The European Roma: minority representation, memory, and the limits of transnational governmentality - 6: Articulating neo-liberalism and the legacies of communism

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The European Roma: minority representation, memory, and the limits of

transnational governmentality

van Baar, H.J.M.

Publication date

2011

Link to publication

Citation for published version (APA):

van Baar, H. J. M. (2011). The European Roma: minority representation, memory, and the

limits of transnational governmentality.

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Chapterȱ6ȱ

ArticulatingȱNeoȬliberalismȱandȱ

theȱLegaciesȱofȱCommunismȱ

ȱ ȱ ȱ ȱ ȱ ȱ ȱ INTRODUCTIONȱ ȱ Inȱchapterȱ5,ȱIȱintroducedȱandȱtheorizedȱneoȬliberalismȱasȱaȱformȱofȱgovernmentalityȱandȱ asȱ aȱ wayȱ toȱ addressȱ theȱ unevennessȱ andȱ hybridityȱ ofȱ howȱ neoȬliberalismȱ hasȱ beenȱ articulatedȱ aroundȱ theȱ globe.ȱ Inȱ thisȱ chapter,ȱ Iȱ willȱ clarifyȱ whatȱ thisȱ alternativeȱ viewȱ impliesȱforȱanȱanalysisȱofȱtheȱconcreteȱrealitiesȱandȱsocioeconomicȱparticipatoryȱchancesȱ ofȱtheȱRomaȱinȱpresentȬdayȱCentralȱandȱEasternȱEurope.ȱIȱwillȱshowȱhowȱtheȱdomesticȱ articulationȱofȱneoȬliberalismȱinȱtheȱregionȱhasȱambivalentlyȱimpactedȱonȱtheȱsituationȱofȱ theȱRoma,ȱevenȱleadingȱtoȱtheirȱdehumanization.ȱIȱwillȱexplain,ȱthough,ȱthatȱthisȱisȱnotȱ simplyȱ theȱ resultȱ ofȱ neoȬliberalismȱ “writȱ large”ȱ (Ongȱ 2006:ȱ 14).ȱ Rather,ȱ thisȱ situationȱ isȱ theȱ consequenceȱ ofȱ howȱ recentlyȱ introducedȱ neoȬliberalȱ governmentalȱ techniquesȱ haveȱ collidedȱ andȱ beenȱ assembledȱ withȱ variousȱ everydayȱ social,ȱ political,ȱ cultural,ȱ andȱ ecoȬ nomicȱpracticesȱandȱinstitutionalȱsettings,ȱwhichȱpartlyȱneedȱtoȱbeȱunderstoodȱinȱtheȱconȬ textȱofȱtheȱlegaciesȱofȱcommunism.ȱ Inȱtheȱfirstȱpartȱofȱthisȱchapter,ȱIȱwillȱexamineȱhowȱneoȬliberalȱdevelopmentȱprograms,ȱ andȱsoȬcalledȱactivationȱschemesȱinȱparticular,ȱhaveȱrecentlyȱbeenȱintroducedȱtoȱimproveȱ theȱlaborȱmarketȱparticipationȱofȱEastȱCentralȱEuropeanȱRoma.ȱIȱwillȱbeginȱwithȱputtingȱ intoȱcontextȱtheȱwayȱinȱwhichȱactivationȱprogramsȱrelateȱtoȱchangingȱideasȱandȱpracticesȱ ofȱwelfareȱandȱitsȱdistribution.ȱIȱwillȱcallȱintoȱquestionȱtheȱwayȱinȱwhich,ȱinȱWorldȱBankȱ activationȱprogramsȱmeantȱforȱimprovingȱtheȱemploymentȱchancesȱofȱtheȱRoma,ȱtheyȱareȱ problematizedȱ asȱ ‘inactive.’ȱ Byȱ meansȱ ofȱ anȱ analysisȱ ofȱ howȱ activationȱ schemesȱ haveȱ beenȱintroducedȱtoȱdealȱwithȱtheȱRomaȱinȱSlovakia,ȱIȱwillȱshowȱthatȱtheseȱprogramsȱhaveȱ goneȱ togetherȱ withȱ highlyȱ ambiguousȱ practicesȱ onȱ theȱ ground,ȱ rangingȱ fromȱ eviction,ȱ exploitation,ȱandȱdehumanizationȱtoȱdifficultiesȱforȱRomaȱtoȱeffectivelyȱenactȱtheirȱlegalȱ citizenshipȱrights.ȱ

Inȱorderȱtoȱclarifyȱthatȱweȱcannotȱexplainȱtheseȱproblematicȱoutcomesȱonȱtheȱbasisȱofȱ neoȬliberalismȱ alone,ȱ inȱ theȱ secondȱ partȱ ofȱ thisȱ chapter,ȱ Iȱ willȱ discussȱ threeȱ legaciesȱ ofȱ communismȱthatȱhaveȱgreatlyȱimpactedȱonȱtheȱcontemporaryȱsituation.ȱFirst,ȱIȱwillȱshowȱ howȱideasȱandȱpracticesȱofȱsocioȬeconomicȱreform,ȱincludingȱneoȬliberalȱones,ȱplayedȱaȱ crucialȱ roleȱ throughoutȱ Eastȱ Centralȱ Europe’sȱ twentiethȬcenturyȱ historyȱ and,ȱ thus,ȱ notȱ onlyȱ afterȱ 1989.ȱ Theȱ legacyȱ ofȱ theseȱ reformȱ ideas,ȱ agendas,ȱ andȱ practicesȱ contestsȱ theȱ oftenȱproclaimedȱideaȱthatȱneoȬliberalismȱhasȱrecentlyȱbeenȱimportedȱtoȱtheȱregionȱandȱ

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largelyȱ imposedȱ onȱ itȱ fromȱ outsideȱ (Sigonaȱ andȱ Trehanȱ 2009b).ȱ Second,ȱ neoȬliberalismȱ hasȱbeenȱarticulatedȱwithȱaȱrangeȱofȱotherȱsocioȬculturalȱandȱeconomicȱrelationshipsȱthatȱ areȱ connected,ȱ butȱ notȱ simplyȱ reducibleȱ toȱ marketȱ relations.ȱ Iȱ willȱ clarifyȱ thisȱ issueȱ throughȱ interrogatingȱ theȱ legacyȱ ofȱ diverseȱ kindsȱ ofȱ alternativeȱ economiesȱ thatȱ wereȱ developedȱunderȱcommunismȱandȱthatȱhaveȱcontinuedȱtoȱplayȱaȱroleȱafterȱtheȱfallȱofȱtheȱ BerlinȱWall.ȱIȱwillȱargueȱthat,ȱevenȱthoughȱtheȱRomaȱwereȱalsoȱinvolvedȱinȱsuchȱ‘second’ȱ economies,ȱ theirȱ difficultyȱ toȱ gainȱ fromȱ theseȱ alternativeȱ andȱ informalȱ networksȱ underȱ communismȱ hasȱ alsoȱ impactedȱ onȱ theirȱ postȬ1989ȱ situation.ȱ Thirdȱ andȱ finally,ȱ Iȱ willȱ discussȱ theȱ legacyȱ ofȱ communistȱ institutionalȱ andȱ everydayȱ practicesȱ ofȱ racismȱ againstȱ theȱRoma.ȱThisȱexaminationȱhelpsȱtoȱilluminateȱhowȱgovernmentalȱtools,ȱsuchȱasȱthoseȱofȱ activation,ȱhaveȱrecentlyȱbeenȱcollidedȱandȱcrossȬfertilizedȱwithȱdiscoursesȱandȱpracticesȱ inȱwhichȱtheȱRomaȱareȱproblematizedȱasȱdeviantȱandȱinadaptableȱsubjects.ȱTheseȱlegaciesȱ ofȱ communismȱ andȱ theȱ waysȱ inȱ whichȱ theyȱ haveȱ recentlyȱ beenȱ articulatedȱ withȱ neoȬ liberalȱtechniquesȱofȱgoverningȱurgeȱusȱtoȱreconsiderȱ‘global’ȱnotionsȱofȱneoȬliberalism.ȱ ȱ

ȱ

CHALLENGINGȱTHEȱROMA’SȱDEPENDENCYȱANDȱPOVERTYȱTHROUGHȱACTIVATIONȱPOLICIESȱ

ȱ

Atȱ theȱ beginningȱ ofȱ theȱ newȱ millenniumȱ bothȱ theȱ Unitedȱ Nationsȱ andȱ theȱ Worldȱ Bankȱ haveȱpublishedȱvoluminousȱreportsȱonȱtheȱsituationȱofȱtheȱRomaniȱminoritiesȱinȱEurope.ȱ Inȱ2002,ȱtheȱUnitedȱNationsȱDevelopmentȱProgramȱpublishedȱaȱsoȬcalledȱ‘humanȱdevelȬ opmentȱreport’ȱonȱtheȱCentralȱandȱEasternȱEuropeanȱRomaȱunderȱtheȱtitleȱAvoidingȱtheȱ DependencyȱTrapȱ(2002).ȱInȱ2005,ȱtheȱWorldȱBankȱfollowedȱwithȱyetȱanotherȱlargeȱreport,ȱ entitledȱ Theȱ Romaȱ inȱ anȱ Expandingȱ Europe:ȱ Breakingȱ theȱ Povertyȱ Circleȱ (2005b).ȱ Asȱ theȱ rhetoricȱofȱtheseȱtwoȱtitlesȱalreadyȱindicates,ȱtheseȱreportsȱrepresentȱtheȱcurrentȱsituationȱ ofȱtheȱRomaȱinȱEuropeȱasȱaȱtoughȱandȱpersistentȱoneȱinȱwhichȱpovertyȱandȱdependencyȱ areȱ farȬreaching,ȱ enduring,ȱ andȱ hardȱ toȱ challengeȱ phenomena.ȱ Nevertheless,ȱ asȱ theseȱ titlesȱshowȱasȱwell,ȱtheȱreportsȱwantȱtoȱofferȱstrategiesȱandȱsuggestȱinterventionsȱtoȱbreakȱ theȱ allegedlyȱ viciousȱ circlesȱ ofȱ povertyȱ andȱ exclusionȱ andȱ toȱ avoidȱ theȱ dependencyȱ ofȱ manyȱRomaȱonȱstateȱsupportȱandȱotherȱpatternsȱthatȱareȱconsideredȱasȱbarriersȱtoȱtheirȱ societalȱinclusionȱandȱselfȬdetermination.ȱ

Inȱ aȱ reportȱ onȱ employmentȱ opportunitiesȱ ofȱ theȱ Romaȱ inȱ theȱ Czechȱ Republic,ȱ theȱ WorldȱBankȱhasȱelaboratedȱonȱoneȱsuchȱstrategyȱinȱtheȱfieldȱofȱunemploymentȱpolicies.ȱ Inȱthisȱreport,ȱtheȱWorldȱBankȱaddsȱtheȱtermȱ‘inactivityȱtrap’ȱtoȱtheȱratherȱheavilyȱloadedȱ languageȱofȱotherȱcirclesȱandȱtraps.ȱAsȱtheȱreportȱexplains,ȱtheȱinactivityȱtrapȱpointsȱtoȱ theȱ phenomenonȱ thatȱ unemployedȱ personsȱ whoȱ receiveȱ socialȱ welfareȱ benefitsȱ “haveȱ weakerȱ motivationȱ toȱ lookȱ forȱ aȱ job”ȱ (Worldȱ Bankȱ 2008:ȱ 17).ȱ Inȱ orderȱ toȱ dealȱ withȱ theȱ specificityȱ ofȱ theȱ unemploymentȱ ofȱ manyȱ Roma—ofȱ whomȱ manyȱ wouldȱ haveȱ “skillsȱ constraints”ȱ (ibidȱ 2)—theȱ Worldȱ Bankȱ suggestsȱ reclassifyingȱ themȱ andȱ dividingȱ themȱ intoȱthreeȱdifferentȱcategories:ȱ“InȱorderȱtoȱunderstandȱtheȱnatureȱofȱRomaȱjoblessnessȱitȱ isȱ importantȱ toȱ divideȱ theȱ conceptsȱ ofȱ unemployment,ȱ inactivity,ȱ andȱ discouragement”ȱ (44).ȱTheȱmajorityȱofȱtheȱCzechȱRoma,ȱtheȱBankȱsuggests,ȱisȱactuallyȱnotȱunemployed,ȱbutȱ “outsideȱ theȱ laborȱ force”ȱ orȱ “economicallyȱ inactive”ȱ (42n38).ȱ Theseȱ soȬcalledȱ inactiveȱ Romaȱareȱpersonsȱofȱworkingȱageȱwhoȱ“areȱnotȱparticipatingȱinȱtheȱlaborȱmarketȱ[and]ȱ areȱ alsoȱ notȱ activelyȱ lookingȱ forȱ aȱ job”ȱ (44).ȱ Additionally,ȱ theȱ Worldȱ Bankȱ dividesȱ

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betweenȱtheȱ“trulyȱinactive”ȱ(33),ȱwhoȱareȱsimplyȱ“disinterested”ȱ(33)ȱinȱwork,ȱandȱtheȱ “discouraged,”ȱwhoȱhadȱlookedȱforȱaȱjobȱinȱtheȱpast,ȱbutȱhaveȱlostȱconfidenceȱinȱfindingȱ one,ȱ“dueȱtoȱtheirȱactualȱorȱperceivedȱinabilityȱtoȱfindȱemployment”ȱ(44).1_{ȱInȱparticularȱ} thoseȱwhoȱbelongȱtoȱoneȱofȱtheseȱtwoȱcategoriesȱareȱatȱriskȱofȱyetȱanotherȱtrap:ȱtheȱ“jobȬ lessnessȱtrap,”ȱwhichȱisȱcloselyȱ“associatedȱwithȱtheȱerosionȱofȱskillsȱandȱmorale”ȱ(13).ȱToȱ avoidȱallȱtheseȱriskyȱtrapsȱandȱviciousȱcirclesȱandȱtoȱ“makeȱworkȱpay”ȱ(24)ȱinȱtheȱfuture,ȱ theȱWorldȱBankȱintroducesȱagainȱaȱnewȱsetȱofȱtechnicalȱexpressions.ȱEffectivelyȱ“closingȱ theȱ skillsȱ gap”ȱ (3)ȱ andȱ avoidingȱ theȱ “pathȱ dependency”ȱ (13)ȱ ofȱ manyȱ Romaȱ requireȱ “strategicȱ vocationalȱ skillȱ upgrading”ȱ (38),ȱ attemptsȱ toȱ “incentivize”ȱ (39)ȱ theȱ Roma,ȱ “measuresȱtoȱtightenȱresponsibilitiesȱofȱjobȬseekers”ȱ(24),ȱandȱefficientȱ“clientȱprofiling”ȱ byȱemploymentȱofficesȱ(25).ȱParticularlyȱinȱtheȱcasesȱofȱtheȱinactiveȱandȱtheȱdiscouragedȱ Roma,ȱtheȱtrapsȱneedȱtoȱbeȱchallengedȱbyȱtheȱ“outsourcingȱofȱactivationȱservices”ȱ(27)ȱtoȱ privateȱ andȱ nonȬgovernmentalȱ organizations,ȱ andȱ byȱ theȱ buildingȱ onȱ “subsidizedȱ emȬ ployment,ȱpublicȱworksȱprograms,ȱorȱ‘communityȱemployment’ȱasȱaȱcentralȱinterventionȱ forȱunskilledȱRoma”ȱ(38)ȱandȱasȱaȱ“crucialȱactivationȱtool”ȱ(3)ȱtoȱturnȱtheȱtide.ȱ

Howȱshouldȱweȱassessȱthisȱdiscourseȱofȱactivationȱandȱinactivityȱandȱtheȱintroductionȱ ofȱvariousȱnewȱinstrumentsȱtoȱdealȱwithȱtheȱRoma?ȱTheȱWorldȱBank’sȱRomaȱapproachȱ hasȱ beenȱ developedȱ inȱ theȱ contextȱ ofȱ aȱ moveȱ towardȱ theȱ developmentȱ ofȱ neoȬliberalȱ governmentalȱ technologiesȱ toȱ dealȱ withȱ marginalizedȱ groupsȱ (chapterȱ 5).ȱ Theȱ Bank’sȱ studyȱ followsȱ anȱ internationalȱ trendȱ toȱ describeȱ socialȱ policyȱ reformȱ processesȱ asȱ onesȱ movingȱ towardȱ activeȱ welfareȱ regimes.ȱ Theȱ websiteȱ ofȱ theȱ Activeȱ Socialȱ Policiesȱ EuroȬ peanȱNetwork,ȱforȱinstance,ȱdescribesȱtheseȱprocessesȱasȱfollows:ȱ

ȱ

Existingȱ welfareȱ stateȱ arrangementsȱ areȱ beingȱ reformedȱ andȱ newȱ onesȱ introduced,ȱ reflectingȱ aȱ shiftȱ inȱ theȱ mainȱ objectivesȱ ofȱ theseȱ arrangements:ȱ fromȱ citizens’ȱ proȬ tectionȱtoȱcitizens’ȱparticipation.ȱPolicyȱdevelopmentsȱatȱEUȱlevelȱhaveȱaȱclearȱimpactȱ onȱ theseȱ reforms.ȱ Theȱ Europeanȱ Employmentȱ Strategyȱ asȱ wellȱ asȱ theȱ Openȱ CoordiȬ nationȱMethodȱonȱSocialȱInclusionȱareȱexamplesȱofȱEUȱpolicyȱinterventionsȱthatȱstimuȬ lateȱ andȱ coordinateȱ theȱ developmentȱ ofȱ activeȱ welfareȱ statesȱ EUȱ wide.ȱ Theȱ introȬ ductionȱ ofȱ soȬcalledȱ ‘activeȱ socialȱ policies’ȱ orȱ ‘activationȱ programs’ȱ isȱ anȱ importantȱ ingredientȱofȱattemptsȱtoȱmakeȱwelfareȱstatesȱmoreȱactiveȱandȱactivating.ȱTheseȱpoliȬ ciesȱandȱprogramsȱareȱtargetedȱatȱunemployed,ȱmarginalized,ȱandȱexcludedȱgroupsȱinȱ society.ȱ Mostȱ ofȱ themȱ aimȱ atȱ integratingȱ theseȱ groupsȱ inȱ theȱ laborȱ marketȱ andȱ imȬ provingȱtheirȱemployability.ȱ(ASPENȱ2009)ȱ

ȱ

Theȱnotionȱofȱactivationȱcontainsȱdifferentȱkindsȱofȱemploymentȱmeasuresȱwithȱdiverseȱ approachesȱ andȱ emphasesȱ dependentȱ onȱ theȱ social,ȱ cultural,ȱ andȱ politicalȱ traditionsȱ ofȱ individualȱcountriesȱorȱevenȱofȱdifferentȱregionsȱwithinȱaȱcountry:ȱ

ȱ

Despiteȱtheȱexistenceȱofȱtheseȱsociallyȱdeterminedȱdifferences,ȱallȱtheȱmeasuresȱhaveȱinȱ commonȱtheȱfactȱthatȱtheyȱareȱbasedȱonȱaȱnewȱdefinitionȱofȱtheȱrelationshipȱbetweenȱ

1_{ȱ Theȱ reportȱ putsȱ forwardȱ thatȱ theȱ categoryȱ ofȱ theȱ “trulyȱ inactive”ȱ hasȱ aȱ clearȱ genderȱ dimension:ȱ mostȱ ofȱ}

themȱareȱwomen,ȱforȱinstanceȱmothersȱwhoȱchooseȱtoȱstayȱatȱhomeȱtoȱcareȱforȱchildrenȱ(WorldȱBankȱ2008:ȱ1,ȱ 8,ȱ9,ȱ10Ȭ11,ȱ44).ȱ

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rightsȱ andȱ responsibilities,ȱ inȱ otherȱ wordsȱ aȱ newȱ socialȱ contract.ȱ Theyȱ allȱ shareȱ theȱ principleȱ thatȱ theȱ mainȱ responsibilityȱ forȱ dealingȱ withȱ unemploymentȱ liesȱ withȱ theȱ individual.ȱInȱthisȱcontext,ȱresponsibilityȱisȱnotȱsimplyȱtakenȱtoȱmeanȱthatȱtheȱcausesȱ ofȱ unemploymentȱ areȱ individualȱ (thatȱ is,ȱ blame),ȱ butȱ alsoȱ inȱ termsȱ ofȱ makingȱ theȱ individualȱresponsibleȱforȱimplementingȱstrategiesȱtoȱfindȱwork.ȱ(CrespoȱSuárezȱandȱ SerranoȱPascualȱ2004:ȱ13)ȱ

ȱ

Thus,ȱ theȱ introductionȱ ofȱ activationȱ measuresȱ relatesȱ toȱ theȱ endeavorȱ toȱ reshapeȱ theȱ relationshipsȱ betweenȱ stateȱ andȱ societyȱ andȱ thoseȱ betweenȱ stateȱ andȱ economyȱ (chapterȱ 5).ȱTheȱredefinitionȱofȱwelfareȱaccordingȱtoȱtheȱintroductionȱofȱdesignsȱforȱdevelopingȱanȱ activeȱsocietyȱhasȱgoneȱtogetherȱwithȱtheȱemergenceȱofȱnewȱformsȱofȱcitizenship—suchȱ asȱ thoseȱ ofȱ theȱ active,ȱ contracted,ȱ empowered,ȱ andȱ responsibleȱ citizen—andȱ withȱ newȱ approachesȱtoȱunemploymentȱ(chapterȱ5).ȱAsȱtheȱASPENȱwebsiteȱalsoȱexplains,ȱtheȱaimȱ ofȱactivationȱprogramsȱisȱnotȱonlyȱlaborȱmarketȱintegration,ȱbutȱalsoȱsocialȱinclusionȱandȱ participationȱ inȱ aȱ moreȱ generalȱ sense.ȱ Thus,ȱ theȱ introductionȱ ofȱ activationȱ policiesȱ inȱ variousȱ Europeanȱ countriesȱ couldȱ beȱ relatedȱtoȱ attemptsȱtoȱ increaseȱ ‘humanȱ andȱ socialȱ capital’ȱ formationȱ ofȱ groupsȱ whoȱ areȱ orȱ tendȱ toȱ beȱ marginalizedȱ (chapterȱ 5).ȱ Theȱ EuropeanȱAntiȬPovertyȱNetwork,ȱforȱinstance,ȱdescribesȱactivationȱasȱ“anȱinvestmentȱinȱ human,ȱ social,ȱ psychological,ȱ andȱ culturalȱ resources”ȱ (EAPNȱ 2005).ȱ Theȱ EAPNȱ alsoȱ warnsȱ that—whenȱ activationȱ policiesȱ areȱ solelyȱ introducedȱ toȱ reduceȱ dependencyȱ andȱ theȱcostsȱofȱsocialȱbenefitȱschemes—theseȱpoliciesȱriskȱtoȱincrease,ȱratherȱthanȱdecrease,ȱ povertyȱ andȱ socialȱ exclusion.ȱ Therefore,ȱ theȱ EAPNȱ introducesȱ aȱ numberȱ ofȱ criteriaȱ forȱ whatȱisȱcalledȱ‘goodȱactivation,’ȱthatȱis,ȱmeasuresȱthatȱareȱ“capableȱofȱdeliveringȱalleviȬ ationȱofȱpovertyȱandȱsocialȱexclusion”ȱ(ibid).ȱItȱisȱparticularlyȱtheȱwiderȱnotionȱofȱsocialȱ activation,ȱ asȱ wellȱ asȱ itsȱ closeȱ relationȱ withȱ laborȱ marketȱ integration,ȱ thatȱ hasȱ recentlyȱ beenȱ incorporatedȱ inȱ variousȱ programsȱ aimedȱ atȱ improvingȱ economicȱ andȱ socialȱ partiȬ cipationȱofȱtheȱRoma.2_ȱ

ȱ Whatȱ interestsȱ meȱ inȱ thisȱ chapterȱ inȱ theȱ firstȱ placeȱ isȱ notȱ whetherȱ theseȱ activationȱ programsȱhaveȱbeenȱsuccessfulȱorȱnot.ȱItȱisȱnotȱprimarilyȱtheȱdiscrepancyȱbetweenȱpolicyȱ formationȱandȱitsȱimplementationȱtoȱwhichȱIȱwantȱtoȱpayȱattention.ȱIȱamȱalsoȱnotȱmainlyȱ interestedȱ inȱ whetherȱ theseȱ schemesȱ canȱ beȱ consideredȱ asȱ examplesȱ ofȱ ‘good’ȱ orȱ ‘bad’ȱ activation.3_{ȱRather,ȱIȱwantȱtoȱexamineȱhowȱtheȱarticulationȱofȱtheseȱneoȬliberalȱformsȱofȱ} governmentalityȱaimedȱatȱdelineatingȱandȱconstitutingȱpostȬcommunistȱformsȱofȱwelfareȱ haveȱ shapedȱ andȱ reshapedȱ Romaȱ representationsȱ andȱ ledȱ toȱ newȱ orȱ renewedȱ formsȱ ofȱ minorityȱgovernance.ȱThisȱapproachȱcoversȱanȱanalysisȱofȱtheȱwaysȱinȱwhichȱactivationȱ

2_{ȱ Examplesȱ ofȱ theȱ mobilizationȱ ofȱ activationȱ policiesȱ toȱ dealȱ withȱ Romaniȱ minoritiesȱ areȱ knownȱ fromȱ}

Bulgaria,ȱCroatia,ȱtheȱCzechȱRepublic,ȱFinland,ȱFrance,ȱHungary,ȱPortugal,ȱRomania,ȱSerbia,ȱandȱSlovakiaȱ (UNDPȱ 2002;ȱ GCRȱ 2004b;ȱ GSRȱ 2004a;ȱ CoEȱ 2005;ȱ ECȱ 2005;ȱ ERRCȱ andȱ Númenaȱ 2007;ȱ Syrjäȱ andȱ Valtakariȱ 2008;ȱ Worldȱ Bankȱ 2008).ȱ Inȱ someȱ cases—suchȱ asȱ thoseȱ inȱ theȱ Czechȱ Republic,ȱ Croatia,ȱ andȱ Slovakia—theȱ developmentȱ ofȱ theseȱ policiesȱ hasȱ beenȱ activelyȱ encouragedȱ andȱ partlyȱ fundedȱ byȱ EUȱ programs,ȱ suchȱ asȱ PHAREȱandȱtheȱEuropeanȱSocialȱFundȱ(ESF).ȱMoreȱgenerally,ȱEUȱinstitutionsȱhaveȱactivelyȱcontributedȱtoȱ theȱ disseminationȱ ofȱ activationȱ conceptsȱ andȱ practicesȱ inȱ EUȱ memberȱ statesȱ (Crespoȱ Suárezȱ andȱ Serranoȱ Pascualȱ2004;ȱSerranoȱPascualȱandȱCrespoȱSuárezȱ2007;ȱvanȱBerkelȱandȱValkenburgȱ2007).ȱ

3_{ȱForȱanȱexcellent,ȱcomparativeȱcaseȱstudyȱonȱtheȱintroductionȱofȱactivationȱpoliciesȱinȱEastȱCentralȱEurope,ȱ}

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worksȱ onȱ theȱ ground,ȱ ofȱ howȱ activationȱ hasȱ beenȱ articulated,ȱ ofȱ howȱ techniquesȱ andȱ ideasȱ thatȱ areȱ relatedȱ toȱ thisȱ notionȱ functionȱ inȱ dailyȱ practice,ȱ andȱ ofȱ whatȱ effectsȱ theyȱ haveȱ onȱ howȱ theȱ Romaȱ perceiveȱ themselvesȱ andȱ areȱ seenȱ byȱ others.ȱ Asȱ Iȱ explainedȱ inȱ chapterȱ5,ȱweȱcanȱunderstandȱchangingȱRomaȱproblematizationsȱinȱlightȱofȱshiftingȱdisȬ coursesȱandȱpracticesȱofȱgovernanceȱandȱinȱviewȱofȱtheȱlatter’sȱimpactȱonȱminorityȱissuesȱ andȱconceptions.ȱInȱchapterȱ4,ȱIȱshowedȱthatȱconceptionsȱofȱwelfareȱandȱwellȬbeingȱareȱ historicallyȱ variableȱ andȱ unstableȱ and,ȱ sinceȱ theȱ lateȱ eighteenthȱ century,ȱ moreȱ closelyȱ relatedȱ toȱ bioȬpoliticsȱ andȱ theȱ regulationȱ ofȱ populationsȱ andȱ minoritizedȱ subgroups.ȱ Thus,ȱweȱneedȱtoȱthinkȱofȱcontemporaryȱwelfareȱregimesȱasȱconstructed,ȱcontested,ȱandȱ oftenȱcontradictoryȱconstellations:ȱ

ȱ

[Welfareȱ states]ȱ create—notȱ justȱ reflect—arrangementsȱ ofȱ socialȱ divisionsȱ andȱ differences,ȱ identitiesȱ andȱ inequalities,ȱ relationshipsȱ andȱ resources.ȱ Welfareȱ statesȱ normalizeȱaȱconceptionȱofȱaȱ‘wayȱofȱlife’ȱandȱtheȱpeopleȱwhoȱliveȱit.ȱTheyȱpromoteȱit,ȱ theyȱnaturalizeȱit,ȱandȱtheyȱenforceȱit.ȱ(Clarkeȱ2004:ȱ147Ȭ48)ȱ

ȱ

Inȱ theȱ variousȱ waysȱ inȱ whichȱ welfareȱ isȱ materialized,ȱ madeȱ intelligible,ȱ andȱ relatedȱ toȱ certainȱdesiresȱandȱimaginaries,ȱweȱcanȱseeȱhowȱitȱisȱalignedȱwith,ȱforȱinstance,ȱequallyȱ contestableȱ practicesȱ andȱ conceptionsȱ ofȱ state,ȱ nation,ȱ andȱ culture.ȱ Newȱ governmentalȱ technologiesȱdealingȱwithȱtheȱdistributionȱofȱwelfareȱtoȱaȱpopulationȱreshapeȱhowȱwelȬ fareȱ andȱ wellȬbeingȱ areȱ understood,ȱ whoȱ areȱ consideredȱ asȱ theȱ welfareȱ recipients,ȱ andȱ whoȱareȱseenȱasȱcontributorsȱtoȱaȱstate’sȱwelfare.ȱThus,ȱchangingȱsystemsȱofȱwelfareȱproȬ visionsȱgoȱwithȱwhatȱweȱcanȱcallȱaȱpoliticsȱofȱwelfareȱandȱwithȱnewȱwaysȱtoȱinventȱandȱ reconstituteȱtheȱcategoriesȱofȱtheȱneedyȱasȱwellȱasȱofȱtheȱprivileged.ȱAccordingly,ȱactivȬ ationȱ policies,ȱ andȱ newȱ modesȱ ofȱ welfareȱ governanceȱ moreȱ generally,ȱ canȱ onlyȱ beȱ adequatelyȱexaminedȱifȱweȱanalyzeȱhowȱtheȱ‘socialȱproblems’ȱtheyȱareȱconsideredȱtoȱdealȱ with,ȱ andȱ theȱ individualsȱ orȱ groupsȱ theyȱ shouldȱ serve,ȱ areȱ simultaneouslyȱ shapedȱ andȱ reshaped.4_{ȱ Inȱ theȱ contextȱ ofȱ changingȱ notionsȱ andȱ instrumentsȱ ofȱ welfareȱ inȱ postȬcomȬ} munistȱ Centralȱ andȱ Easternȱ Europe,ȱ theseȱ shiftsȱ haveȱ goneȱ togetherȱ withȱ newȱ identityȱ formations,ȱ includingȱ newȱ approachesȱ toȱ ethnic,ȱ national,ȱ sexual,ȱ andȱ religiousȱ minorȬ ities,ȱasȱwellȱasȱwithȱnewȱformsȱofȱinclusionȱandȱexclusionȱ(Haneyȱ2002;ȱSzalaiȱ2009).ȱ

Theseȱ generalȱ remarksȱ aboutȱ changingȱ welfareȱ conceptionsȱ andȱ practicesȱ leadȱ meȱ backȱ toȱ myȱ earlierȱ questionȱ ofȱ howȱ weȱ areȱ toȱ assessȱ discoursesȱ ofȱ activationȱ andȱ inȬ activity,ȱonceȱtheyȱareȱrelatedȱtoȱtheȱRoma’sȱsituationȱinȱCentralȱandȱEasternȱEurope.ȱItȱ hasȱbeenȱwidelyȱdiscussedȱthatȱmanyȱRomaȱlostȱtheirȱworkȱinȱtheȱaftermathȱofȱtheȱfallȱofȱ communism.ȱ Willȱ Guy,ȱ forȱ instance,ȱ hasȱ outlinedȱ theȱ hugeȱ impactȱ ofȱ theseȱ transforȬ mationsȱonȱtheȱlivesȱofȱmanyȱRoma:ȱ

ȱ

[B]yȱ theirȱ widespreadȱ lossȱ ofȱ legalȱ employmentȱ Romaȱ haveȱ alsoȱ beenȱ deprivedȱ ofȱ whateverȱ improvementsȱ inȱ socialȱ identityȱ andȱ limitedȱ popularȱ legitimacyȱ theyȱ hadȱ beenȱ grudginglyȱ accordedȱ inȱ stateȱ socialistȱ societyȱ …ȱ [I]mpoverishedȱ Romaȱ nowȱ subsistȱonȱinsecure,ȱshortȬtermȱpaymentsȱinȱtheȱblackȱeconomyȱorȱremainȱinactiveȱinȱ 4_{ȱSee,ȱforȱinstance,ȱNewmanȱ(2007),ȱSerranoȱPascualȱandȱCrespoȱSuárez,ȱ(2007),ȱandȱvanȱBerkelȱandȱBorghiȱ}

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theirȱurbanȱslumsȱorȱruralȱhovelsȱbyȱdayȱ…ȱInȱthisȱwayȱmanyȱRomaȱareȱforcedȱdailyȱ toȱ confirmȱ theirȱ negativeȱ stereotypeȱ inȱ localȱ eyesȱ asȱ workȬshy,ȱ scroungingȱ thieves,ȱ whileȱ thoseȱ whoȱ behaveȱ quiteȱ differentlyȱ areȱ neverthelessȱ brandedȱ withȱ theȱ sameȱ image.ȱ(Guyȱ2001c:ȱ22Ȭ23)ȱ

ȱ

Itȱ isȱ inȱ lightȱ ofȱ theȱ strongȱ relationȱ betweenȱ theȱ legaciesȱ ofȱ communism,ȱ theȱ renewedȱ corroborationȱofȱstereotypicalȱRomaȱrepresentations,ȱandȱtheȱcurrentȱsocioeconomicȱandȱ culturalȱ dynamicsȱ inȱ Centralȱ andȱ Easternȱ Europeȱ thatȱ Iȱ wantȱ toȱ callȱ intoȱ questionȱ theȱ notionȱthatȱ“inactivityȱisȱtheȱtechnicalȱtermȱusedȱtoȱdenoteȱtheȱstatusȱofȱbeingȱoutsideȱtheȱ laborȱ force”ȱ (Worldȱ Bankȱ 2008:ȱ 6n1,ȱ myȱ emphasis).ȱ Theȱ notionsȱ ofȱ activationȱ andȱ inactivity—whenȱappliedȱtoȱtheȱcurrentȱsituationȱofȱtheȱRomaȱandȱattachedȱtoȱschemesȱ aimedȱatȱenhancingȱtheirȱsocioeconomicȱmobility—cannotȱsimplyȱbeȱunderstoodȱasȱtechȬ nicalȱandȱpoliticallyȱneutral.ȱIȱwillȱexploreȱhowȱnewȱdiscoursesȱandȱtechniquesȱofȱactivȬ ationȱhaveȱbeenȱusedȱtoȱdealȱwithȱtheȱsituationȱofȱtheȱRomaȱinȱSlovakia.ȱByȱsoȱdoing,ȱIȱ willȱshowȱthatȱtheirȱemergenceȱhasȱledȱtoȱnewȱformsȱofȱtheȱRoma’sȱexclusionȱandȱtoȱtheȱ reinforcementȱofȱstereotypicalȱRomaȱrepresentations.ȱ ȱ ȱ CHANGINGȱWELFARE,ȱCHANGINGȱSTATESȱOFȱMINDȱ ȱ

Inȱ theȱ summerȱ ofȱ 2002,ȱ someȱ membersȱ ofȱ theȱ Romaniȱ minorityȱ ofȱ theȱ Easternȱ Slovakȱ townȱ ofȱ Bardejovȱ toldȱ meȱ thatȱ everyȱ nowȱ andȱ thenȱ whenȱ eveningȱ falls,ȱ policeȱ officersȱ showȱ upȱ inȱ theirȱ neighborhood.ȱ Aroundȱ 9.30ȱ pmȱ aȱ policeȱ carȱ usuallyȱ drivesȱ slowlyȱ throughȱ theirȱ streetsȱ andȱ turnsȱ onȱ theȱ car’sȱ radiotelephoneȱ toȱ announce:ȱ “Comeȱ onȱ Gypsies,ȱ it’sȱ timeȱ toȱ goȱ toȱ bed!ȱ Takeȱ yourȱ kidsȱ awayȱ fromȱ theȱ streetȱ andȱ turnȱ offȱ yourȱ lights.ȱTomorrowȱisȱaȱnewȱworkingȱday!”ȱTheȱlocalȱRomaȱconsiderȱthisȱpoliceȱbehaviorȱ toȱ beȱ extremelyȱ humiliating,ȱ mostȱ ofȱ allȱ becauseȱ theȱ majorityȱ ofȱ themȱ becameȱ unemȬ ployedȱafterȱ1989ȱandȱdidȱnotȱmanageȱtoȱfindȱaȱnewȱjobȱsinceȱthen.ȱOneȱmanȱexplainedȱtoȱ meȱ thatȱ thisȱ kindȱ ofȱ degradationȱ isȱ usuallyȱ notȱ restrictedȱ toȱ theȱ police:ȱ “Fromȱ timeȱ toȱ time,ȱ whenȱ weȱ standȱ inȱ lineȱ atȱ theȱ municipalȱ employmentȱ officeȱ andȱ it’sȱ ourȱ turn,ȱ theȱ officeȱsuddenlyȱclosesȱorȱweȱareȱleftȱout”ȱ(interviewȱ2002f).ȱ

Manyȱ Centralȱ andȱ Easternȱ Europeanȱ Romaȱ haveȱ badȱ experiencesȱ withȱ stateȱ instiȬ tutionsȱ lookingȱ afterȱ employment,ȱ housing,ȱ healthȱ care,ȱ education,ȱ orȱ publicȱ safetyȱ forȱ theȱ Roma,ȱ asȱ wellȱ asȱ withȱ companiesȱ whereȱ Romaȱ haveȱ triedȱ toȱ apply.5_{ȱ Employmentȱ} offices,ȱforȱinstance,ȱoftenȱapplyȱdoubleȱstandardsȱwhenȱitȱcomesȱtoȱattemptsȱtoȱemployȱ Roma.ȱFrequently,ȱemployeesȱofȱsuchȱlaborȱofficesȱexpressȱtheirȱprejudicesȱopenly.ȱWhenȱ theȱdirectorȱofȱaȱlaborȱofficeȱinȱPragueȱwasȱaskedȱinȱ2005ȱforȱtheȱreasonsȱofȱhighȱunemȬ ploymentȱamongȱtheȱCzechȱRoma,ȱheȱsuggestedȱthatȱ“it’sȱbecauseȱofȱtheȱRomaniȱcultureȱ andȱ theirȱ lifestyle;ȱ theyȱ doȱ notȱ fitȱ withȱ theȱ disciplineȱ ofȱ work.ȱ Romaȱ doȱ notȱ haveȱ theȱ motivationȱ toȱ work;ȱ theyȱ areȱ unreliable,ȱ lazy,ȱ andȱ preferȱ toȱ liveȱ onȱ socialȱ assistanceȱ [rather]ȱthanȱearnȱaȱliving”ȱ(citedȱHydeȱ2006:ȱ3Ȭ4).ȱWhileȱlawȱinȱmostȱCentralȱandȱEasternȱ Europeanȱ countriesȱ forbidsȱ theȱ registrationȱ ofȱ unemployedȱ personsȱ onȱ theȱ basisȱ ofȱ 5_{ȱSeveralȱreportsȱhaveȱdocumentedȱtheseȱexperiencesȱ(see,ȱforȱinstance,ȱCoEȱ2005;ȱ2006;ȱERRCȱ2006a;ȱ2007e;ȱ}

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ethnicity,ȱseveralȱcasesȱhaveȱbeenȱdocumentedȱwhereȱlaborȱofficesȱregisterȱeitherȱtheȱunȬ employedȱ orȱ vacanciesȱ withȱ anȱ ethnicȱ reference.ȱ Inȱ 1999,ȱ theȱ directorȱ ofȱ theȱ Slovakȱ NationalȱLaborȱOffice,ȱforȱinstance,ȱpubliclyȱannouncedȱthatȱemploymentȱofficesȱallȱoverȱ theȱ countryȱ usuallyȱ markedȱ Romaniȱ applicationsȱ withȱ anȱ Rȱ withoutȱ informingȱ theȱ applicants.ȱHeȱsuggestedȱthatȱthisȱpracticeȱwasȱnotȱdiscriminatory,ȱbut,ȱrather,ȱnecessaryȱ toȱdealȱefficientlyȱwithȱtheȱRoma’sȱ“complicatedȱsocialȱadaptability”ȱ(RFE/RLȱ1999b:ȱ26).ȱ HeȱaddedȱthatȱthisȱformȱofȱregistrationȱhelpsȱtheȱcountryȱtoȱallocateȱEUȱmoniesȱaimedȱatȱ improvingȱtheȱsituationȱofȱtheȱnationalȱRomaniȱminority.6_{ȱMoreȱrecently,ȱtheȱEuropeanȱ} RomaȱRightsȱCentreȱ(ERRC)—aȱBudapestȬbasedȱnonȬgovernmentalȱhumanȱrightsȱorganȬ ization—hasȱ registeredȱ aȱ caseȱ whereȱ aȱ Hungarianȱ laborȱ officeȱ systematicallyȱ enrolledȱ companiesȱthatȱareȱunwillingȱtoȱemployȱRomaȱbyȱaddingȱanȱRȱtoȱtheȱcompany’sȱnameȱinȱ theȱ office’sȱ computerȱ systemȱ (Hydeȱ 2006).ȱ Throughoutȱ theȱ yearsȱ ofȱ itsȱ existence,ȱ theȱ ERRCȱ hasȱ documentedȱ manyȱ casesȱ whereȱ companiesȱ andȱ stateȬrelatedȱ officesȱ andȱ serȬ vicesȱpracticedȱdiscriminatoryȱattitudesȱtowardȱtheȱRoma.7_ȱ

ItȱisȱinȱthisȱclimateȱofȱprejudicedȱattitudesȱtowardȱtheȱRomaȱofȱmanyȱlaborȱofficesȱandȱ companiesȱthat,ȱbetweenȱ2003ȱandȱ2004,ȱtheȱSlovakȱgovernmentȱintroducedȱaȱthoroughȱ revisionȱ ofȱ itsȱ welfareȱ programs,ȱ includingȱ activationȱ policyȱ andȱ radicalȱ cutsȱ inȱ socialȱ benefitsȱ(GSRȱ2003a;ȱ2004a;ȱSmithȱandȱRochovskáȱ2007).ȱInȱFebruaryȱ2004,ȱtheȱreductionȱ ofȱ welfareȱallowancesȱcausedȱ extremeȱ socialȱunrestȱ amongȱthoseȱ whoȱ wereȱ affectedȱ byȱ theseȱmeasures.ȱManyȱpeopleȱwhoȱwereȱgettingȱsocialȱbenefits,ȱincludingȱaȱlargeȱnumberȱ ofȱRoma,ȱstartedȱtoȱdemonstrate,ȱmostlyȱinȱpeacefulȱwaysȱandȱparticularlyȱinȱCentralȱandȱ EasternȱSlovakiaȱ(MarušákȱandȱSingerȱ2009).ȱHowever,ȱafterȱaȱfewȱincidentsȱwhereȱRomaȱ lootedȱ shops,ȱ Slovakȱ mediaȱ persistentlyȱ framedȱ theȱ protestsȱ asȱ ‘Romaȱ unrest,’ȱ ‘Romaȱ riots,’ȱ orȱ ‘Romaȱ lootings’.8_{ȱ Inȱ responseȱ toȱ unorthodoxȱ measuresȱ takenȱ byȱ theȱ Slovakȱ} government,ȱaȱSlovakȱdailyȱnewspaperȱheadedȱ“Thisȱisȱwar!”ȱForȱtheȱfirstȱtimeȱsinceȱtheȱ fallȱ ofȱ communism,ȱ theȱ Slovakȱ governmentȱ mobilizedȱ theȱ nationalȱ armyȱ toȱ dealȱ withȱ internalȱ affairs.ȱ Stateȱ officialsȱ announcedȱ thatȱ thisȱ mobilizationȱ wasȱ necessaryȱ toȱ “monitorȱRomaniȱcommunities”ȱandȱ“restoreȱpublicȱorder”.9_{ȱSuggestingȱaȱstateȱofȱemerȬ} gency,ȱtheȱSlovakȱMinisterȱofȱtheȱInteriorȱcanceledȱallȱleavesȱofȱhisȱpoliceȱofficersȱ(ERRCȱ 2004b).ȱ Duringȱ aȱ visitȱ toȱ Easternȱ Slovakia,ȱ Mikulášȱ Dzurinda,ȱ theȱ country’sȱ Primeȱ Ministerȱatȱthatȱtime,ȱlegitimizedȱtheȱmobilizationȱofȱaboutȱthousandȱsoldiersȱandȱaȱfewȱ thousandȱpoliceȱofficersȱasȱaȱsecurityȱmeasure.ȱHeȱpubliclyȱstatedȱthatȱ“stateȱauthoritiesȱ willȱmakeȱuseȱofȱanyȱlegalȱtoolsȱtoȱpunishȱviolenceȱsoȱthatȱpeopleȱcouldȱfeelȱsafe”ȱ(citedȱ SITAȱ2004c).ȱ

Theȱ Romaȱ wereȱ particularlyȱ blamedȱ forȱ causingȱ anȱ insecureȱ situationȱ forȱ theirȱ fellowȱ citizens.ȱDzurindaȱstatedȱthatȱtheȱmobilizationȱofȱtheȱarmyȱmarkedȱaȱturningȱpoint:ȱ“Forȱ

6_{ȱ Whileȱ thisȱ practiceȱ wasȱ abandonedȱ inȱ 1999,ȱ someȱ Slovakȱ laborȱ officesȱ laterȱ introducedȱ aȱ systemȱ thatȱ}

markedȱnonȬRomaniȱapplicationsȱwithȱaȱBȱofȱbiely,ȱmeaningȱ‘white’ȱinȱSlovakȱ(Zoonȱ2001b:ȱ26,ȱ109n54,ȱn55;ȱ Vašeckaȱ2001:ȱ180).ȱ 7_{ȱSeveralȱcasesȱhaveȱbeenȱreported,ȱforȱinstance,ȱwhereȱRomaȱcalledȱaȱcompanyȱthatȱofferedȱjobs.ȱTheyȱwereȱ} invitedȱtoȱcomeȱtoȱtheirȱoffice,ȱbutȱonceȱtheȱRomaȱshowedȱup,ȱcompanyȱrepresentativesȱdeclaredȱthatȱtheȱ positionsȱwereȱalreadyȱfilled.ȱHowever,ȱafterȱtheirȱvisitsȱitȱturnedȱoutȱthatȱtheȱvacanciesȱwereȱnotȱfilledȱatȱallȱ or,ȱlaterȱthanȱtheirȱvisit,ȱgivenȱtoȱnonȬRomaniȱapplicantsȱ(BodrogiȱandȱDankaȱ2006;ȱCoEȱ2006).ȱ 8_{ȱSeeȱSITAȱ(2004j;ȱ2004i;ȱ2004f;ȱ2004b).ȱ} 9_{ȱSeeȱSITAȱ(2004h;ȱ2004g;ȱ2004e).ȱ}

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thirtyȱ years,ȱ weȱ haveȱ lackedȱ theȱ courageȱ toȱ considerȱ moreȱ deeplyȱ theȱ factȱ thatȱ thoseȱ peopleȱwhoȱdoȱnotȱworkȱbutȱabuseȱtheȱsocialȱbenefitȱearnȱmoreȱthanȱemployedȱpeople.ȱ Maybeȱitȱwasȱnecessaryȱforȱthisȱmomentȱtoȱcome”ȱ(citedȱMagdolenováȱ2004).ȱHisȱremarkȱ thatȱthoseȱwhoȱareȱunemployedȱmakeȱmoreȱmoneyȱthanȱtheȱemployedȱnotȱonlyȱstrainedȱ theȱ truthȱ andȱ underestimatedȱtheȱ consequencesȱ ofȱ theȱ changingȱ welfareȱ system.ȱ Itȱ alsoȱ neglectedȱtheȱreasonsȱforȱextremeȱpovertyȱamongȱmany,ȱmostlyȱlongȬtermȱunemployedȱ Roma.ȱMoreover,ȱhisȱclaimȱthatȱtheȱRomaȱhadȱalreadyȱstartedȱtoȱabuseȱtheȱsystemȱunderȱ socialismȱ reversedȱ theȱ causesȱ andȱ effectsȱ ofȱ theirȱ currentȱ situationȱ andȱ reinforcedȱ aȱ prevalentȱ popularȱ stereotypeȱ ofȱ theȱ Romaȱ asȱ profiteers,ȱ parasites,ȱ andȱ sociallyȱ deviantȱ subjects.ȱInȱ2002,ȱaȱshopkeeperȱinȱtheȱcenterȱofȱKošice,ȱforȱinstance,ȱtoldȱme:ȱ“Weȱwantȱtoȱ goȱ forward,ȱ butȱ theȱ Gypsiesȱ don’t.ȱ Theyȱ areȱ feebleȬmindedȱ andȱ haveȱ aȱ badȱ mentality.ȱ Theyȱwillȱneverȱchange.ȱIfȱweȱgiveȱthemȱmoney,ȱtheyȱonlyȱabuseȱit”ȱ(interviewȱ2002b).ȱ Someoneȱ elseȱ whomȱ Iȱ interviewedȱ cameȱ upȱ withȱ anȱ explanationȱ forȱ thisȱ allegedȱ beȬ havior:ȱ“Mentally,ȱtheȱRomaȱhaveȱgotȱstuckȱinȱtheȱcommunistȱpast.ȱThen,ȱtheyȱbeganȱtoȱ learnȱ howȱ toȱ exploitȱ theȱ socialȱ system”ȱ (interviewȱ 2002c).ȱ Thisȱ isȱ aȱ cynicalȱ remarkȱ or,ȱ interpretedȱdifferently,ȱaȱtroublesomeȱoutcomeȱofȱaȱseriesȱofȱcommunistȱpracticesȱaimedȱ atȱassimilatingȱtheȱRoma.ȱAsȱIȱwillȱexplainȱlaterȱinȱthisȱchapter,ȱunderȱcommunism,ȱtheȱ Roma’sȱallegedȱinadaptabilityȱwasȱconsideredȱaȱresultȱofȱtheȱcapitalistȱandȱfeudalȱrootsȱ ofȱtheirȱwayȱofȱlife.ȱCynicallyȱenough,ȱtheȱRoma’sȱallegedȱdifficultyȱtoȱadaptȱtoȱtheȱpostȬ communistȱworldȱorderȱhasȱfrequentlyȱbeenȱinterpretedȱasȱtheirȱpathologicalȱaddictionȱ toȱ formerȱ communistȱ livingȱ habitsȱ andȱ behavioralȱ patterns.ȱ Theȱ Roma’sȱ supposedȱ inadaptabilityȱ underȱ bothȱ communismȱ andȱ postȬcommunismȱ hasȱ thereforeȱ reinforcedȱ theȱideaȱthatȱtheyȱareȱnotȱableȱtoȱadaptȱatȱall,ȱnoȱmatterȱwhatȱpoliticalȱsystemȱdominates.ȱ Asȱaȱresult,ȱtheȱRoma’sȱmarginalizationȱisȱfrequentlyȱproblematizedȱinȱtermsȱofȱcultureȱ andȱbehavior.ȱConsequently,ȱcultureȱandȱpovertyȱareȱracializedȱinȱaȱtroublesomeȱway.ȱ ȱ TheȱpoliticalȱresponsesȱtoȱtheȱsocialȱunrestȱclarifyȱthatȱSlovakȱpoliticians,ȱtheȱresponȬ sibleȱministersȱinȱparticular,ȱrelatedȱtheȱneedȱforȱtheȱreformȱofȱtheȱsocialȱsystemȱmoreȱorȱ lessȱ directlyȱ toȱ theȱ situationȱ ofȱ theȱ country’sȱ Romaniȱ minority.ȱ Inȱ replyȱ toȱ theȱ ‘Romaȱ riots’ȱandȱinȱorderȱtoȱreȬestablishȱ‘publicȱorder,’ȱtheȱgovernmentȱdecidedȱtoȱraiseȱ“socialȱ benefitsȱ toȱ thoseȱ activelyȱ seekingȱ work”ȱ (SITAȱ 2004d).ȱ Introducingȱ thisȱ measure,ȱ theȱ governmentȱtriedȱtoȱcompensateȱtheȱgeneralȱreductionȱofȱsocialȱbenefitsȱwithȱtheȱincreaseȱ ofȱ theȱ paymentsȱ forȱ thoseȱ whoȱ areȱ involvedȱ inȱ activationȱ policy.10_{ȱ However,ȱ activationȱ} policyȱ hasȱ notȱ beenȱ introducedȱ toȱ exclusivelyȱ dealȱ withȱ theȱ situationȱ ofȱ theȱ Roma.ȱ Inȱ general,ȱactivationȱpolicyȱhasȱbeenȱintroducedȱtoȱmanageȱtheȱtrajectoryȱofȱunemployedȱ personsȱ towardȱ aȱ paidȱ jobȱ and,ȱ therefore,ȱ isȱ officiallyȱ consideredȱ asȱ onlyȱ aȱ temporaryȱ solutionȱtoȱthoseȱwhoȱareȱlookingȱforȱemployment.ȱAsȱsoonȱasȱtheyȱhaveȱincreasedȱtheirȱ ‘employability’ȱ andȱ foundȱ aȱ job,ȱ theȱ policy’sȱ aimȱ isȱ achieved.ȱ Thoseȱ whoȱ followȱ skillsȱ trainingsȱ orȱ areȱ involvedȱ inȱ educationalȱ programsȱ toȱ enterȱ theȱ laborȱ marketȱ get,ȱ forȱ aȱ limitedȱperiodȱofȱsixȱmonths,ȱaȱsoȬcalledȱ‘activationȱpayment’ȱinȱadditionȱtoȱsomeȱbasicȱ socialȱbenefitsȱforȱtheȱunemployed.ȱEmployers,ȱincludingȱNGOs,ȱwhoȱemployȱsomeoneȱ whoȱ isȱ participatingȱ inȱ anȱ activationȱ program,ȱ areȱ subsidized.ȱ Manyȱ ofȱ thoseȱ whoȱ areȱ involvedȱ inȱ activationȱ policyȱ participateȱ inȱ ‘publicȱ worksȱ programs’ȱ orȱ ‘communityȱ work,’ȱ whichȱ areȱ formsȱ ofȱ employmentȱ consideredȱ asȱ contributingȱ toȱ localȱ orȱ nationalȱ 10_{ȱSeeȱSITAȱ(2004d;ȱ2004a;ȱ2004b)ȱandȱSpoluȱ(2004b).ȱ}

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welfareȱandȱwellȱbeing.ȱThisȱformȱofȱwork,ȱwhichȱisȱgenerallyȱreferredȱtoȱinȱSlovakiaȱasȱ activationȱ work,ȱ includesȱ employmentȱ inȱ garbageȱ collection,ȱ publicȱ gardenȱ work,ȱ andȱ otherȱ lowȬskilledȱ professions.ȱ Asȱ theȱ newȱ Slovakȱ Actȱ onȱ Employmentȱ Servicesȱ clarifiesȱ ”activationȱactivityȱ[sic]ȱisȱdefinedȱasȱsupportȱforȱmaintainingȱtheȱworkingȱhabitsȱofȱtheȱ jobȱ seekerȱ …ȱ Activationȱ activityȱ mayȱ beȱ performedȱ inȱ theȱ formȱ ofȱ minorȱ communalȱ servicesȱperformedȱbyȱtheȱlatter,ȱorȱofȱvoluntaryȱworksȱorganizedȱbyȱaȱlegalȱpersonȱorȱbyȱ aȱnaturalȱperson”ȱ(GSRȱ2004a).ȱ ȱ ȱ ȱ ȱ ȱ ȱ ȱ ȱ ȱ ȱ ȱ ȱ ȱ ȱ ȱ ȱ ȱ ȱ ȱ ȱ ȱ ȱ FIGUREȱ6.1ȱȱTheȱentranceȱdoorȱofȱaȱRomaniȱNGOȱinȱEasternȱSlovakia,ȱincludingȱtheȱbadgeȱ ofȱtheȱEuropeanȱSocialȱFund.ȱThisȱcommunityȱcenterȱisȱcalledȱanȱ‘activationȱcenter’ȱ (aktiva²néȱcentrum).ȱPhoto:ȱYolandeȱJansen,ȱ2005ȱ ȱ ȱ

Theȱ Slovakȱ governmentȱ considersȱ theȱ introductionȱ ofȱ itsȱ activationȱ policyȱ asȱ aȱ successȱ andȱaȱcontributionȱtoȱmeetȱtheȱEU’sȱLisbonȱAgendaȱandȱanȱexpressionȱofȱitsȱambitionȱtoȱ helpȱmakeȱtheȱEUȱtheȱworld’sȱmostȱcompetitiveȱknowledgeȬbasedȱeconomyȱ(ECȱ2000c).ȱ Onlyȱinȱtheȱyearȱ2004,ȱmoreȱthanȱ200,000ȱcitizensȱparticipatedȱinȱtheȱactivationȱprograms,ȱ whichȱ wereȱ coȬfundedȱ byȱ theȱ Slovakȱ governmentȱ andȱ theȱ Europeanȱ Socialȱ Fundȱ (ESF)ȱ andȱ mostlyȱ administeredȱ byȱ municipalitiesȱ andȱ NGOsȱ (UNDPȱ 2007:ȱ 77).ȱ Theȱ welfareȱ systemȱreformȱhasȱreducedȱtheȱexpensesȱofȱtheȱSlovakȱgovernmentȱonȱsocialȱassistance.ȱ InȱNovemberȱ2005,ȱtheȱSlovakȱnewspaperȱSmeȱannouncedȱthatȱthisȱstateȱbudgetȱwouldȱ evenȱhaveȱbeenȱdroppedȱtoȱ50ȱperȱcentȱofȱwhatȱwasȱtheȱcommonȱspendingȱbeforeȱ2004.ȱ

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ACTIVATIONȱPROGRAMSȱANDȱTHEIRȱDEHUMANIZINGȱEFFECTSȱONȱTHEȱROMAȱ ȱ

Yet,ȱinȱorderȱtoȱevaluateȱtheȱimpactȱofȱthisȱreform,ȱweȱneedȱtoȱexamineȱwhatȱhasȱactuallyȱ happenedȱ onȱ theȱ ground.ȱ Theȱ socialȱ policyȱ reorganizationȱ hasȱ resultedȱ intoȱ aȱ deterioȬ ratedȱhousingȱsituationȱforȱmanyȱofȱtheȱunemployed,ȱincludingȱnumerousȱRoma.ȱDueȱtoȱ theȱcutsȱofȱtheȱsocialȱallowances,ȱtheȱnumbersȱofȱRomaȱwhoȱcanȱnoȱlongerȱpayȱtheirȱrentsȱ onȱtimeȱhaveȱrapidlyȱincreased.ȱAfterȱtheȱintroductionȱofȱtheȱnewȱwelfareȱsystem,ȱmanyȱ moreȱ rentersȱ haveȱ decidedȱ toȱ evictȱ Romaȱ fromȱ theirȱ apartmentsȱ dueȱ toȱ theirȱarrearsȱ ofȱ rent.11_{ȱ Inȱ manyȱ cases,ȱ Romaȱ haveȱ beenȱ evictedȱ toȱ soȬcalledȱ ‘subȬstandardȱ housing’ȱ orȱ} ‘housesȱ forȱ nonȬadaptableȱ citizens,’ȱ whichȱ areȱ usuallyȱ abandonedȱ orȱ newlyȱ createdȱ apartmentsȱorȱhousesȱinȱsegregatedȱurbanȱorȱruralȱareasȱwhereȱgoodȱfacilitiesȱareȱrare.ȱInȱ manyȱofȱtheseȱcases,ȱtheȱhousingȱrightsȱofȱtheȱinvolvedȱRomaȱhaveȱbeenȱviolatedȱ(ERRCȱ 2004a;ȱ2006d;ȱMŠFȱetȱalȱ2006).12_ȱ

However,ȱ evenȱ ifȱ weȱ onlyȱ examineȱ theȱ impactȱ ofȱ theȱ activationȱ projectsȱ themselvesȱ theȱpictureȱbecomesȱgloomy.ȱWhereasȱactivationȱpolicyȱdoesȱnotȱparticularlyȱtargetȱtheȱ Roma,ȱmanyȱofȱthemȱhaveȱbeenȱinvolvedȱinȱ‘activationȱactivities,’ȱactivationȱworkȱinȱparȬ ticular.13_{ȱ Inȱ someȱ regionsȱ ofȱ theȱ country,ȱ practicallyȱ allȱ whoȱ haveȱ beenȱ registeredȱ forȱ} activationȱprojectsȱhaveȱaȱRomaniȱbackground.ȱInȱtheȱCentralȱSlovakȱtownȱofȱBrezno,ȱforȱ instance,ȱoneȱofȱtheȱmainȱlocalȱcompaniesȱoffersȱ‘activationȱactivities’ȱtoȱ275ȱemployees,ȱ ofȱ whomȱ 95ȱ perȱ centȱ isȱ Romani.ȱ Inȱ theȱ Breznoȱ region,ȱ thisȱ companyȱ isȱ commonlyȱ reȬ ferredȱtoȱasȱ‘theȱGypsyȱCompany’ȱ(OravecȱandȱBošelováȱ2006).ȱWeȱneedȱtoȱevaluateȱthisȱ

11_{ȱTheȱevictionȱofȱRomaȱhadȱalreadyȱbeenȱmadeȱmoreȱeasyȱbyȱtheȱintroductionȱofȱaȱnewȱlawȱinȱ2001—theȱ}

legislativeȱactȱno.ȱ261/2001—whichȱhasȱsubstantiallyȱweakenedȱtheȱlegalȱpositionȱofȱtenantsȱ(MŠFȱetȱalȱ2006).ȱ Moreȱ generally,ȱ weȱ needȱ toȱ seeȱ thisȱ actȱ andȱ theȱ actsȱ onȱ socialȱ assistanceȱ andȱ employmentȱ servicesȱ (GSRȱ 2003a;ȱ2004a)ȱasȱpartȱofȱaȱlongerȱsocialȱpolicyȱreformȱtrajectory,ȱwhichȱstartedȱwithȱtheȱendȱofȱMe²iar’sȱneoȬ authoritarianȱruleȱ(1993Ȭ97),ȱtheȱelectionȱofȱaȱcenterȬrightȱcoalitionȱgovernmentȱunderȱtheȱleadershipȱofȱtheȱ ChristianȱdemocraticȱpartyȱofȱDzurindaȱ(1998Ȭ2006),ȱandȱtheȱpostȬ1997ȱintroductionȱofȱneoȬliberalȱgovernȬ mentalȱtechniquesȱtoȱSlovakia’sȱpoliticalȱandȱsocioȬeconomicȱlifeȱ(SmithȱandȱRochovskáȱ2007;ȱStenningȱetȱalȱ 2010:ȱ49Ȭ55).ȱ 12_{ȱInȱtheȱCzechȱRepublic,ȱtheȱauthoritiesȱintroducedȱyetȱanotherȱtechnicalȱtermȱtoȱdescribeȱthisȱformȱofȱsubȬ}

standardȱ housing.ȱ Inȱ 1994,ȱ someȱ municipalitiesȱ startedȱ toȱ experimentȱ withȱ evictingȱ Romaȱ toȱ soȬcalledȱ

holobytyȱ(‘bare’ȱflatsȱorȱapartments)ȱinȱsuburbs,ȱatȱtheȱfringesȱorȱevenȱoutsideȱofȱmunicipalȱborders.ȱInȱsomeȱ

cases,ȱ companiesȱ haveȱ beenȱ hiredȱ toȱ produceȱ aȱ kindȱ ofȱ containerȱ apartmentsȱ thatȱ offerȱ onlyȱ rudimentaryȱ facilities.ȱInȱtheȱmidȱ1990s,ȱmanyȱpoliticiansȱandȱlocalȱauthoritiesȱembracedȱtheȱholobytyȱsolutionȱ(interviewȱ 2003g;ȱVíšekȱ2003).ȱEvictionsȱhaveȱbeenȱmotivatedȱbyȱtheȱdebtsȱofȱtenants,ȱbutȱalsoȱbyȱattemptsȱtoȱgentrifyȱ neighborhoods,ȱ andȱ byȱ theȱ interestsȱ ofȱ rulingȱ orȱ campaigningȱ politicalȱ partiesȱ orȱ mayors.ȱ Inȱ 1994,ȱ forȱ instance,ȱtheȱthenȱrulingȱpoliticalȱpartyȱODSȱinȱtheȱCzechȱtownȱofȱKladnoȱcampaignedȱbyȱputtingȱpostersȱ onȱ wallsȱ inȱ publicȱ spacesȱ thatȱ explicitlyȱ promotedȱ theȱ segregationȱ ofȱ Romaȱ inȱ holobyty.ȱ Theȱ posterȱ statedȱ thatȱ“civilizedȱpeopleȱ[were]ȱobligedȱtoȱliveȱinȱdirectȱcontactȱwithȱasocialȱgroupsȱofȱcitizensȱ…ȱIfȱweȱwantȱtoȱ influenceȱtheseȱcitizensȱpositivelyȱ…ȱweȱneedȱtoȱconcentrateȱthemȱ…ȱTheȱadvantageȱofȱthisȱsolutionȱisȱtheȱ longȬtermȱ influenceȱ onȱ theȱ sameȱ groupȱ usingȱ aȱ concentrationȱ ofȱ means.ȱ Itȱ isȱ notȱ possibleȱ toȱ changeȱ theirȱ lifestyleȱinȱaȱpositiveȱwayȱifȱtheyȱareȱscatteredȱallȱoverȱandȱnotȱallȱofȱthemȱareȱregistered”ȱ(citedȱZoonȱ2001a:ȱ 177).ȱTheȱpostersȱalsoȱcalledȱforȱ“alternativeȱpunishments”ȱbecauseȱ“finesȱareȱonlyȱpaidȱbyȱcivilizedȱpeople”ȱ (ibid).ȱ Inȱ theȱ courseȱ ofȱ theȱ years,ȱ theȱ devastatingȱ effectsȱ ofȱ theȱ holobytyȱ solutionȱ haveȱ becomeȱ clear.ȱ Theȱ segregationȱ ofȱ Romaȱ inȱ theȱ Czechȱ Republicȱ hasȱ steadilyȱ grownȱ andȱ resultedȱ inȱ aȱ numberȱ ofȱ newȱ seriousȱ socialȱandȱeconomicȱproblemsȱ(COHREȱetȱalȱ2002;ȱBaršováȱ2003;ȱERRCȱ2006c;ȱ2006b;ȱOSCEȱ2008).ȱ

13_{ȱ UNDPȱ dataȱ suggestȱ thatȱ almostȱ 50ȱ perȱ centȱ ofȱ allȱ Slovakȱ Romaniȱ householdsȱ receiveȱ aȱ soȬcalledȱ}

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ethnicȱlabelingȱinȱlightȱofȱhowȱactivationȱpoliciesȱhaveȱcontributedȱtoȱnewȱformsȱofȱexȬ clusion.ȱ

ȱ InȱSlovakiaȱactivationȱpoliciesȱdoȱnotȱatȱallȱfunctionȱasȱaȱtoolȱtoȱincreaseȱtheȱnumberȱofȱ thoseȱ whoȱ haveȱ aȱ relativelyȱ stableȱ job.ȱ Inȱ theȱ firstȱ yearȱ ofȱ theirȱ existence,ȱ activationȱ measuresȱ hadȱ onlyȱ ledȱ toȱ anȱ independentȱ jobȱ inȱ theȱ caseȱ ofȱ aboutȱ oneȱ perȱ centȱ ofȱ theȱ participants.14_{ȱMoreover,ȱinȱmostȱofȱtheȱcases,ȱ‘activationȱactivities’ȱhaveȱnotȱbeenȱcomȬ} binedȱ withȱ trainingȱ programsȱ (UNDPȱ 2007:ȱ 71).ȱ Lacoȱ Oravecȱ andȱ Zuzanaȱ Bošelováȱ (2006)ȱofȱtheȱMilanȱŠime²kaȱFoundationȱinȱBratislavaȱhaveȱremarkedȱthatȱthisȱcouldȱnotȱ reallyȱcomeȱasȱaȱsurpriseȱforȱinȱthisȱperiod,ȱaccordingȱtoȱSlovakȱstatistics,ȱtheȱnumberȱofȱ registeredȱjobsȱinȱSlovakiaȱwasȱtwentyȱtimesȱlowerȱthanȱtheȱnumberȱofȱregisteredȱunemȬ ployedȱpersons.ȱTheyȱhaveȱalsoȱputȱforwardȱthat,ȱdueȱtoȱtheȱgovernment’sȱdecisionȱthatȱ anȱactivationȱpaymentȱcouldȱbeȱreceivedȱonȱtheȱbasisȱofȱanȱopenȬendedȱterm,ȱratherȱthanȱ ofȱ aȱ limitedȱ periodȱ ofȱ sixȱ months,ȱ “activationȱ policyȱ [has]ȱ evolvedȱ fromȱ aȱ shortȬtermȱ activeȱlaborȱmarketȱpolicyȱtoolȱintoȱaȱnewȱformȱofȱlongȬtermȱsocialȱdependency”ȱ(2006:ȱ 14Ȭ15).ȱConsequently,ȱthisȱpolicyȱhasȱcreatedȱtheȱpossibilityȱtoȱinvolveȱparticipantsȱcontiȬ nuouslyȱ inȱ ‘activationȱ activities,’ȱ whichȱ haveȱ byȱ nowȱ becomeȱ theȱ equivalentȱ ofȱ underȬ paidȱjobs.15_ȱ

Aȱseriousȱconsequenceȱofȱhowȱthisȱpolicyȱhasȱbeenȱenactedȱisȱthatȱactivationȱworkȱhasȱ enabledȱemployersȱtoȱflexiblyȱrecruitȱaȱcheaperȱandȱwellȱexploitableȱlaborȱforce.ȱSeveralȱ companiesȱ “haveȱ dismissedȱ theirȱ employeesȱ andȱ replacedȱ themȱ withȱ individualsȱ fromȱ theȱactivationȱprogram”ȱ(OravecȱandȱBošelováȱ2006:ȱ16).ȱThisȱhasȱparticularlyȱhitȱmanyȱ marginalizedȱRoma.ȱAboutȱ60ȱperȱcentȱofȱtheȱmembersȱofȱthisȱgroupȱwhoȱareȱcurrentlyȱ involvedȱ inȱ ‘activationȱ activities’ȱ areȱ actuallyȱ carryingȱ outȱ theȱ sameȱ workȱ asȱ theyȱ didȱ beforeȱ (UNDPȱ 2007:ȱ 80).ȱ Inȱ otherȱ words,ȱ theirȱ workingȱ statusȱ hasȱ shiftedȱ fromȱ doingȱ workȱ onȱ theȱ regularȱ laborȱmarketȱtoȱ doingȱ itȱasȱ partȱofȱ activationȱ programs.ȱHowever,ȱ theȱgeneralȱpaymentȱforȱactivationȱworkȱisȱsubstantiallyȱlowerȱthanȱtheȱofficialȱminimumȱ wageȱ inȱ Slovakia—onlyȱ aboutȱ 60ȱ perȱ centȱ ofȱ theȱ latter.ȱ Forȱ thisȱ reason,ȱ Oravecȱ andȱ Bošelováȱcallȱthisȱpracticeȱ“aȱformȱofȱmodernȱslavery”ȱ(2006:ȱ15).ȱTheirȱresearchȱrevealsȱ thatȱ theȱ Romaniȱ activationȱ workersȱ habituallyȱ needȱ toȱ doȱ theȱ worst,ȱ mostȱ degrading,ȱ physicallyȱ heaviest,ȱ andȱ mostȱ laborȬintensiveȱ tasks.ȱ Theyȱ haveȱ alsoȱ documentedȱ casesȱ whereȱtheȱRomaȱwereȱdemandedȱtoȱdoȱworkȱthatȱdidȱnotȱbelongȱtoȱtheirȱofficialȱduties,ȱ suchȱasȱworkȱinȱtheȱhouseholdsȱofȱnonȬRomaȱandȱtheȱperformanceȱofȱpersonalȱtasksȱforȱ mayorsȱandȱactivationȱprojectȱmanagers.ȱEvenȱinȱcasesȱwhereȱactivationȱinvolvesȱpublicȱ works,ȱitȱregularlyȱhappensȱthatȱmunicipalitiesȱmobilizeȱtheȱparticipantsȱtoȱdoȱmoreȱorȱ lessȱ uselessȱ work,ȱ suchȱ asȱ theȱ dailyȱ cleaningȱ ofȱ theȱ streetsȱ ofȱ theȱ townȱ whereȱ thisȱ wasȱ formerlyȱdoneȱonceȱaȱweek.ȱ

14_{ȱ Sinceȱ then,ȱ theȱ resultsȱ haveȱ notȱ substantiallyȱ improvedȱ (ERRCȱ 2007b;ȱ UNDPȱ 2007).ȱ Comparableȱ badȱ}

resultsȱ ofȱ attemptsȱ toȱ employȱ orȱ reemployȱ Romaȱ andȱ Travelersȱ throughȱ activationȱ policiesȱ haveȱ recentlyȱ beenȱreportedȱfromȱtheȱCzechȱRepublic,ȱFrance,ȱandȱPortugalȱ(Bedardȱ2007;ȱERRCȱandȱNúmenaȱ2007).ȱ

15_{ȱ Duringȱ fieldworkȱ conductedȱ inȱ 2005ȱ andȱ 2006ȱ inȱ Slovakiaȱ andȱ theȱ Czechȱ Republic,ȱ Iȱ discoveredȱ thatȱ}

almostȱallȱofȱtheȱRomaȱwhoȱactuallyȱhadȱaȱjobȱwereȱnotȱemployedȱonȱregularȱconditions,ȱbutȱparticipatedȱ moreȱ orȱ lessȱ permanentlyȱ inȱ ‘activation’ȱ andȱ ‘communityȱ work’ȱ (interviewȱ 2005g;ȱ 2005h;ȱ 2005j;ȱ 2005d;ȱ 2005m;ȱ2005n;ȱ2005k;ȱ2005b;ȱ2006a;ȱ2006b;ȱquantitativeȱresearchȱcorrespondsȱtoȱmyȱfieldȱworkȱexperience,ȱ seeȱUNDPȱ2007).ȱ

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DueȱtoȱtheȱfactȱthatȱtheȱRomaȱareȱgenerallyȱoverrepresentedȱinȱactivationȱwork,ȱinȱmanyȱ localȱ casesȱ theȱ activationȱ programsȱ thatȱ haveȱ beenȱ initiatedȱ toȱ enhanceȱ theȱ ‘employȬ ability’ȱandȱ“maintainȱtheȱworkingȱhabitsȱofȱtheȱjobȱseeker”ȱ(GSRȱ2004a:ȱartȱ52,ȱ§1)ȱfuncȬ tionȱ asȱ aȱ formȱ ofȱ ethnicityȬbasedȱ neoȬliberalȱ governmentalityȱ thatȱ racializesȱ postȬcomȬ munistȱ classȱ formations,ȱ naturalizesȱ ethnicȱ differences,ȱ andȱ maintains,ȱ ratherȱ thanȱ reȬ duces,ȱ ‘theȱ habits’ȱ ofȱ theȱ majorityȱ toȱ subȬhumanizeȱ orȱ evenȱ dehumanizeȱ theȱ Roma.ȱ Indeed,ȱsinceȱtheȱactivationȱprogramsȱhaveȱthusȱfarȱnotȱresultedȱinȱregularȱemploymentȱ forȱ mostȱ ofȱ theȱ involvedȱ Roma,ȱ theseȱ policiesȱ tendȱ toȱ reinforceȱ stereotypicalȱ Romaȱ representationsȱasȱifȱtheyȱareȱlazy,ȱuseless,ȱinadaptable,ȱandȱinactive.ȱTheȱSlovakȱwelfareȱ reformsȱhaveȱthusȱproducedȱeffectiveȱsitesȱofȱinterventionȱinȱwhatȱcallȱbeȱconsideredȱtheȱ unforeseenȱdehumanizingȱeffectsȱofȱtheȱactivationȱapproach.ȱThisȱbioȬpoliticalȱregulationȱ involvesȱ“notȱonlyȱaȱprocessȱthroughȱwhichȱregulatoryȱpowerȱproducesȱaȱsetȱofȱsubjects.ȱ Itȱisȱalsoȱtheȱprocessȱofȱ…ȱdeȬsubjectivation,ȱoneȱwithȱenormousȱpoliticalȱandȱlegalȱconȬ sequences”ȱ(Butlerȱ2004:ȱ98).ȱInȱmanyȱcases,ȱRomaniȱactivationȱworkersȱwhoȱareȱformallyȱ Slovakȱ citizensȱ doȱ notȱ enjoyȱ basicȱ housing,ȱ labor,ȱ andȱ humanȱ rights,ȱ becauseȱ theirȱ secondȬclassȱworkȱrankȱandȱtremendouslyȱmarginalizedȱposition,ȱratherȱthanȱtheirȱoffiȬ cialȱcitizenship,ȱdetermineȱtheirȱlivingȱconditions.ȱ

Theȱtroublesomeȱtemporalȱ orȱ evenȱ longȬtermȱ evaporationȱ ofȱ severalȱ importantȱcomȬ ponentsȱ ofȱ citizenshipȱ canȱ beȱ linkedȱ withȱ theȱ currentȱ trendȱ towardȱ ‘contractualism’ȱ (Yeatmanȱ1998).ȱInȱneoȬliberalȱmarketȱstrategies,ȱcitizenshipȱhasȱlessȱbeenȱconceptualizedȱ asȱ aȱ ‘status’—associatedȱ withȱ rights,ȱ safetyȱ nets,ȱ benefits,ȱ andȱ theȱ like—andȱ graduallyȱ moreȱasȱaȱ‘contract’:ȱaȱconditionalȱaccessȱtoȱrights.ȱInȱaccordanceȱwithȱthisȱtrend,ȱinȱplaceȱ ofȱ theȱtermȱ ‘rightȱtoȱ employment’ȱ theȱtermȱ ‘rightȱ toȱ accessȱtoȱ employment’ȱhasȱrecentlyȱ beenȱintroducedȱtoȱSlovakȱsocialȱpolicyȱreformsȱ(UNDPȱ2007:ȱ77).ȱHowever,ȱtheȱcontractȬ ualizationȱ ofȱ citizenshipȱ goesȱ beyondȱ theȱ specificȱ contextȱ ofȱ employmentȱ relatedȱ conȬ tracts,ȱ suchȱ asȱ ‘individualȱ actionȱplans’ȱ andȱcontractsȱwithȱ jobȱ seekersȱ (chapterȱ 5).ȱThisȱ contractualizationȱincludesȱinnovativeȱsocialȱcontracts:ȱ ȱ [Theyȱinvoke]ȱnewȱformsȱofȱgovernmentalityȱthatȱareȱbasedȱonȱtheȱinculcationȱofȱnewȱ formsȱofȱgovernableȱsubject,ȱsubjectsȱinȱwhichȱtheȱperson—hisȱorȱherȱ‘innerȱwill’—beȬ comesȱaȱresourceȱenablingȱtheȱtransformationȱofȱwelfareȱstatesȱthroughȱtheȱtransforȬ mationȱofȱobligationsȱintoȱcommitments.ȱ(Newmanȱ2007:ȱ367)ȱ ȱ FromȱtheȱangleȱofȱneoȬliberalismȱasȱgovernmentalityȱ(chapterȱ5),ȱtheȱendeavorȱtoȱactivateȱ marginalizedȱgroupsȱcanȱbeȱseenȱasȱtechnologiesȱinȱwhichȱindividualsȱareȱinnovativelyȱ constitutedȱ asȱ governableȱ subjects:ȱ “activationȱ measuresȱ canȱ beȱ understoodȱ asȱ openingȱ upȱ moreȱ ofȱ theȱ personȱ toȱ governmentalȱ power,ȱ requiringȱ themȱ toȱ collaborateȱ inȱ theȱ developmentȱ ofȱ newȱ subjectiveȱ orientationsȱ toȱ theȱ worldsȱ ofȱ workȱ andȱ welfare”ȱ (ibidȱ 366).ȱ Activationȱ measuresȱ problematizeȱ citizensȱ asȱ freelyȱ choosingȱ andȱ responsibleȱ agents,ȱ ratherȱ thanȱ asȱ passiveȱ welfareȱ subjects,ȱ byȱ incorporatingȱ themȱ inȱ processesȱ inȱ whichȱresponsibilitiesȱareȱincreasinglyȱdealtȱwithȱatȱanȱindividual,ȱratherȱthanȱaȱcollecȬ tiveȱlevel.ȱByȱshiftingȱresponsibilitiesȱtowardȱprivateȱpersons,ȱtheyȱareȱencouragedȱtoȱbeȱ ‘active’—yetȱ onlyȱ inȱ particularȱ ways—andȱ engageȱ themselvesȱ inȱ partnershipȱ withȱ theȱ stateȱ“inȱfindingȱsolutionsȱtoȱtheȱproblemsȱofȱwelfareȱafterȱtheȱwelfareȱstate”ȱ(ibidȱ368).ȱ

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Yet,ȱtheȱ frequentlyȱ oneȬsidedȱ focusȱ onȱthoseȱ whoȱneedȱtoȱ beȱ ‘activated’ȱ andȱonȱ theȱ enȬ hancementȱofȱtheirȱ‘humanȱandȱsocialȱcapital’ȱtoȱremoveȱtheirȱ“skillsȱconstraints”ȱ(Worldȱ Bankȱ 2008:ȱ 2)ȱ risksȱ toȱ neglectȱ theȱ socioeconomic,ȱ political,ȱ andȱ historicalȱ reasonsȱ thatȱ haveȱledȱtoȱtheirȱexclusion.ȱTheȱdiscoursesȱandȱpracticesȱofȱactivationȱandȱtheȱcorrelatedȱ narrativesȱofȱsocialȱinclusion,ȱcohesion,ȱandȱselfȬempowermentȱtendȱtoȱavoidȱtheȱuseȱofȱ traditionalȱcategories—suchȱasȱpower,ȱpoverty,ȱdomination,ȱequality,ȱandȱexploitation— andȱ oftenȱ oneȬsidedlyȱ representȱ existingȱ practicesȱ ofȱ exclusionȱ asȱ problemsȱ ofȱ inadeȬ quatelyȱ mobilizedȱ socialȱ capitalȱ (Mayerȱ 2003).ȱ Thisȱ tendencyȱ toȱ isolateȱ anȱ individual’sȱ biographyȱ orȱ group’sȱ historyȱ fromȱ theȱ largerȱ political,ȱ historical,ȱ andȱ socioeconomicȱ contextȱhasȱstrongȱmoralizingȱandȱdeȬpoliticizingȱeffects:ȱpoliticallyȱcomplexȱtrajectoriesȱ towardȱmarginalizationȱandȱtheirȱintersectionsȱwithȱpracticesȱofȱcitizenship,ȱgovernance,ȱ andȱidentificationȱtendȱtoȱbeȱtransformedȱintoȱproblemsȱofȱmorality,ȱdecency,ȱandȱindiȬ vidualȱresponsibility,ȱwhichȱprimarilyȱneedȱtoȱbeȱsolvedȱbyȱtheȱmarginalizedȱthemselves.ȱ Asȱ theȱ Slovakȱ caseȱ illustrates,ȱ governmentalȱ techniquesȱ thatȱ haveȱ officiallyȱ beenȱ introȬ ducedȱ toȱ ‘activate’ȱ citizensȱ andȱ encourageȱ themȱ toȱ makeȱ choicesȱ onȱ theȱ basisȱ ofȱ newȱ socialȱ andȱ laborȱ marketȱ opportunities,ȱ haveȱ beenȱ turnedȱ intoȱ theȱ exerciseȱ ofȱ coerciveȱ strategiesȱ thatȱ oftenȱ requireȱ theȱ Romaȱ toȱ takeȱ upȱ whatȱ regularlyȱ remainsȱ badlyȱ paidȱ workȱ onȱ theȱ marginsȱ ofȱ theȱ laborȱ forceȱ inȱ theȱ faceȱ ofȱ theȱ withdrawalȱ ofȱ stateȱ welfareȱ allowances.16_ȱ

Theȱ Worldȱ Bankȱ hasȱ suggestedȱ thatȱ theȱ employmentȱ opportunitiesȱ ofȱ theȱ ‘inactive’ȱ RomaȱinȱCentralȱandȱEasternȱEuropeȱshouldȱbeȱimprovedȱbyȱintroducingȱactivationȱpoliȬ ciesȱwhileȱsimultaneouslyȱtakingȱintoȱaccountȱtheȱ‘natureȱofȱRomaȱjoblessness.’ȱInterestȬ inglyȱ enough,ȱ however,ȱ theȱ Worldȱ Bankȱ approachȱ reliesȱ heavilyȱ onȱ referencesȱ toȱ ‘bestȱ practices’ȱofȱtheȱgovernanceȱofȱactivationȱinȱWesternȱstates,ȱsuchȱasȱAustralia,ȱGermany,ȱ theȱNetherlands,ȱScandinavianȱcountries,ȱandȱtheȱUnitedȱKingdom.ȱApartȱfromȱtheȱquesȬ tionȱ ofȱ whetherȱ theȱ practicesȱ inȱ theseȱ countriesȱ canȱ beȱ consideredȱ asȱ ‘best’ȱ ones,17_{ȱ theȱ} WorldȱBankȱstudyȱneglectsȱthatȱtheȱhistoryȱofȱwelfareȱandȱotherȱsocioeconomicȱpracticesȱ inȱformerȱsocialistȱcountries,ȱletȱaloneȱtheȱimpactȱofȱsocialistȱlegaciesȱonȱRomaniȱminorȬ ities,ȱcannotȱeasilyȱbeȱcomparedȱwithȱthoseȱinȱWesternȱones.ȱTheȱWorldȱBankȱstatesȱthatȱ “theȱ inactive”ȱ andȱ “hardȱ toȱ placeȱ Romaȱ longȬtermedȱ unemployed”ȱ (2008:ȱ 19)ȱ canȱ beȱ dealtȱwithȱbyȱadaptingȱdomesticȱpoliciesȱtoȱinternationallyȱestablishedȱ‘bestȱpractices’ȱofȱ activation.ȱInȱtheȱCzechȱcaseȱthatȱtheȱWorldȱBank’sȱreportȱdiscusses,ȱitȱputsȱforwardȱthatȱ thisȱ strategyȱ involvesȱ “carefullyȱ reviewingȱ internationalȱ experience,ȱ adaptingȱ itȱ toȱ theȱ Czechȱ context,ȱ andȱ designingȱ promisingȱ pilotȱ interventionsȱ withȱ inȬbuiltȱ impactȱ evaluȬ ation”ȱ(ibidȱ37).ȱTheȱBankȱconsidersȱthisȱprocedureȱofȱtheȱpermanentȱreview,ȱdesign,ȱandȱ

16_{ȱTheȱsectionȱonȱtheȱimpactȱofȱactivationȱpoliciesȱofȱtheȱUNDPȱreportȱonȱtheȱlivingȱconditionsȱofȱtheȱRomaȱ}

inȱSlovakiaȱconcludes:ȱ“welfareȱrecipientsȱareȱforcedȱratherȱthanȱmotivatedȱtoȱwork”ȱ(2007:ȱ81).ȱDespiteȱthisȱ clearlyȱcriticalȱnote,ȱthisȱUNDPȱreportȱhasȱgenerallyȱfailedȱtoȱaddressȱtheȱrelationshipȱbetweenȱtheȱcurrentȱ governanceȱ ofȱ activationȱ inȱ Slovakiaȱ onȱ theȱ oneȱ hand,ȱ andȱ theȱ emergenceȱ ofȱ newȱ formsȱ ofȱ stereotypicalȱ Romaȱrepresentationsȱasȱwellȱasȱofȱdiscriminatoryȱattitudesȱtowardȱthem,ȱonȱtheȱother.ȱItȱremainsȱaȱmysteryȱ whyȱtheȱUNDPȱhasȱexplicitlyȱdecidedȱtoȱexcludeȱanȱanalysisȱofȱdiscriminationȱtowardȱtheȱRomaȱinȱtheȱlaborȱ marketȱ fromȱ itsȱ investigationsȱ (ibidȱ 76n29)ȱ forȱ suchȱ anȱ examinationȱ couldȱ haveȱ ledȱ toȱ aȱ betterȱ andȱ moreȱ criticalȱevaluationȱofȱhowȱactivationȱpoliciesȱhaveȱbeenȱenactedȱinȱSlovakia.ȱ

17_{ȱ Variousȱ studiesȱ haveȱ addressedȱ theȱ shortcomingsȱ ofȱ theȱ articulationȱ ofȱ activationȱ schemesȱ inȱ Westernȱ}

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redesignȱ ofȱ activationȱ schemesȱ aȱ “reformȱ laboratory”ȱ orȱ “policyȱ laboratory”ȱ approachȱ (ibidȱ37).ȱ

However,ȱ asȱ myȱ examinationȱ ofȱ activationȱ schemesȱ inȱ Slovakiaȱ implies,ȱ weȱ needȱ toȱ criticallyȱ interrogateȱ howȱ suchȱ reformȱ laboratoriesȱ haveȱ affectedȱ theȱ socioeconomicȱ positionȱ ofȱ thoseȱ whomȱ theȱ Worldȱ Bankȱ describesȱ asȱ theȱ “hardȱ toȱ placeȱ Romaȱ longȬ termedȱunemployed.”ȱTheȱSlovakȱcaseȱshowsȱthatȱmarginalizedȱRoma,ȱratherȱthanȱbeingȱ activelyȱreintegratedȱandȱempoweredȱtoȱeffectivelyȱenhanceȱtheirȱopportunities,ȱtendȱtoȱ beȱ forcedȱ toȱ performȱ wellȬestablishedȱ stereotypes.ȱ Inȱ thisȱ case,ȱ neoȬliberalȱ formsȱ ofȱ governmentalityȱ haveȱ influentiallyȱ rearrangedȱ disciplinaryȱ andȱ sovereignȱ practicesȱ ofȱ power.ȱTheȱ‘traditional’ȱseamȱbetweenȱsovereigntyȱandȱcitizenship—whichȱassumedȱanȱ almostȱ selfȬevidentȱ relationȱ betweenȱ aȱ state,ȱ itsȱ territory,ȱ andȱ fullȱ rightsȱ forȱ thisȱ state’sȱ citizens—hasȱ beenȱ brokenȱ openȱ andȱ producedȱ spacesȱ inȱ whichȱ theȱ poorestȱ amongȱ theȱ Romaȱ areȱ onȱ aȱ dailyȱ basisȱ confrontedȱ withȱ variousȱ degreesȱ ofȱ insecurity.ȱ Inȱ orderȱ toȱ claimȱ theirȱ rights,ȱ moreȱ oftenȱ thanȱ not,ȱ theyȱ needȱ toȱ lookȱ beyondȱ theȱ officialȱ stateȱ andȱ marketȱ structuresȱ andȱ relyȱ onȱ theȱ interventionsȱ ofȱ NGOsȱ andȱ advocacyȱ andȱ humanȱ rightsȱ organizationsȱ (chapterȱ 7).ȱ Atȱ theȱ sameȱ time,ȱ theȱ positionȱ ofȱ manyȱ Romaȱ onȱ theȱ marginsȱofȱtheȱlaborȱforceȱlargelyȱexposesȱthemȱtoȱtheȱdisciplinaryȱforcesȱofȱarbitrarinessȱ andȱexploitation.ȱWeȱcanȱconsiderȱthisȱsituationȱasȱaȱdevelopmentȱtowardȱaȱdifferentialȱ bioȬpoliticalȱapproachȱtoȱdifferentȱpopulationȱgroups:ȱ

ȱ

Marginalityȱ itselfȱ …ȱ [has]ȱ becomeȱ anȱ organizedȱ zoneȱ withinȱ theȱ socialȱ [sphere],ȱ towardȱwhichȱthoseȱpersonsȱ[are]ȱdirectedȱwhoȱareȱincapableȱofȱfollowingȱmoreȱcomȬ petitiveȱpathwaysȱ…ȱInȱplaceȱofȱ…ȱolderȱ[socialȱpolicy]ȱpractices,ȱorȱratherȱalongsideȱ them,ȱweȱareȱwitnessingȱtheȱdevelopmentȱofȱdifferentialȱmodesȱofȱtreatmentȱofȱpopuȬ lations,ȱ whichȱ aimȱ toȱ maximizeȱ theȱ returnsȱ onȱ doingȱ whatȱ isȱ profitableȱ andȱ toȱ marȬ ginalizeȱ theȱ unprofitable.ȱ Insteadȱ ofȱ …ȱ eliminatingȱ undesirableȱ elementsȱ fromȱ theȱ socialȱ body,ȱ orȱ reintegratingȱ themȱ moreȱ orȱ lessȱ forciblyȱ throughȱ correctiveȱ orȱ theraȬ peuticȱ interventions,ȱ theȱ emergingȱ tendencyȱ isȱ toȱ assignȱ differentȱ socialȱ destiniesȱ toȱ individualsȱinȱlineȱwithȱtheirȱvaryingȱcapacityȱtoȱliveȱupȱtoȱtheȱrequirementsȱofȱcomȬ petitivenessȱandȱprofitability.ȱ(Castelȱ1991:ȱ294Ȭ95)ȱ

ȱ

CastelȱputsȱforwardȱthatȱweȱcanȱdivideȱdifferentȱtypesȱofȱpopulationȱmanagementȱvisȬàȬ visȱthoseȱgroupsȱwhoȱareȱminoritizedȱasȱabject,ȱdeviant,ȱorȱunableȱtoȱcatchȱupȱwithȱtheȱ attitudesȱ ofȱ theȱ majority.ȱ Inȱ theȱ caseȱ ofȱ theȱ Roma,ȱ weȱ could,ȱ forȱ instance,ȱ distinguishȱ betweenȱ theirȱ eliminationȱ fromȱ theȱ socialȱ bodyȱ duringȱ Nazism,ȱ diverseȱ correctiveȱ andȱ therapeuticȱ interventionsȱ duringȱ communism,ȱ andȱ marketȬledȱ formsȱ ofȱ Romaȱ popuȬ lationȱregulationȱduringȱpostȬcommunism.ȱHowever,ȱweȱneedȱtoȱavoidȱanȱeasyȱdivisionȱ ofȱtheȱregion’sȱhistoryȱinȱaȱwartime,ȱcommunist,ȱandȱpostȬcommunistȱperiod.ȱAsȱCastelȱ acknowledges,ȱ newȱ socialȱ policyȱ practicesȱ doȱ notȱ necessarilyȱ replaceȱ olderȱ ones,ȱ butȱ couldȱcontinueȱtoȱexistȱinȱconjunctionȱwithȱthem.ȱSimilarly,ȱtheȱcurrentȱchangesȱofȱ‘transȬ itional’ȱ politicalȱ systemsȱ inȱ Centralȱ andȱ Easternȱ Europeȱ doȱ notȱ simplyȱ representȱ aȱ deȬ cisiveȱshiftȱtoȱregulatoryȱmodesȱofȱcontrol,ȱbutȱembodyȱanȱambiguousȱmixtureȱofȱreguȬ latoryȱandȱdisciplinaryȱones.ȱTheȱSlovakȱRomaȱcaseȱillustratesȱthatȱneoȬliberalȱformsȱofȱ marketȱ governmentalityȱ setȱ outȱ aȱ combinationȱ ofȱ regulatoryȱ normsȱ andȱ ethnicizedȱ modesȱ ofȱ discipline,ȱ whereȱ theȱ latterȱ areȱ merelyȱ deployedȱ toȱ dealȱ withȱ thoseȱ whoȱ

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participateȱ practicallyȱ permanentlyȱ inȱ activationȱ work.ȱ Inȱ otherȱ words,ȱ weȱ dealȱ withȱ aȱ differentiationȱofȱbioȬpoliticalȱinvestmentȱinȱdifferentȱpopulationȱgroups,ȱwhereȱmajorityȱ groupsȱareȱprivilegedȱoverȱother,ȱethnicizedȱminorityȱones,ȱandȱprofessionalȱworkȱoverȱ whatȱisȱeuphemisticallyȱcalledȱ‘activation’ȱorȱ‘communityȱwork.’ȱThisȱfusionȱofȱ“marketȱ calculationsȱandȱethnicȱgovernmentalityȱmeansȱthatȱvariedȱpopulationsȱareȱsubjectedȱtoȱ differentȱtechnologiesȱofȱdisciplining,ȱregulation,ȱandȱpastoralȱcare,18_{ȱandȱinȱtheȱprocessȱ} assignedȱdifferentȱsocialȱfates”ȱ(Ongȱ2006:ȱ79).ȱHowever,ȱhowȱdoȱweȱneedȱtoȱunderstandȱ theȱ almostȱ selfȬevidentȱ wayȱ inȱ whichȱ theȱ Romaȱ areȱ directlyȱ orȱ indirectlyȱ targetedȱ forȱ aȱ differentȱtreatment?ȱ ȱ ȱ GENEALOGICALȱTRAJECTORIESȱOFȱDIFFERENCE:ȱLEGACIESȱOFȱCOMMUNISMȱ ȱ Toȱunderstandȱtheȱgenealogicalȱtrajectoriesȱtowardȱtheȱdifferentialȱtreatmentȱofȱdifferentȱ populationȱgroups,ȱandȱhowȱdifferentȱRomaȬrelatedȱgovernmentalitiesȱintersect,ȱoverlap,ȱ orȱ contradictȱ inȱ postȬ1989ȱ Europe,ȱ weȱ needȱ toȱ takeȱ intoȱ accountȱ atȱ leastȱ threeȱ differentȱ legaciesȱ ofȱ communismȱ thatȱ affectedȱ andȱ continueȱ toȱ affectȱ theȱ situationȱ ofȱ theȱ Centralȱ andȱ Easternȱ Europeanȱ Roma.ȱ Theȱ acknowledgementȱ ofȱ theseȱ legaciesȱ andȱ theirȱ effectsȱ alsoȱhelpsȱunderstandȱwhyȱtheȱRoma’sȱproblematizationȱasȱinactiveȱhasȱindirectlyȱcontriȬ butedȱ toȱ tendenciesȱ toȱ marginalizeȱ orȱ evenȱ dehumanizeȱ them.ȱ Theȱ firstȱ legacyȱ toȱ beȱ takenȱintoȱaccountȱisȱthatȱofȱtheȱlateȬsocialistȱeconomicȱreformsȱinȱtheȱregionȱthatȱlaidȱtheȱ clearȱ yetȱ hybridȱ andȱ ambiguousȱ foundationȱ forȱ postȬ1989ȱ neoȬliberalȱ policyȱ reforms.ȱ Secondly,ȱ followingȱ critiquesȱ ofȱ uniformȱ narrativesȱ ofȱ modernityȱ andȱ capitalism,19_{ȱ weȱ} needȱ toȱ pluralizeȱ theȱ region’sȱ economicȱ andȱ culturalȱ historyȱ beyondȱ whatȱ someȱ callȱ ‘capitalocentrist’ȱviewsȱ(SmithȱandȱStenningȱ2006).ȱThirdly,ȱweȱhaveȱtoȱacknowledgeȱtheȱ influentialȱ communistȱ historiesȱ ofȱ howȱ theȱ Romaȱ wereȱ marginalizedȱ asȱ sociallyȱ (andȱ evenȱ mentally)ȱ deviantȱ subjects,ȱ whoȱ didȱ notȱ belongȱ toȱ theȱ ‘nation’ȱ andȱ whoȱ wereȱ renderedȱabjectȱandȱ‘inadaptable’ȱbyȱmeansȱofȱvariousȱgovernmentalȱinterventions.ȱ

Letȱ meȱ beginȱ withȱ theȱ firstȱ legacy.ȱ Manyȱ studiesȱ thatȱ discussȱ theȱ postȬ1989ȱ Centralȱ andȱ Easternȱ Europeanȱ transformationsȱ andȱ theȱ impactȱ ofȱ neoȬliberalismȱ inȱ theȱ regionȱ startȱ fromȱ aȱ ‘transitologic’ȱ viewȱ (Haneyȱ 2002:ȱ 5).ȱ Transitologicȱ viewsȱ adhereȱ toȱ aȱ bifurȬ catedȱmodelȱofȱtheȱregion’sȱhistoryȱintoȱclearlyȱdividedȱperiodsȱofȱpreȬ1989ȱstateȱsocialȬ ismȱ andȱ postȬ1989ȱ marketȱ capitalismȱ orȱ neoȬliberalism.ȱ Theseȱ viewpointsȱ oftenȱ goȱ toȬ getherȱ withȱ theȱ assumptionȱ thatȱ neoȬliberalismȱ wasȱ firstȱ developedȱ inȱ theȱ Westȱ and,ȱ thereafter,ȱimportedȱtoȱCentralȱandȱEasternȱEuropeȱandȱtheȱformerȱSovietȱUnionȱ(Szackiȱ 1995;ȱ Kingȱ 2001).ȱ Likewise,ȱ theȱ ‘successful’ȱ orȱ ‘shockȬtherapeutic’ȱ introductionȱ ofȱ neoȬ liberalismȱtoȱtheseȱregionsȱisȱattributedȱtoȱinternationalȱpressureȱfromȱoutsideȱtheȱregionȱ andȱ toȱ imitationȱ orȱ theȱ needȱ forȱ legitimacyȱ inȱ Centralȱ andȱ Easternȱ Europe.ȱ However,ȱ neoȬliberalismȱ hasȱ hybridȱ ‘origins’ȱ andȱ itsȱ introductionȱ toȱ Centralȱ andȱ Easternȱ Europeȱ wasȱdueȱtoȱanȱalreadyȱmuchȱlongerȱexistingȱtransnationalȱnetworkȱandȱdialogue:ȱ

ȱ

18_{ȱWeȱcouldȱconnectȱtheȱtechnologiesȱofȱpastoralȱcareȱtoȱtheȱinterventionsȱofȱNGOsȱandȱotherȱcivilȱsocietalȱ}

associationsȱ(chapterȱ7).ȱ

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[T]heȱdraftingȱofȱpostȬcommunistȱtransitionȱblueprints,ȱevenȱwithȱtheȱparticipationȱofȱ Americanȱeconomists,ȱshouldȱnotȱbeȱanalyzedȱasȱtheȱdiffusionȱofȱanȱinnovationȱfromȱ WestȱtoȱEast,ȱbutȱasȱtranslationȱmeantȱtoȱalignȱtheȱinterestsȱofȱWesternȱandȱEastȱEuroȬ peanȱeconomistsȱandȱreinforceȱtheirȱtransnationalȱties.ȱWithinȱthisȱtransnationalȱnetȬ workȱ itȱ wasȱ impossibleȱ toȱ assignȱ theȱ roleȱ ofȱ activeȱ authorsȱ toȱ Americanȱ economistsȱ andȱpassiveȱrecipientsȱtoȱEastȱEuropeanȱeconomists.ȱInȱthisȱcaseȱatȱleast,ȱneoȬliberalȬ ismȱ wasȱ notȱ aȱ preexistingȱ theoryȱ orȱ ideologyȱ thatȱ wasȱ disseminatedȱ fromȱ Westȱ toȱ East,ȱbutȱwasȱitselfȱsynonymousȱwithȱtheȱnetworkȱthatȱconnectedȱAmericanȱandȱEastȱ Europeanȱ economistsȱ andȱ withȱ theȱ translationȱ strategyȱ thatȱ coordinatedȱ theirȱ interȬ ests.ȱ(BockmanȱandȱEyalȱ2002:ȱ345)ȱ

ȱ

Inȱtheirȱgenealogicalȱanalysisȱofȱeconomicȱpracticesȱdevelopedȱthroughoutȱtheȱtwentiethȱ centuryȱ inȱ Centralȱ andȱ Easternȱ Europe,ȱ Johannaȱ Bockmanȱ andȱ Gilȱ Eyalȱ showȱ howȱ anȱ extensiveȱ Coldȱ Warȱ dialogueȱ betweenȱ Westernȱ andȱ Eastȱ Europeanȱ economists,ȱ aȱ lateȬ communistȱstruggleȱamongȱsocialistȱscholarsȱandȱpoliticiansȱoverȱtheȱnecessityȱofȱsocioȬ economicȱ reforms,ȱ andȱ dissidentȱ discoursesȱ ofȱ ‘antiȬpolitics’ȱ laidȱ theȱ foundationȱ ofȱ variousȱpostȬ1989ȱneoȬliberalȱarticulationsȱinȱtheȱregion.ȱBockmanȱandȱEyalȱexplainȱhowȱ Centralȱ andȱ Easternȱ Europeanȱ lateȬcommunistȱ economistsȱ whoȱ wereȱ goingȱ toȱ playȱ aȱ vitalȱ roleȱ inȱ theȱ postȬ1989ȱ marketizationȱ “feltȱ ‘pushed’ȱ intoȱ becomingȱ neoȬliberalsȱ asȱ aȱ resultȱofȱtheirȱexperienceȱwithȱreformsȱduringȱsocialism”ȱ(2002:ȱ338).ȱTheseȱeconomists,ȱ suchȱasȱVáclavȱKlausȱinȱtheȱthenȱCzechoslovakia,ȱJánosȱKornaiȱinȱHungary,ȱandȱLeszekȱ Balcerowiczȱ inȱ Poland,ȱ “typicallyȱ depictȱ thisȱ experienceȱ asȱ aȱ seriesȱ ofȱ failures,ȱ whichȱ clarifiedȱtoȱthemȱthatȱtheȱstateȱsocialistȱeconomyȱcouldȱnotȱbeȱreformedȱandȱneededȱtoȱbeȱ abandonedȱ altogether”ȱ (ibid).ȱ Bothȱ theȱ transnational—includingȱ Easternȱ andȱ Centralȱ European—‘roots’ȱofȱtheȱpostȬ1989,ȱneoȬliberalȱtransformationsȱandȱtheȱalreadyȱexistingȱ traditionȱofȱeconomicȱtranslationȱandȱreformȱstrategiesȱinȱtheȱregionȱhelpȱtoȱexplainȱwhyȱ theȱ region’sȱ articulationsȱ ofȱ neoȬliberalismȱ couldȱ haveȱ suchȱ dramaticȱ consequencesȱ forȱ manyȱRoma.ȱHowever,ȱweȱneedȱtoȱdiscussȱtwoȱotherȱlegaciesȱtoȱunderstandȱwhyȱtheseȱ changesȱhaveȱparticularlyȱhitȱtheȱRoma.ȱ

Theȱ secondȱ legacyȱ Iȱ wantȱ toȱ discussȱ isȱ theȱ oneȱ ofȱ diverseȱ kindsȱ ofȱ economicȱ andȱ culturalȱ practices,ȱ andȱ ofȱ variousȱ survivalȱ andȱ livelihoodȱ strategiesȱ developedȱ underȱ communismȱtoȱcopeȱwithȱscarcity,ȱtoȱimproveȱlivingȱstandards,ȱand—particularlyȱinȱtheȱ caseȱofȱtheȱRoma—toȱescapeȱsocialȱisolation.ȱVariousȱstudiesȱofȱtheȱtransitionsȱinȱCentralȱ andȱ Easternȱ Europeȱ haveȱ adoptedȱ aȱ ‘capitalocentric’ȱ view.ȱ Theseȱ studiesȱ lookȱ atȱ theȱ changesȱprimarilyȱfromȱtheȱangleȱofȱtheȱemergenceȱofȱcapitalistȱmarketsȱandȱtheirȱsocioȬ economic,ȱ cultural,ȱ andȱ politicalȱ effects.ȱ Seenȱ fromȱ thisȱ perspective,ȱ survivalȱ strategiesȱ thatȱ areȱ relatedȱ toȱmaintainingȱ andȱ developingȱ nonȬcapitalist,ȱ informal,ȱandȱ remittanceȱ economicȱandȱculturalȱpracticesȱareȱconsideredȱasȱresponsesȱtoȱtheȱeconomicȱtransitionsȱinȱ theȱ regionȱ andȱ theȱ relatedȱ emergenceȱ ofȱ newȱ formsȱ ofȱ poverty.ȱ Someȱ ofȱ theseȱ nonȬ capitalist,ȱinformal,ȱshadow,ȱgrey,ȱandȱblackȱmarketsȱhaveȱundeniablyȱgrownȱafterȱ1989.ȱ However,ȱ severalȱ studiesȱ (Smithȱ 2000;ȱ 2002a)ȱ haveȱ shownȱ thatȱ weȱ cannotȱ adequatelyȱ understandȱ theȱ appearanceȱ ofȱ theseȱ marketsȱ fromȱ aȱ capitalocentricȱ angle,ȱ thatȱ is,ȱ fromȱ theȱpostȬ1989ȱintroductionȱofȱcapitalismȱtoȱtheȱregionȱ(orȱevenȱfromȱtheȱconstraintsȱofȱtheȱ formalȱ socialistȱ economiesȱ duringȱ theȱ lastȱ phaseȱ ofȱ communism).ȱ Rather,ȱ weȱ needȱ toȱ understandȱ theseȱ alternativeȱ economicȱ andȱ culturalȱ practicesȱ asȱ bothȱ integralȱ partsȱ ofȱ

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formerȱ socialistȱ societiesȱ andȱ asȱ coȬconstituentȱ ofȱ Centralȱ andȱ Easternȱ Europeanȱ socioȬ economicȱandȱculturalȱrealities,ȱincludingȱneoȬliberalȱarticulations.ȱ

AnȱanalysisȱofȱthisȱlegacyȱofȱcommunismȱisȱimportantȱtoȱunderstandȱtheȱcurrentȱsituȬ ationȱ ofȱ theȱ Romaȱ forȱ twoȱ reasons.ȱ Firstly,ȱitȱ canȱ clarifyȱ thatȱtheȱ Roma,ȱ despiteȱ currentȱ trendsȱ toȱ marginalizeȱ andȱ dehumanizeȱ themȱ haveȱ alsoȱ developedȱ newȱ andȱ reshapedȱ olderȱstrategiesȱtoȱchallengeȱtheseȱtrendsȱ(seeȱalsoȱchapterȱ7).ȱSecondly,ȱanȱexaminationȱ ofȱthisȱlegacyȱandȱitsȱbackgroundȱcanȱalsoȱexplainȱwhyȱtheȱRoma,ȱevenȱdespiteȱtheirȱownȱ pastȱandȱcurrentȱabilityȱtoȱdevelopȱsurvivalȱstrategies,ȱhaveȱbeenȱmarginalizedȱinȱdoubleȱ orȱ evenȱ multipleȱ waysȱ (Ladányiȱ andȱ Szelényiȱ 2006:ȱ 176Ȭ82).ȱ Oneȱ ofȱ theȱ importantȱ conȬ ditionsȱofȱpossibilityȱforȱbenefitingȱfromȱnonȬformalȱandȱnonȬcapitalistȱmarketȱactivitiesȱ isȱhavingȱaccessȱtoȱwiderȱsocialȱandȱculturalȱnetworks.ȱHowever,ȱsinceȱmanyȱRomaȱfacedȱ andȱ continueȱ toȱ faceȱ difficultiesȱ inȱ gettingȱ accessȱ toȱ suchȱ widerȱ socialȱ andȱ culturalȱ networks,ȱforȱthem,ȱitȱalsoȱmoreȱdifficultȱtoȱdevelopingȱtheseȱnonȬformal,ȱnonȬcapitalist,ȱ andȱ alternativeȱ activities.ȱ Asȱ Iȱ willȱ explainȱ below,ȱ thisȱ doubleȱ marginalizationȱ alsoȱ exȬ plains,ȱatȱleastȱpartially,ȱwhyȱmanyȱRomaȱhaveȱrecentlyȱtriedȱtoȱmigrateȱoutȱofȱCentralȱ andȱEasternȱEuropeȱtoȱlookȱforȱbetterȱfuturesȱinȱWesternȱcountries.ȱ ȱ Asȱaȱrich,ȱextensiveȱliteratureȱshows,ȱunderȱcommunism,ȱvariousȱunofficialȱeconomicȱ andȱculturalȱpracticesȱwereȱdevelopedȱthatȱcanȱbeȱregardedȱasȱkindsȱofȱsocialistȱsurvivalȱ orȱlivelihoodȱstrategies.20_{ȱFromȱtheȱperspectiveȱofȱtheȱstudyȱofȱgovernmentality,ȱweȱcouldȱ} considerȱthem,ȱatȱleastȱpartly,ȱasȱpracticesȱofȱcounterȬconductȱ(chapterȱ1).ȱTheseȱactivitiesȱ rangedȱ fromȱ nonȬmarketȱ economicȱ practices,ȱ suchȱ asȱ domesticȱ foodȱ production,ȱ selfȬ provisioning,ȱandȱcareȱwork,ȱtoȱgreyȱorȱblackȱeconomicȱpractices.ȱOneȱofȱtheȱdominantȱ fieldsȱofȱthisȱsecondȱeconomyȱwasȱinformalȱwork:ȱ

ȱ

Informalȱ workȱ wasȱ practicedȱ inȱ aȱ rangeȱ ofȱ fieldsȱ includingȱ constructionȱ andȱ mainȬ tenance,ȱ agriculturalȱ work,ȱ repairȱ work,ȱ smallȬscaleȱ industry,ȱ personalȱ services,ȱ andȱ soȱ on.ȱ Inȱ manyȱ cases,ȱ thisȱ secondaryȱ workȱ wasȱ foundedȱ onȱ resources,ȱ skills,ȱ clientȱ bases,ȱ andȱ capitalȱ developedȱ inȱ theȱ primaryȱ workplaceȱ …ȱ Inȱ someȱ instancesȱ theȱ secondȱ economyȱ wasȱ condonedȱ orȱ evenȱ encouragedȱ byȱ stateȱ enterprises,ȱ allowingȱ workersȱ toȱ produceȱ goodsȱ orȱ servicesȱ afterȱ normalȱ workingȱ hoursȱ inȱ theȱ primaryȱ workplace,ȱ contributingȱ toȱ bothȱ additionalȱ earningsȱ andȱ planȱ fulfillmentȱ …ȱ Inȱ lessȱ legalȱ scenarios,ȱ workersȱ sawȱ theȱ workplaceȱ asȱ aȱ sourceȱ eitherȱ ofȱ additionalȱ covertȱ earningsȱ…ȱorȱforȱacquiringȱsocialistȱpropertyȱforȱpersonalȱuseȱorȱreappropriationȱ…ȱ (SmithȱandȱStenningȱ2006:ȱ194)ȱ

ȱ

Theseȱ alternativeȱ economicȱ practicesȱ wereȱ notȱ limitedȱ toȱ linksȱ withȱ theȱ formalȱ infraȬ structuresȱ(workplaces,ȱfarms,ȱmachines,ȱetc.)ȱofȱtheȱofficialȱcommunistȱeconomies.ȱTheseȱ practicesȱwereȱalsoȱbasedȱonȱeconomicȱandȱculturalȱactivitiesȱthatȱwereȱstronglyȱrelatedȱ toȱinventiveȱandȱinnovativeȱextensionsȱofȱhouseholdȱeconomies:ȱ

ȱ

[Theyȱ involved]ȱ aȱ longstandingȱ setȱ ofȱ economicȱ practicesȱ inȱ whichȱ householdsȱ proȬ duceȱ foodȱ onȱ urbanȱ allotments,ȱ inȱ gardensȱ orȱ onȱ ruralȱ privateȱ plots.ȱ Inȱ undertakingȱ 20_{ȱSee,ȱforȱinstance,ȱWedelȱ(1986;ȱ1992),ȱSmolletȱ(1989),ȱSikȱ(1994),ȱPineȱandȱBridgerȱ(1997),ȱBeggȱandȱPicklesȱ}