dijk (1995, p. 10), the ‘precise conditions and structural properties’ of a news report reveal the manipulative elements. Furthermore, the discursive strategies from his Discourse Analysis are specifically relevant for an ethnically charged subject, relating to the stance on immigration, polarisation,
integration, association and self-image of a news report. Consecutive of an account of these discursive strategies, the relevant news frames will be elucidated upon, followed by the identification process.
As the research is a content analysis of a selection of news items, applying a critical discourse analysis is most suitable for the examination. It wasn’t long before the research of Teun van Dijk was suggested, mainly because he focuses on the power of the news media, and is particularly interested in the role of the press. The theoretical framework van Dijk applied for his research ‘is articulated within the multidisciplinary field of discourse analysis: a domain of study in the humanities and social sciences that systematically examines the structures and functions of text and talk in their social, political, and cultural contexts (van Dijk, 1995, p. 10). To better understand the role of the press in the refugee crisis, a detailled discursive approach is needed to investigate the context of specific news reports on the one hand and its relation to the reader on the other hand.
The identification of the persuasive elements is key in this process, in order to say more about their efficiency and functionality in the specific context of the refugee crisis. Such elements are either legitimate or power abuse, the latter being a form of manipulation:
‘manipulation as a form of media power enactment is usually evaluated in negative terms, because mediated information is biased or concealed in such a way that the knowledge and beliefs of the audience are changed in a direction that is not necessarily in its best interest’ (van Dijk, 1995, p. 11). Exactly these manipulative elements are generally politically motivated, which are exerted on the reader by means of dominance: ‘processes of reproduction that involve strategies aimed at the continued preferential access to social resources and the legitimation of such inequality’ (van Dijk, 1995, p. 11). One of these ‘domains of dominance’ is defined as the strategic control of knowledge.
Agenda-setting and selective reporting are inherently part of the strategic control of knowledge, a ‘crucial element in the control of discourse understanding and, therefore, of discourse access and the critical counterpower of oppositional reading and understanding’(van Dijk, 1995, p. 15). The strategic approach differentiates between control of knowledge – which ‘influences understanding’- and control of attitudes, which ‘influences evaluation.’
Control of knowledge is achieved by ‘means of disinformation campaigns or effective credibility strategies, such as the use of statistics, authoritative sources, credible eyewitnesses and photographs’ (van Dijk, 1995, p. 15). Consistent reporting is ‘particularly effective’ for the persuasive power of a news report in ‘the coverage of race and ethnic affairs in the United States, Europe and other Europeanized countries.’ It’s no surprise immigration and integration are among ‘the most alarming social issues of current European politics and media reporting’ (van Dijk, 1995, p. 17). It seems as if history is repeating itself, because the refugee crisis has sparked the debate on immigration and integration throughout Europe.
Control of attitudes ‘may be a result of controlling the discourses of mass
communication,’ and is more related to the topics, meanings, style and rhetoric. Van Dijk describes the function of controlling attitudes as self-sustaining; once a selection of facts is presented, in an although ‘seemingly objective fashion, the readers will themselves produce the preferred models of the elites and may even act accordingly’ (van Dijk, 1995, p. 16). The functionality of knowledge and attitude related control is reflected in the discursive strategies specifically employed to manipulate an ethnic event.
Reporting on an ethnic event such as the refugee crisis requires an approach that takes account of the charged subject; certain strategies must be refrained from. Both left and right will jump on reports or statements that could be interpreted as discrimination, politically unjust or simply wrong in order to demonize the other side. Consequently, any news report has the ability to stir up a storm of commentary. De Volkskrant is generally reserved in its reporting, but De Telegraaf, as a conservative and sensational newspapers is a different story: ‘these newspapers (referring to conservative newspapers throughout Europe) have always initiated or exacerbated resentment against the first non-European immigrants and continue to do so with the present panic about waves of refugees’. The discursive strategies ‘employed to manipulate the prevailing models of ethnic events are now well-known’ (van Dijk, 1995, p. 38). Most strategies have negative connotations, so the opposing positive connotations are added to balance the analysis. Also, each strategy is adapted to fit the analysis of news reports covering the refugee crisis:
‘A general polarisation between us and them’: if there is a distinction between refugees and foreigners or non-Europeans on the one hand and natives, westerners or Europeans on the other hand, this could be interpreted as a polarisation.
‘A general focus on a variety of social, economic, and cultural problems caused by them, thereby blaming the victim’: if refugees are blamed for any such problem, this indicates a blame-transfer. ‘Focus on similarities and integration, emphasizing they are not the root cause of all problems and we
have a responsibility to help’: if the news report accentuates integration and similarities, this indicates a willingness to help.
‘Social and cultural differences (e.g., due to religion) and disintegration: welfare abuse, disrespect for or lacking adaptation to our customs, or language’: if the news report focuses on disintegration and differences, this indicates a reluctance to help.
‘Focus on positive topics, such as positive cases of integration, functional charity, new customs, economical gains and a multicultural society’: a news report with primarily positive topics indicates a positive attitude towards refugees and immigration in general.
‘Focus on negative topics, such as immigration as invasion, attack, or threat and possible negative socio-economic consequences of immigration, e.g., unemployment, lack of housing, crime and violence’: a news report with primarily negative topics indicates a negative attitude towards refugees and immigration in general.
‘Positive/negative self-presentation: the good (bad) things we do for them. Opposition against most forms of active measures in favour of ethnic equality, such as affirmative action, or multicultural education; attacks on political correctness. Denial (or transfer) of racism, and mitigation of
discrimination’: a positive self-image derives from a focus on the things we already do for refugees in order to help, whereas a negative self-image derives from the lack of things we do for refugees in order to help.
Van Dijk (1995, p. 39) describes these strategies as ‘precisely the key elements needed to contruct the preferred models that are most likely to be used in biased ingroup-outgroup
attitudes and xenophobic or ethnocentric ideologies.’ On the contrary, ‘these observations do not only apply to the conservative press’, because ‘althought the style of discourses may be more subtle, the mainstream liberal press follows this general pattern’ (van Dijk, 1995, p. 39).
Collectively, the various strategies constitute for Table 1.1, revealing the employed discursive strategies in the analysis of an individual news report. Additionally, some strategies are correlated with or suggestive of certain news frames, which will be elaborated upon after the news frame typology; the question is how the discursive strategies and news frames work together in the process of creating a favourable political climate, pursuing an either left- or right-wing perspective.
Table 1.1
Discursive strategies
Discursive strategy Volkskrant Telegraaf
Polarisation Blame transfer Similarities & integration Differences & disintegration Positive/negative association Positive/negative self-image
Content analyses prefer a concise, a priori defined operationalizations of frames, but
considering ‘any production feature of verbal or visual texts as a candidate for news frames is a too broad view’ (de Vreese, 2005, p. 54), there must be a thorough investigation as to why a certain image, quote, phrase or formulation could be interpreted as a news frame. A news frame should meet four criteria: it must have identifiable conceptual and linguistic
characteristics, be commonly observed in journalistic practice, it must be possible to distinguish the frame reliably from other frames and a frame must have representational validity (be recognized by others) and not be ‘merely a figment of a researcher’s imagination’ (de Vreese, 2005, p. 54). The identification of news frames in a crisis event is subject to additional factors. Framing analysis can offer the ‘appropriate response strategy’ to
effectively deal with a crisis, ‘providing managers with useful insights (An & Gower, 2009, p. 107). In times of crisis, people constantly seek new information about it in order to evaluate the cause of the event. Therefore, ‘it is important to look at how the media frame a crisis event, the cause of the crisis, and the actor responsible for it because those frames influence the public’s perception’ (An & Gower, 2009, p. 107). The study of An & Gower identifies ‘what kinds of news frames have been used in the coverage of crises.’ They define exactly how a number of specific crisis news frames are identified, but first the possible discursive location in the structure of a news report must be pinpointed.
Tankard (2001, p. 101) offers the ‘most comprehensive empirical approach’,
suggesting a list of ‘eleven framing mechanisms or focal points for identifying and measuring news frames’:
1. headlines 7. quotes selection
2. subheads 8. pull quotes
3. photos 9. logos
4. photo captions 10. statistics and charts, and
5. leads 11. concluding statements and paragraphs. 6. source selection
These focal points are expected to contain news frames. On top of the four criteria that must be met, ‘scholars within the empirical approach to measuring frames agree that frames are specific textual and visual elements, which are essentially different from the remaining news story which may be considered core news facts’ (de Vreese, 2005, p. 54). This means an article can be divided into carrying elements and core elements. Once the frame-carrying elements are recognized, the accessory news frames can be identified. Previous literature (Neuman, Just & Crigler, 1992 and Semetko and Valkenburg, 2000) ‘discussed comprehensively several types of frames dominantly used in the U.S. news coverage: conflict,
economic (consequences), human impact (interest) and morality’ (An & Gower, 2009, p. 108). Based on these frames, the research of Semetko and Valkenburg (2000) identified one extra frame, being most dominantly present; the attribution of responsibility frame. In sum, the following frames are considered to be the designated news frames to analyze a crisis situation:
Human interest frame:
This frame ‘brings a human face or an emotional angle to the presentation of an event, issue or problem’. In crisis situations however, it ‘stimulates the psychological pulse of people, which leads them to a more negative attitude towards the crisis’ (An & Gower, 2009, p. 108). Additionally, it’s able to influence participants’ emotional response, by dubbing the human subjects in a news report as ‘exemplars’, journalists want to ‘illustrate a broader societal issue, with te aim of bringing a personal angle to the story’ (Boukes et al., 2015, p. 123). Because people ‘tend to generalize exemplar information to broader judgements’, such news reports have been found to ‘strongly affect the perceptions of political issues’ (Boukes et al., 2015, p. 123)
Conflict frame:
This frame is used in such a way ‘as to reflect conflict and disagreement among individuals, groups, or organizations’ (An & Gower, 2009, p. 108).
Economic frame:
This frame ‘reports an event, problem, or issue in terms of the consequences it will have economically on an individual, groups, organizations, or countries’ (An & Gower, 2009, p. 108).
Morality frame:
This frame ‘puts the event, problem, or issue in the context of morals, social prescriptions, and religious tenets’. A study from Neuman et al. (1992) found that it was ‘commonly used by journalists indirectly through quotations or inference, rather than directly because of the journalistic norm of objectivity’(An & Gower, 2009, p. 108).
This frame is defined as ‘a way of attributing responsibility for [a] cause or solution to either the government or to an individual or group’ (An & Gower, 2009, p. 108).
On top of these frames, there are two more relevant –yet less prevailing- news frames. Firstly, the repetition frame: repetition frames are applicable to the specific subject, but also to elements in the article itself. Especially when the repetition follows in close proximity: ‘effects can get stronger when the delay between two exposures is short’ (Lecheler & de Vreese, 2012, p. 147). Secondly, the valence frame evaluates political issues (discourse) and situations in either positive or negative terms. The valence ‘alludes to one of the most
fundamental characteristics of political discourse, namely that elites attempt to affect support for or rejection of an issue by emphasizing the positive or negative aspects about it’ (Lecheler & de Vreese, 2011, p. 961). Political statements –whether positive or negative- are
uncommon, as spelled out by the SPJ13 Code of Ethics: ‘avoid conflicts of interest and remain
free of associations that may compromise integrity or damage credibility’. However, exactly such statements in a news report reflect their political stance on the situation, which makes valence frames exceptionally significant.
Whenever a certain crisis news frame is identified, an explanation as to why this part of the article could be interpreted as a specific news frame is provided. The explanation determines the strength of the news frame and whether it serves its purpose; does it represent a left- or right-wing policy, how is this accomplished and to what extent is it achieved?
2.3.1 Frame Identification Typology
Ensuing an initial discursive analysis to lay bare the discursive strategies, the frame-carrying elements are identified. This reveals the parts of a report that could be interpreted as a news frame. First, the list of 11 focal points will be isolated, focusing on headlines, subheads, photo (captions), leads, source & quote selection, pull quotes, statistics & charts and concluding paragraphs. Secondly, the four criteria as described by de Vreese (2005, p. 54) must be met: the frame must have identifiable conceptual and linguistic characteristics, it should be commonly observed in journalistic practice, distinguishable reliably from other frames and have representational validity. What this means for the most common frames in crisis
communication will be clarified next, by incorporating the approach of An & Gower (2009), as well as the properties (questions) designated by Semetko and Valkenburg (2000). Because these questions adhere to all criteria of de Vreese (2005), they will suffice for the
identification of specific news frames. The questions are arranged to ‘measure the extent to which certain frames appear in stories that mention politics’ (Semetko and Valkenburg, 2000, p. 98).
By exposing the frame-carrying elements to these questions, it’s more plausible to designate these elements as a certain news frame, especially because the political charge of the news reports is also accounted for. Incidentally, the discursive strategies and frames identified in the analysis carry extra weight, because both the ethnicity and political charge are justified. In conjunction with the repetition frame -identified from a close-proximity, deliberate linguistic exposure- and the valence frame –identified from a political evaluation in either positive or negative terms, a methodical approach is achieved. Table 1.2 (Semetko and Valkenburg, 2000, p. 98) contains the relevant questions for the classification of a crisis news frame.
Identificational properties in politically charged news
Human interest frame
Does the story provide a human example or “human face” on the issue?
Does the story employ adjectives or personal vignettes that generate feelings of outrage, empathy-caring, sympathy, or compassion?
Does the story emphasize how individuals and groups are affected by the issue/problem? Does the story go into the private or personal lives of the actors?
Does the story contain visual information that might generate feelings of outrage, empathycaring, sympathy, or compassion?
Conflict frame
Does the story reflect disagreement between parties-individuals-groups-countries? Does one party-individual-group-country reproach another?
Does the story refer to two sides or to more than two sides of the problem or issue? Does the story refer to winners and losers?
Economic frame
Is there a mention of financial losses or gains now or in the future? Is there a mention of the costs/degree of expense involved?
Is there a reference to economic consequences of pursuing or not pursuing a course of action?
Morality frame
Does the story contain any moral message?
Does the story make reference to morality, God, and other religious tenets? Does the story offer specific social prescriptions about how to behave?
Attribution of responsibility
Does the story suggest that some level of government has the ability to alleviate the problem?
Does the story suggest that some level of the government is responsible for the issue/problem?
Does the story suggest solution(s) to the problem/issue?
Does the story suggest that an individual (or group of people in society) is responsible for the issue-problem?
3 Content Analysis
3.1 Chronological Design
The press conference in which German Chancellor Angela Merkel proclaims ‘Wir schaffen das’ on August 31, 2015 regarding the crisis in the Middle East will serve as the starting point of the content analysis. The chronological design is made up of eight news reports per
newspaper, in which the discursive strategies and crisis news frames will define the analysis, in order to investigate the politically motivated coverage of the refugee crisis. A number of landmark moments between August 2015 and April 2016 have been selected. Naturally, an article relating to the political position of Angela Merkel completes the analysis, allowing for a then versus now comparison: has the political stance changed throughout the crisis and how is this reflected in the coverage? Correspondingly, observing to what extent media
manipulation is visible by looking at the defining dicursive elements and news frames allows for an indication of a political affiliation.
Singling out the implemented discursive strategies, more can be said in specific about the stance on immigration, whereas the identified crisis news frames pertain to both the stance on immigration and especially EU membership. In accordance with my hypotheses, this is expected to be reflected in the analysis: De Volkskrant will be generally positive towards left-wing policy, pro-immigration and pro-EU, whereas De Telegraaf will be generally positive towards right-wing policy, anti-immigration and anti-EU. To illustrate the then versus now comparison, the selected news reports have been categorized in the following timelines, in which the headlines have been translated from their Dutch counterpart.
Table 1.3
Timeline De Volkskrant
Timeline De Telegraaf
3.2 Discursive and Frame Analysis
The configuration of discursive elements and frames administer a thorough investigation of the news reports, in which the classification of a political label is a crucial component. Key in the analysis is the illustration of both labels; a left- and right-wing perspective of the refugee crisis. After the initial discourse analysis, a distinction between core elements and frame-carrying elements will be made by means of a color code, marking the frame-carrying
elements. This distinction is demonstrated in the appendix, where the frame-carrying elements of each article are based on the ‘framing mechanisms or focal points for identifying and
Starting point Sept 3: Refugees are a German problem Dec 13: Huge clash at Grave's asylum centre Feb 4: Dutch immi-gration policy one of strictest in EU
measuring news frames’ from Tankard (2001, p. 101). Not every element identified as a possible frame-carrier is in fact a news frame, but serves as an indication. Additionally, a number of discernible phrases and formulations have been marked as well, considering they could be interpreted as a news frame.
The discursive strategies are explicated in tables, which will clear the path for the identification of news frames. The work of van Dijk (1995) about the power of mass media today is determining for the discursive strategies; the identification of news frames on the other hand abides by the news framing typology of de Vreese (2005). Lastly, assigning the frame-carrying elements to specific crisis news frames is executed by means of the work of An and Gower (2009) on media frames in crisis news coverage, the criteria (questions) to test news frames to as designed by Semetko and Valkenburg (2000) and the role of emotions as mediators of news framing effects by Sophie Lecheler & Andreas Schuck (2013 & 2015). Following the identification process, the correlation between the employed discursive strategies and news frames will be investigated, after which a comparison between each pair of news reports will be made.
At first sight, every article will be examined by looking at the most striking discursive features, such as the structure, content, quotes & sources. Both newspapers are conscientious when it comes to the presentation of information; some is deliberately held back, whereas other is accentuated or repeated. With this in mind, all articles must be reviewed in the context of the available information. Following this first impression, the discourse analysis lays bare the discursive strategies pertaining to the ethnic nature of the refugee crisis. Subsequently, the designated crisis news frames will be identified from the frame-carrying elements, highlighting the political nature. As a consequence, the discursive strategies and crisis news frames establish a comprehensive picture of the political perspective of an article.
3.2.1 Article 1
Table 2.1
Discursive strategies Article 1
Strategy Volkskrant Telegraaf
Polarisation
Subhead is polarizing: ‘This boy’, ‘one of thousands,‘their voyage’. Then again, the image has the potential to ‘change the current perception of refugees’, indicating
the polarisation does not have a negative connotation
From start: ‘The Syrian boy’.. ‘his whole life’…’the Kurdi Family’…’their
dangerous voyage’
Blame transfer The title blames current EU policy for the crisis, referencing The Independent & The Guardian. The first sentence implies that
the situation is rather hypocritical;
No blame transfer, but vaguely implying family and father are involved.
considering thousands have died already, it takes a shocking picture of a young child
to change public opinion, blaming every opponent of immigration in the process.
Similarities & integration
Many quotes and references, accentuating the call for help: ‘we can no longer stand on the side line’. Emphasis on cooperation
in EU.
Focus on helplessness refugees, ‘symbol of the atrocities the refugees are exposed to’.
Mention of dozens perished.
Differences & disintegration
Several differences:‘a more humane immigration policy and ‘a better handling
of the transition’
Subject immunizes negative connotations, so no mention of differences or
disintegration.
Positive association associated with his political response to theGreek minister of migration is positively tragedy.
The whole report is a description of the tragedy, in which no positive associations
can be found.
Negative association Negative association between currentimmigration policy of the EU and the tragedy that unfolded.
Other than a faint indication that the war in Syria and the refugee crisis have caused
the death of Aylan, no assocations.
Positive/negative self-image
Focus on negative self-image, especially for the Netherlands as part of the EU, we
have to unite.
No self-image; described from a distance, and instantly put into perspective by mentioning a similar tragedy involving
children the same day.
Volkskrant | September 2, 2015 | 'Deze foto moet Europa veranderen' Frame-carrying elements Identification & justification
Headline 'Deze foto moet Europa veranderen'
News frame Attribution of responsibility, emphasizing the need for
change in Europe, implying current EU policy is causing such tragedies. Also a valence frame, because it
evaluates the crisis (political issue) in negative terms, by ‘emphasizing the negative aspects (the tragedy that is depicted on the picture) about it’ (Lecheler & de Vreese, 2016).
Photos, captions and pull quotes Five pictures of Aylan in a number of newspapers,
several captions and tweets describing the tragedy
News frames All photos, captions, pull quotes and tweets are human
interest frames (9 in total), providing a ‘human face’,
‘employing personal vignettes’, ‘emphasizing how individuals are affected’ and ‘go into the private or personal lives of the actors’ (Semetko and Valkenburg, 2000).
Lead “Dit jongetje is slechts een (…) gaan om de driejarige
Aylan Kurdi uit Kobani.”
News frame Human interest frame, describing a specific event in
the refugee crisis from an emotional angle. The graphic description is an ‘exemplar’, ‘strongly affecting political perception’ (Boukes et al., 2015, p. 123).
Quotes selection 1- 'Als deze foto's Europa's houding ten opzichte van
vluchtelingen niet veranderen, wat dan wel?' kopt de Britse krant The Independent. De verschrikkelijke
menselijke tragedies die zich aan de Europese kusten voltrekken, krijgen een gezicht door één beeld, schrijft The Guardian. Volgens The Daily Mail symboliseren de broertjes Kurdi de wanhoop van duizenden.
2- Op Twitter noemen veel mensen de foto's 'iconisch':
het beeld zou symbool staan voor de tragiek van de vluchtelingencrisis. De hashtag 'KiyiyaVuranInsanlik' ('menselijkheid aangespoeld') - werd snel na het verschijnen van de foto trending topic. 'Dit kleine jongetje overleefde de Syrische oorlog, maar stierf op zoek naar vrede in Europa', twitterde iemand.
3- Veel mensen roepen de EU en Europese regeringen op het asielbeleid humaner te maken. 'Deze foto bewijst het falen van de medemenselijkheid. We kunnen niet langer aan de zijlijn blijven staan.'
News frame 1- All together these references are a valence,
emphasizing the negative aspects of the crisis as the result of ‘Europe’s stance on immigration’.
2-The specificity of these quotes make for a human interest frame, because a human example is provided in
the context of a specific event (the tragedy of Aylan’s demise).
3- Valence and attribution of responsibility, because it
suggests ‘some level of government –the EU and its governments- have the ability (or are responsible for) to alleviate (if not, solve) the problem’ (Semetko and Valkenburg, 2000); the valence alludes to the attempt to affect rejection of current EU immigration policy.
Concluding paragraph “Mouzalas benadrukte dat (…) zoveel tijd praten over hoe we een crisis kunnen vermijden.”
News frame Attribution of responsibility, considering it suggests
that some level of government (the entire EU and the UN) has the ability (and responsibility) to alleviate the problem (support these populations) and that it requires urgent action.
Telegraaf | September 3, 2015 | Aylan (3) maakte geen schijn van kans Frame-carrying elements Identification & justification
Headline Aylan (3) maakte geen schijn van kans
News frame Human interest; combined with the picture underneath
the headline, this frame provides a human example on the issue.
Subhead BODRUM - PAS OP: SCHOKKENDE BEELDEN Het
Syrische jongetje dat woensdag aanspoelde op het strand van het Turkse Bodrum, kende zijn hele leven alleen maar oorlog.
News frame Human interest: by mentioning Aylan has only known
war throughout his life, the emotional angle is infallible, and the footage is able to generate feelings of outrage. Also a conflict, because the reasoning behind current tragedy (war) is explicitly mentionted.
Photos, captions Pictures 1 and 3 show Aylan and his brother, picture 2
And short film shows the unfolding tragedy at Bodrum beach.
News frame All three photos, its captions and the footage are human
interest frames (4 in total): they all depict the tragedy
by means of a human example, bringing an emotional angle to the presentation of the crisis, framed in a way to ‘stimulate the psychological pulse of people, which ultimately leads them to a more negative attitude towards the crisis’ (Padin, 2005).
Lead Voor die afschuwelijke situatie in zijn geboortestad
Kobani in Noord-Syrië was het gezin Kurdi op de vlucht geslagen, melden Turkse media.
News frame Considering the lead focuses on certain individuals –the
Kurdi family- in a specific event –the war in Syria-, this is a human interest frame. Again, a conflict, because the horrible situation the family is fleeing from is enabled by the conflict (war in Syria).
Quotes selection 1- "Ik hoorde het om 5 uur 's ochtends," zegt de tante van
de jongetjes, die gesproken had met de vader van het gezin. "Mijn vrouw en twee jongens zijn dood," zou het enige zijn geweest dat hij uit kon brengen.
2- "Er waren in totaal 175 mensen die op 12 bootjes
moesten," vertelt een andere overlevende in de Daily Mail. Ze betaalden volgens hem 2050 euro per persoon.
3- "Het bootje was bedoeld voor 10 mensen en zonk
bijna meteen toen we op volle zee kwamen. We hadden geen schijn van kans."
News frames 1- The emotional angle makes for a human interest
frame; the only survivor –the father- explicitly mentions
his loss by phone. These quotes generate ‘feelings of empathy-caring and compassion’ and ‘emphasize how individuals are affected by the problem’ (Semetko and Valkenburg, 2000).
2- Human interest: ‘A total of 175 people had to get on
12 boats’, emphasizing how these people are affected by the problem, as told by ‘another survivor’, adding to the tragedy and reaffirming the emotional angle.
3- Human interest: quoting the survivor, this describes
the situation they were in, and how they are affected as a group.
Concluding paragraph Geen enkele boot kwam aan op Kos. Tientallen mensen vonden de dood.
News frame Human interest: because dozens of people lost their life,
this concluding statement is bound to generate feelings of outrage, empathy-caring, sympathy, or compassion.
3.2.2 Article 2
Table 2.2
Discursive strategies Article 2
Strategy Volkskrant Telegraaf
Polarisation on the division between EU member statesRather than a polarisation, more emphasis in the crisis.
Clear polarisation; ‘the stream of refugees entering Europe’, ‘they all want to go to
Germany’, ‘Europeans are in fear’ This implies a clear distinction between refugees entering Europe (them) and the
natives already living there (us).
Blame transfer
Several countries blame eachother for their way of handling the crisis; but no direct
accusation of refugees. Example: Orbán blames Germany because ‘no
refugee wants to stay in Hungary’
The title and lead suggest the refugee crisis is a German problem, quoting Hungarian
prime minister Viktor Orbán.
background’, and more solidarity within the EU. Also, last 2 paragraphs call for more cooperation and solidarity to resolve
the crisis.
solidarity and more funding.
Differences & disintegration
Focus on cultural differences; christians vs muslims and Europeans vs Arabs.
Orbán calls upon his colleagues to do more to protect the borders of the EU;
disintegration.
Positive association
Tusk, Merkel & Hollande call for more solidarity within the EU, but other than the
critical tone of describing the course of action of certain countries, there is no positive association with refugees. On the contrary, the concluding paragraph softens
the tone, noting that ‘despite the harsh words of Hungarian Orbán Slovakian Fico,
Eastern European countries do seem to realize they cannot deny the need for more solidarity and help’, implying the situation
is salvageable.
Tusk calls for more solidarity towards countries that do take in refugees.
Negative association
The immigration is described as an invasion by Orbán and Fico: ‘2 centuries
under Ottoman regime’ and ‘100.000 entrants from the Arabic world’.
‘The stream of refugees is a German problem’, ‘we don’t protect the borders of
the EU well enough’
Positive/negative self-image
The first sentence of the last paragraph implies that regardless of the controversy,
every country should show more solidarity. Combined with the description
of how refugees are dealt with there is a negative self-image (towards
anti-immigration).
The article describes the refugee crisis as a problem for which Germany could be held responsible, attributing a negative
self-image to Germany.
Volkskrant | September 4, 2015 | Tweespalt in Europa krijgt guur karakter Frame-carrying elements Identification & justification
Headline Tweespalt in Europa krijgt guur karakter
News frame Conflict: the headline ‘reflects disagreement between
countries in the EU’ (Semetko and Valkenburg, 2000).
Valence: the headline also suggests political aversion
towards division in the EU, implying the EU should work together. This division is deliberately evaluated in negative terms, emphasizing rejection of that issue.
Subhead Oost-Europese lidstaten moeten weinig van verplichte
News frame Conflict: the subhead ‘reflects disagreement and refers
to two sides of the issue’ (Semetko and Valkenburg, 2000).
Photo + caption ‘WU-president Donald Tusk, links, praat met de
Hongaarse Minister-President Viktor Orban.’
News frame Human interest: the photo ‘provides a human example
on the issue’, and also contains ‘visual information that might generate an emotional response’ (Semetko and Valkenburg, 2000).
Lead De aanhoudende migrantenstroom leidt tot tweespalt
binnen de Europese Unie. De belangrijkste lidstaten, Duitsland en Frankrijk, hameren op een verplichte verdeling van asielzoekers over alle EU-landen. Oost-Europese lidstaten, Hongarije voorop, moeten daar weinig of niets van weten.
News frame Conflict: the lead is ‘used in such a way to reflect
conflict and disagreement among countries’ within the EU (An & Gower, 2009), and there is a clear distinction between the two sides of the issue (Germany & France vs Hungary and several other Eastern European member states)
Quote selection 1- Orbán: Hij noemde het vraagstuk 'een Duits probleem
omdat niemand in Hongarije wil blijven'
2- 'Voor een christen moet het niet uitmaken welk ras of
welke nationaliteit en religie personen in nood hebben,' aldus Tusk, een voormalige Poolse premier, in een 'persoonlijke noot'.
3- Orbán: .. nog eens dat zijn land 'geen grote aantallen
moslims' wil toelaten.
4- 'Als we het mechanisme van de automatische opname
van vluchtelingen hanteren,' zei Fico, 'dan gaan we op een dag wakker worden in Slowakije met 100 duizend
nieuwkomers uit de Arabische wereld.'Als zijn land dan
toch vluchtelingen moet opnemen, dan alleen christelijke, zo liet hij weten.
5- Orban suggereerde gisteren in Brussel een
'quotumregeling' serieus te willen bekijken, mits die een verlichting voor zijn land betekent. 'Maar ik heb nog geen aanbod gezien.'
News frames 1- Attribution of responsiblity: the quote suggests that
Germany is responsible for the issue.
2- Morality: moral message or specific social
prescription how to behave .
3- Morality: reference to a religious tenet.
4- Morality: reference to religious influences and
5- Attribution of responsibility: this quote suggests that
‘some level of government (Brussel) is responsible for or has the ability to alleviate the problem
Pull quote “Tusk noemde het 'onvergeeflijk' als Europa uiteen zou
vallen in landen die vluchtelingen weren en EU-lidstaten die hen wel willen opvangen”
News frame Conflict: reflecting disagreement between EU member
states that are willing to welcome refugees vs those that repress refugees.
Valence: Although it’s a direct quote, highlighting it
with a pull quote in the report suggests rejection of that course of action, deliberately evaluating the possible disintegration of the EU in negative terms.
Statistics & charts 1- Een 'eerlijke verdeling' van ten minste 100 duizend
mensen is geboden, zei Tusk.
2- Hij wees erop dat zijn land meer dan twee eeuwen
onder het bewind stond van het Ottomaanse Rijk.
3- Polen, een land met 48 miljoen inwoners, heeft zich
bereid verklaard in een periode van twee jaar amper tweeduizend Syriërs en Eritreeërs te huisvesten.
4- Griekenland liet donderdag weten dat het aantal
vluchtelingen in juli dit jaar met 3.000 procent is gestegen ten opzichte van dezelfde maand in 2014.
News frames 1- Attribution of responsibility: suggesting a solution;
each member country has the responsibility and ability to alleviate the problem.
2- Morality: reference to a religious history.
3- Attribution of responsibility: negatively suggesting
that Poland has the responsibility (in equation with the number of inhabitants) and ability to alleviate the problem.
4- Economic: the quote suggests economic & financial
consequences for Greece.
Concluding paragraph “Ondanks de ferme taal (…) ik heb nog geen aanbod gezien.”
News frame Conflict & Economic: reflecting disagreement and
mentioning two sides of the issue, as well as a reference to economic consequences (‘an alleviation for his country’) of pursuing a course of action (Orbán considering a quota arrangement).
Telegraaf | September 3, 2015 | Orban: ‘Vluchtelingen zijn Duits probleem’
Headline Orban: ‘Vluchtelingen zijn Duits probleem’
News frame Conflict: the headline reflects disagreement between
Hungary and Germany.
Photo + caption ‘Orban attends a news conference in Budapest.’
News frame Human interest: the photo provides a ‘human face’ on
the issue, ‘contains visual information’ and in combination with the headline ‘employs a personal vignette’ that has the ability to generate emotional response (Semetko and Valkenburg, 2000).
Lead “De stroom vluchtelingen die Europa (…) een bezoek
aan Brussel.”
News frames Conflict: the lead is a repetition, because it reflects
disagreement between Hungary and Germany again.
Repetition: Repeating that the ‘refugees are a German
problem’ in such close proximity puts the emphasis on this notion. Especially because the following paragraph contains another statement suggesting Berlin is
responsible for a solution to the refugee crisis.
Quotes selection 1- Orbán: „Europeanen hebben veel angst, omdat wij de grenzen van Europa niet goed genoeg bewaken.”
2- EU-president Donald Tusk wil dat „ten minste
100.000 vluchtelingen” over Europa verdeeld worden.
News frames 1- Valence: the quote evaluates the political situation in
Europe in deliberate negative terms, suggesting rejection of the way Europe is dealing with its borders. By using a quote, De Telegraaf is able to conceal its political affiliation, but at the same time emphasize the negative aspects of the (current) political situation.
2- Attribution of responsibility: the quote suggests that
Europe has the responsiblity and ability to alleviate the problem.
Concluding paragraph “Tusk riep dan ook op tot meer solidariteit, zeker (...) het
hoofd te kunnen bieden, zei Tusk.”
News frame Attribution of responsibility: According to Tusk,
European countries should show more solidarity and take responsiblity to deal with the refugee crisis, including the ministration of more refugees and the willingness to invest more money.
3.2.3 Article 3
Table 2.3
Strategy Volkskrant Telegraaf
Polarisation
The title, subhead and lead mention that ‘migrants are being distributed’, making a distinction. Although no clear polarisation, indiscriminately referring to ‘them’ as migrants, refugees and asylumseekers is
somewhat polarising.
There is no explicit polarisation us and refugees, rather, a distinction between
pro-and opponents of the mpro-andatory division.
Blame transfer
There is a focus on problems, but rather than blaming the refugees, in this context
European member states are blaming eachother (title + first sentence).
No general focus on accusations or allegations towards refugees or any other
parties.
Similarities & integration
Tusk says the meeting in Brussel is a test for the ‘humanity and responsibility’ of Europe. A ‘prominent EU functionary’
warns that the EU could fall apart.
Europe is in crisis, ‘a decision has to be made’, referring to the necessity to help and rearrange the distribution of refugees.
Differences & disintegration
Mention of cultural differences (Slovakia only taking Christian refugees) and implications of social disintegration.
Although the agreement was hard-fought, and there was clear opposition, there is no
mention of differences or social disintegration
Positive association Because of the negative tone, there is butone positive association: for the ‘affable’ ministration of refugees by Germany and
Sweden.
Other than the result of accomplishing a first step in the process, which is mentioned twice, there are no explicit
positive associations.
Negative association
The whole article has a rather negative tone, but this is caused by (or directed at)
the squabbling, rebukes and dispute (several terms are used) between EU
members.
Important themes: ‘stopping the influx, intensify working relations with Turkey and send back illegitimate refugees’. These
themes are negatively associated with refugees.
Positive/negative self-image
Exemplification of a negative self-image: Squabbles and accusations between EU
member states, affecting the refugees. Emphasis on negative consequences; subhead and quotes strenghthen this.
The title is misleading, because it implies consensus is reached, suggesting a positive self-image. The content disproves this; ‘no real solutions’ for the crisis have been
presented nor has it been solved.
Volkskrant | September 21, 2015 | EU-landen ruziën over 'afschuiven' migranten Frame-carrying elements Identification & justification
Headline EU-landen ruziën over 'afschuiven' migranten
News frame Conflict: the headline reflects disagreement between
EU-countries over the ‘abdication’ of migrants.
Photos + captions 1- Migranten staan op het punt om in te stappen in de
trein van Spielfeld naar Graz in Oostenrijk
2- Een migrantenkamp bij de grensovergang tussen
Obrežje in Slovenië en Bregana in Kroatië
News frame 1- Human interest: the photo depicts several people
