A study on the influence of ring seine fisheries on poverty
and resource depletion in Tamil Nadu, India
Unlimited fishing in limited seas
BACHELOR THESIS
Unlimited fishing in limited seas
A study on the influence of ring seine fisheries on
poverty and resource depletion in Tamil Nadu,
India
By
Fenna Imara Hoefsloot
July 21, 2014
Bachelor thesis Human Geography Student number: 10215506
Supervisor: Dr. Maarten Bavinck Second reader: Mr. Johny Stephen Faculty of Social and Behavioral Sciences
Dep. Human Geography, Planning & International Development Studies University of Amsterdam
Abstract
Despite the fact the small scale fisheries have been promoted by the FAO as a viable method to eradicate poverty, there is a clear trend visible amongst India’s small scale fishermen to eradicate their previous profession in search for alternative income. Some fishermen leave their native towns for the city; others seek alternatives within their village. In light of this debate, this thesis presents an anal ysis of the motives of fishermen from a small fishing community in Tamil Nadu, India, to engage in ring seine fisheries and researches how ring seine groups are formed and managed. Taking in mind both social and ecological factors, my findings indicate that the three drivers mentioned in literature are indeed part of the motives of fishermen to operate ring seine fisheries. First, previous fishing methods are no longer sufficient in providing for the livelihoods of the fishermen and their families. Second, due to overexploitations of the marine living resources, the populations of high value predatory species have decreased, while the population of low value species has increased, pushing fishermen to pursue the catch of other fish species. Third, due to climate change and alterations in the oceanic conditions, the population of the Indian oil sardine, sardinella longiceps, has been thriving making ring seine fisheries even more attractive. Nevertheless, I argue that a forth driver of change should be added to this list. The ongoing conflict between Sri Lanka and the Indian fishermen over fishing grounds has posed a considerable thread to the safety of multi -day fishermen embarking from the southeastern coast of India, forcing trawler boat fishermen to search for alternative fishing methods such as ring seine fishing with which they do not enter Sri Lankan territory.
Acknowledgements
Writing this thesis has been an amazing journey that has enriched me personally and proved to be the most instructive experien ce in my education so far. I would therefore like to take this moment and say thanks to all the people that have helped and supported me during the process.
First of all, I would like to give my special thanks to Maarten Bavinck, primarily for organizing this project and his great supervision prior to, during and after the fieldwork in India, but also for his critical yet inspirational feedback during the process of writing. Without his wide-ranging knowledge on the subject and the community, this would not have been possible.
I would also like to thank Leo de Klerk for his extensive knowledge on preparing and conducting research, Johny Stephen for his role in organizing the project and guiding me through the ecological element of this thesis and Jaap Roth uizen for sharing his thoughts on our research and his own experiences from when he was standing in our shoes. Likewise, I thank my parents, Lex and Dorien, for their support, enthusiasm, suggestions and feedback.
Next to that, I would like to express my g ratitude towards Ramesh for being my translator during the interviews and my guide during the whole fieldwork experience. We headed off with a rough start but have grown together during the process . Living and working together and sharing stories about eac h other’s background and life have thought me more than I had expected about Indian culture and society.
Also, I am very grateful towards the community of Nambiarnagar and particularly the fishermen I interviewed for their open mind, honest answers and he artwarming hospitality. Regardless of all other things, this thesis would not have been possible if they had not been willing to share their time and thought s with me.
Last but not least, I would like to thank my fellow students that have taken the same journey as I have, especially Nicolien, Imme, Anke and Abel with who I lived together in Nagapattinam. The amazing memories I have recorded have all been created because of you. Thank you for the brainstorm sessions when I has lost focus in my research, thank you for the water fights when the heat was too hot to handle and thank you for picking me up when I was down.
Table of contents
Abstract ... 1 Acknowledgements ... 2 List of figures ... 4 List of abbreviations ... 4 Chapter 1: Introduction ... 5Chapter 2: Theoretical framework ... 7
2.1 Improvement of livelihood ... 7
2.2 Overexploitation of marine living resources ... 8
2.3 Thriving Indian oil sardine population ... 11
2.4 Seeking alternatives ... 15
Chapter 3: Conceptual model and research methodology ... 16
3.1 Research methodology ... 17
3.2 Limitations to the research... 18
Chapter 4: Fisheries developments in Tamil Nadu ... 20
4.1 The community of Nambiarnagar ... 23
4.2 The conflict of ring seine fisheries in Nambiarnagar ... 25
Chapter 5: The operation of ring seines ... 27
5.1Obtaining capital and material ... 29
5.2 Division of labour ... 30
5.3 Division of proceeds ... 32
Chapter 6: Drivers of change ... 33
6.1 Enhancing livelihood ... 33
6.2 Changes in composition and size of marine living resources ... 34
6.3 Conflict over fishing grounds... 36
Chapter 7: Conclusion ... 38
References ... 41
Appendix I: Map of the maritime States and Union Territories of In dia ... 43
Appendix II: Map of the coastal districts of Tamil Nadu ... 44
Appendix III: Map of the fieldwork region ... 45
Appendix IV: Topic list for semi -structured interviews with respondents ... 46
List of figures
Table 1 11 Image 1 14 Image 2 14 Scheme 1 16 Scheme 2 17 Figure 1 21 Image 3 22 Image 4 22 Image 5 23 Figure 2 24 Figure 3 25 Image 6 28 Figure 4 29 Table 2 35List of abbreviations
FAO – Food and Agriculture Organization of the United Nations FRP – Fiber-reinforced plastic
GPS – Global Positioning System
IPCC – Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change MTI – Marine Trophic Index
Chapter 1: Introduction
Despite extensive modernization schemes aiming to industrialize India’s fisheries sector after the country’s independence in 1947, also known as the blue revolution, small scale fisheries still play a significant role in the fisheries industry providing daily labor and income for a substantial part of the citizens of coastal states such as Kerala and Tamil Nadu.
Small-scale fisheries have caught the attention of academics, governments and international organizations such as the FAO for their potential for poverty alleviation and increasing food security in developmental regions such as parts of Africa and Asia. On a global scale, small scale fisheries account for 50% of fish catches and employ 90% of all fishermen and fish workers (FAO, 2014). Small scale fisheries therefore provide millions of people worldwide with a basic income and daily meal. Recently, the FAO has taken steps in creating an international guideline aiming to promote the conservation and growth of small scale fisheries and consequentially help eradicate poverty and hunger (FAO, 2014).
Nevertheless, in India, there is a clear movement visible of small scale fisherme n searching for alternative ways to foresee themselves and their families in their daily livelihood. Some fishermen choose to abandon fisheries and migrate towards cities either abroad or within India in search of other professions. Others choose to stay i n the region and engage in other methods of fishing such as large scale industrial fisheries or mini trawlers and ring seining (Bavin ck, 2011).
In this paper, the emergence of ring seine fisheries in Nambiarnagar, a small fisheries hamlet in the district of Nagapattinam on the south eastern coast of India, is researched. Evolving from the beach seine, the ring seine net has been taken into use here recently after ring seining had been a common practice in Kerala for several decades. In Tamil Nadu, it has been received with a certain resistance for it is argued to have strong negative effects on the local marine ecosystem lead ing to the depletion of fish stocks. The ring seine net is banned by the central government of India as well as the state government of Tamil Nadu on the base that is damages the biological processes of the fish population (Joseph & Jayaprakash, 2003). The combination of the large number of fish caught per landing and the small mesh size leading to a relative high percentage of juvenile fish caught, threats the environment al equilibrium in the sea (Joseph & Jayaprakash, 2003). Nonetheless, the number of ring seines has shown significant growth over the years, also increasing its proportion of the total fish catch. Therefore, this paper investigates how the ring seine is used in Nambiarnagar and why fishermen are willing to give up their previous methods and form groups to operate ring seine units.
By investigating the motives of the individual traditional fishermen and trawler boat fishermen to abandon other methods and engage in ring seining, I hope to lay bare the underlying mechanism causing the exodus of small -scale and mechanized fisheries towards ring seine fisheries despite the positive impact small scale fisheries supposedly has on poverty alleviation and food security. This asks for a thorough
understanding of the operational mechanisms within ring seine fisheries and the interrelationships of the fishermen involved in ring s eining. Therefore, the division of tasks and proceeds as well as the generation of capital and skilled labor and the establishment of the ring seine groups is identified. Moreover, external factors such as depletion of fish stocks and increased competition in fisheries have to be taken into account as well. To incorporate these factor s in the research, a survey has been conducted, mapping the views on the ecological changes in the region.
The following section will describe the triggers leading to alternat ive methods of fisheries as identified by the current literature based on three drivers of change: the inability of small scale fisherman to maintain in their livelihood, the overexploitation of marine living resources and the development of the Indian oil sardine population on Tamil Nadu coast. Following, we will go into the specific characteristics of ring seine fisheries in Nambiarnagar and the motives to engage in ring seine fisheries. After which these are linked back to the literature.
Chapter 2: Theoretical framework
Based on the current literature, we can identify three drivers of change triggering fishermen to take action. Firstly, they adapt their income generating activities to alleviate poverty, or in other words: to improve their livelihood . Secondly, due to overfishing, marine resources have been depleted to such exten t that it is no longer possible to live off small-scale fishery practices. And thirdly, the increase in the Indian oil sardine population, the main target species of the ring se ine, off the coast of Tamil Nadu has made ring seining a very attractive fishing method. In the following section all three motives will be elaborated.
2.1 Improvement of livelihood
Poverty amongst fishermen is still very wide spread along the coas t of Tamil Nadu (Bavinck, 2011). According to the 2011 census data, almost 66% of all fishermen families in the district of Nagapattinam live below the poverty line. In Nambiarnagar, all fisherman families are classified as living below the poverty line (Census of India, 2011). This is measured based on parameters derived from family structure, income, housing, profession, literacy and education amongst others. By measuring poverty, institutions aim at creating a universal and subjecti ve definition of poverty. Nevertheless, poverty and wealth can also be defined on the basis of subjective perception. In a homogenous community were all members have the same level of poverty or wealth, it is experienc ed in a less extreme manner than in a community which is characterized by significant differences in wealth. Even though census data indicate that all fishermen in Nambiarnagar live below the poverty line, in practice there are still large differences within the community. While some live in m ultiple-story stone houses and have access to a motorized vehicle, others live in “huts” made of plaited palm leaves.
It is possible to identify two perspectives on poverty in recent literature (Béné, 2003). The mainstream thought on poverty is the Malthusian perspective in which poverty and wealth are considered to be created by the lack or presence of natural resources. Depletion of these natural resources due to human and economic activity can lead to or increase poverty amongst the people depending on them. In the case of fisheries, depletion of the fish stock due to overfishing will decrease the income of the fisherman and create poverty within the fisheries community . Nonetheless, this perspective fails to incorporate the socio -institutional factors that aid in creating or alleviating poverty. One’s ability to access these natural resources or the proceeds generated from them should be considered as, or even more important than the natural resources themselves in the definition of poverty (Béné, 2003). This access is determined by the construction of rules and regulations considering the natural resource and the political power and economic power of a fisherman. In fisheries, poverty is often caused and maintained by a combination of natural factors and socio-institutional factors and changes in both types of factors might be a reason for fishermen to abandon their original fishing methods and engage in ring seining.
However, FAO (2005) stated poverty is not only determined b y the state of the resources or the scale of the catch, but also by the influence of the market and especially by the manner in which the revenues and services are managed. Since overexploitation increases scarcity, market forces can serve as a buffer less ening the decline in revenues. Catch decline does not necessarily have to affect the income of fishermen when the market rate of the fish increases (Bavinck, 2014). Therefore, it is argued that the Malthusian perspective on poverty is insufficient in expla ining it all; we have to bear in mind the socio-economic factors as well. This calls for an alternative, more all-embracing understanding and definition of poverty.
As defined by Walmsley, Purvis and Ninnes (2006), livelihood is the means by which people are able to sustain a living based on their capabilities, material and social capital and activities. The living standard of a family is defined by its ability to provide in its basic needs such as nutritious food, clean drinking water, decent housing and sanitary facilities (Walmsley, Purvis, & Ninnes, 2006; Béné, 2003). Nevertheless, an adequate livelihood is not only determined by physical factors; social and community factors play a significant role as well. Income is a la rge determining factor for an acceptable livelihood since it helps in providing essential services. Yet, someone’s ability to participate in society, gain education for him or herself or his children and good health are as important as employment and income in determ ining ones quality of life. These are minimum requirement s and should be attended before other needs. In addition, the ability of a person to cope with external shocks (these could be natural disasters, economic crisis, political conflicts or climate change ) is an indicator of one’s resilience (Walmsley, Purvis, & Ninnes, 2006). Usually, the poor are the most severely struck by shocks and stress.
Poverty can be alleviated and livelihoods improved, either by increasing or at least maintaining natural resources or by increasing one’s access to natural resources. Small-scale fisheries have often been depicted as a manner to eradicate poverty and improve livelihoods since they provide employment on a large scale, plus easy access to fish for consumption and income. The catch provides families with a cheap source of protein and when carried out sustainabl y, small-scale fisheries could be a manner to preserve resources for future generations, decreasing the risk to environmental shocks (FAO, 2014). Nonetheless, as has been indicated before, many fishermen and especially small scale fishermen live in poverty. Since small scale fisheries are apparently failing to provide the means for an enhancement in the quality of life, fishermen will search for other stra tegies to do so. This can either be done by intensifying and extending fishery practices, migration or diversification of sources of income.
2.2 Overexploitation of marine living resources
Since India’s independence in 1947, the total catch per fishermen has up-scaled from 0.50 tonnes annually in 1950 to 27 tonnes every year in 2000 (Bathal & Pauly, 2008). Nonetheless, this increase in landings does not necessarily indicate a healthy ecosystem. Despite the increase in total catch rates along the southeast ern coast of India, it cannot be assumed that the landings in the area are representative for the
fish stock in the sea. As Bhathal and Pauly (2008) state, it is possible for landings to increase despite a decrease of the marine living resources (Joseph & Jayaprakash, 2003). Mohan and Jayaprakash (2003) predict a decrease in pelagic fish resources of 10% to 30% for the coming years. New, more efficient fishing techniques and spatial expansion towards the deep sea lead to higher landings even when resources are depleting. This increase in landings therefor masks a very significant threat to the fisheries sector. Observers have indicated there has been a stagnation in fish landings since 1990, signaling that intensifying fisheries will no longer suffice to retain high level catches (Bavinck, 2014).
Catch details can indicate changes in composition of the fish stock. Based on the fish landing since 1950, Bhathal (2014) distinguishes a significant decline in the relative abundance of high value species such as tuna, pomfret and sheerfish seemingly caused by excessive capture of large predatory fish. She therefor argues that modern fisheries are unsustainable. The increase in landings are created by geographical expansion and technical innovation, but are also reducing high values species and unbalancing the ecosystem.
One indicator of the sustainability of fisheries is the Marine Trophic Index (MTI). The MTI is based on the mean trophic level of marine living resources in a region. The trophic level of a species refers to their position within the food chain of their habitat. Therefore, species of a high trophic level are predatory species (secondary consumers), while species of a low trophic level are either producers or primary consumers. A decline in the MTI signifies a relative decrease in high trophic level species and a relative increase in low trophic level species. This implies that high trophic level species, such as tuna and barracuda are becoming less abundant than low trophic level species such as Indian oil sardine and catches are shifting from high value species to low values species (Bhathal, 2014). When researching the mean trophic level of fisheries catches along the Indian coastline, one can identify a decreasing trend in most states (Bathal & Pauly, 2008). This decrease is strongest in Tamil Nadu.
Bhathal and Pauly (2008) argue that in the case of India, it is the unsustainable fisheries of high level species that have caused this MTI change and not the increase in low level fish. Bhathal (2014) emphasize this by excluding Indian oil sardine and peneaid shrimps from her analysis since their catch has grown strongly since 1980. Despite leaving out these low trophic level species, a decline in the mean trophic level was spotted. Nonetheless, Vivekanandan, Srinath and Kuriakose (2005) stated that catches of top predatory species have not decreased significantly over the past decades in Tamil Nadu and that the change in marine trophic level is the result of the emergence of the Indian oil sardine in combination with a upsurge of mechanized fisheries and geographical expansion. Therefore, it is clear that more research is needed before a consensus is reach on what the true mechanism is causing the shift in MTI.
Fishermen in India nowadays appear to pursue a high gain – high risk strategy, meaning fishermen pursue quick gains by increasing their catch though innovations in
fisheries, but therefore inherently increase their future risk to resource depletion (Pomeroy, 1991). The marine living resources are a finite common pool resource, accessible to all. When managed sustainably, equilibrium can be reached in which the fish stock is able to regenerate itself in such a rate that there is sufficient fish to provide for all those dependent on it. Yet, when fisheries are intensified and carried out in an unsustainable manner, the pressure on fish resources will increase to the level that the stock is not able to maintain its equilibrium. By expanding fisheries, profits have increased dramatically, but long term sustainability has been neglected and resources have been depleted. The removal of high trophic level species by overfishing, also referred to as “fishing down the food web” can alter the environmental equilibrium unintentionally (Essington, Beaudreau, & Wiedenmann, 2006).
Therefore, the dilemma concerning the depletion of fish resources strongly resembles the characteristics of a prisoner’s dilemma caused by unlimited access to the common marine resources (see table 1). A fisherman in Nambiarnagar can either choose to operate small scale fisheries, or he can choose to make the shift to larger scale fisheries such as ring seining or trawler fisheries. For the individual fishermen, an ideal situation would be when he is the only p erson operating larger scale fisheries, and all others remain small scale fishermen. This would mean that this individual fisherman would receive all the gains of intensified fishing, while the negative effects are shared by many. A less beneficial situati on for the individual, but most beneficial for the whole group is when all fishermen continue traditional small scale fishing and therefor avoid marine living resource depletion. Yet, all fishermen, being rational entities, would choose to make a switch to more profit generating fishing methods leading to a less desired situation were all fishermen are larger scale fishermen (Hardin, 1968; Gardiner, 2001). They would therefor share the benefits amongst all while the costs are distributed amongst the whole group as well. The worst case scenario for the individual fisherman would be when the whole community has engaged in ring seine or mechanized fisheries while only he has remained a small scale fisherman. This would entail that all but one profit from scale increase, yet only one carries the burden of the depletion of resources. Naturally, if the choice it completely theirs, all fishermen would choose to engage in more profitable fisheries, even when this entails resources will lessen. In a system without mutually agreed upon regulations, this is the only possible rational choice (Hardin, 1968).
The introduction of trawler and ring seine fisheries in t he region has strongly expanded the fisheries sector within a relatively short period, increasing the pressure on fish resources and decreasing their ability to retain a constant level. Trawler and ring seine nets are non-selective fisheries methods, catching anything that enters their nets. This, in combination with the small mesh size of the nets used, leads to a relative high percentage of juvenile fish caught disturbing the capacity of the population to rejuvenate itself, while the catch of juvenile fish generates very little profit. Research on pelagic fish resources off the coast of Kerala indicates a decline in amount and size of fish after the introduction of ring seines (Joseph & Jayaprakash, 2003; Edwin &
Hridayanathan, 2004). Nevertheless, in Tamil Nadu, ring seines have only been introduced recently, after changes in the ecosys tem had already been accruing, though the recent lack of high value fish species of which Tamil Nadu fisheries previously depended on has complicated small scale fisheries. Fishermen are forced to search for alternative methods to generate income. One of the possible alter natives could be ring seining. Group B G r o u p A
Operate small scale fishing methods
Operate mechanized or ring seine fishing methods
Operate small scale fishing methods
None of the fishermen obtain additional gains and the losses are low and shared by all.
Group B strikes down all the grains, while the losses are distributed amongst all.
Operate mechanized or ring seine fishing methods
Group A strikes down all the grains, while the losses are distributed amongst all.
Relative high gain for all fishermen but short-lived since losses are large for the whole group as well.
Table 1: Diagram of the choices the fishermen face leading to a pris oners dilemma.
2.3 Thriving Indian oil sardine population
Although, recent changes in fish stock and composition probably have anthropogenic origin, environmental factors play a significant role in these trends as well. Although it is still not completely certain, the recent fluctuations in the distribution of oil sardine along the Indian coast can partly be ascribed to climatic changes, making the southeast coast of India a more attractive habitat for the India oil sardine which was previously almost only encountered on the west coast. We can identify four factors, either chemical of physical changes that could influence this recent alteration in habitat of the Indian oil sardine: increase of seawater temperature, increase of rainfall during the northeast monsoon season, decrease in seawater salinity and more seawater upwelling due to an increase in wind speed (Jain & Kumar, 2012; Vivekanandan, Rajagopalan, & Pillai, 2009; Anthony Raja, 1969) .
The Indian oil sardine (Sardinella longiceps) is a strongly migratory small pelagic fish species which is mostly found in shoals in the coastal waters of Indian Ocean. The Indian oil sardine is distributed along the West coast of India, with major landing sites in Kerala, Karnataka, Maharashtra and Gujarat. On the Eas t coast, Indian oil sardine has been caught in Tamil Nadu and Andhra Pradesh, however in far lesser amounts (Joseph & Jayaprakash, 2003). Up to the 1980’s, the southwestern states of Kerala and Karnataka accounted for 90% to 95 % of total Indian oil sardine landings (Joseph & Jayaprakash, 2003; Vivekanandan & Krishnakumar, 2010) . Nevertheless, since the late 80’s, the landings on the southwest coast have been decreasing, while the landings on the southeast coast have known a subs tantial increase, now accounting for 50% of total landings (Vivekanandan & Krishnakumar, 2010).
Small pelagic fish species such as the oil sardine are highly sensitive to the oceanic dynamics due to their short life-span and high fertility (Vivekanandan & Krishnakumar, 2010). The oil sardine occurs in waters at a temperature between 27 ⁰C and 29 ⁰C and between a depth of 20 to 200 meters (Fishbase, 2014). This zone is also known as the neritic or photic zone. It is a highly productive zone in the s ea adjacent to the continental shelf where sunlight is able to penetrate to the sea bottom creating the possibility for photosynthesis and the growths of primar y producers. The highest abundance of oil sardines are found in waters with a depth of 30 meters (Joseph & Jayaprakash, 2003). Adults as well as juveniles feed almost exclusively on phytoplankton (Fishbase, 2014) and are therefore dependent on waters with high primary production. In addition, o ptimal conditions are needed for successful spawning and growth of juveniles. On the southeast coast, the spawning is onset by the southwestern summer monsoon which creates a suitable environment for the eggs and larvae, regularly starting approximately June 1st, (Vivekanandan & Krishnakumar, 2010). During this period the numbers of fish in the region will be at its highest, generating high landing rates.
Since the oil sardine is a mobile species, relative small fluctuation in water temperature, salinity or currents can trigger a movement to an area with more favorable conditions. Recent studies have shown that the average temperature of the sea along the Indian coastline has increased with 0.57 ⁰C from 1950 up to 2005 and it is only expected to rise further at a higher rate in the near future (Vivekanandan, Rajagopalan, & Pillai, 2009). This increase in temperature of the relatively colder southeastern waters has therefore expanded the potential habitat of the oil sardine (Vivekanandan, Rajagopalan, & Pilla i, 2009).
Not only water temperature changes lead to distribution shifts wi thin the oil sardine population; reduced or increased rainfall during the monsoon periods influence the presence of oil sardine as well. Mid 1960’s, the oil sardine population on t he southwestern coast of India underwent a steep decline caused by a fecundity decrease. Anthony Raja (1969) compared the reproductive rate of the oil sardine during periods with normal to high rains during the summer monsoon, and the reproductive rate during years with low rainfall. He concluded that the fecundity of the oil sardine is less when the rainfall during the summer monsoon is below average , leading to a very weak reproductive rate. Raja (1969) ascribed this to the fact that less rainfall leads t o a smaller decline in sea water temperature and decreased production of plankton. The years of 1963 and 1965 were known to have had considerably less rainfall during the summer monsoon than average.
A trends analysis based on the precipitation rates in t he Cauvery river basin, of which the Nagapattinam district is part, indicate an increasing trend in the yearly average rainfall of 8,5% (Jain & Kumar, 2012). This increase is mostly due to higher precipitation during the monsoon and post-monsoon season (although the number of rainy days has not shown a significant increase or decrease ) (Jain & Kumar, 2012). This increase in rainfall can have a dual effect in attracting oil sardine to the region. First, the fact that the strength of the rains during the monsoon season has increased, can lead to an increase of nutrients in the sea. Due to heavy rains, in combination with
agriculture and the use of fertilizers, nutrients from soils are leached into the riv er waters and eventually ending up in the coastal zone waters . This leads to nutrient enriched water, a phenomenon also referred to as eutrophication, and favors growth of algal and animal species with high reproductive rates (OSPAR Commission, 2010). Primary reproduction rates will increase, leading to an increase in small species feeding on algae and phytoplankton, such as the Indian oil sardine. Nevertheless, due to the higher density of small organisms in the waters, less sun light will penetrate the waters and bottom dwelling; demersal species will experience a drawback (OSPAR Commission, 2010).
Secondly, the increase of rainfall during the monsoon season increases the influx of fresh water in the coastal areas during this period. Strong monsoon rains cause the temperature of the water to decrease temporarily and add more fresh water to the coastal regions leading to a lower salinity rate. Both of these trends are advantageous for the reproduction of the oil sardine (Fishbase, 2014).
The third factor, after temperature and precipitation, possibly influencing the presence of oil sardine in the region is the upwelling of nutrient rich water form lower layers in the ocean to upper layers. When small organisms, suc h as phytoplankton or algae, die their bodies sink to the bottom the ocean, creating a nutrient rich layer of water in the lower layers. Due to long shore winds, in combination with deep sea currents, this dense, cooler layer of water is driven to the surface enriching the upper layers. The increase in nutrients in these upper layers stimulated to growth of primary producers, forming an attractive habitat for primary consumers. Comparing data of more than 100 years, Rajeevan, Jyoti Bhate and Jaswal (2008) state that there has been a significant increase in sea surface windspeed allong the Indian coast. This could possibly lead to an increase in upwelling al long to coast. Nevertheless, ex isting data is not sufficient yet to link the increase in wind speed to the rise of the Indian oil sardine in the southeastern coast of India.
It is expected that the upsurge of the Indian oil sardine will expand even further in the coming decades. Since the above mention factors are not static phenomena but rather a developing process, their influence on the territorial expansion of the Indian oil sardine is not static either. As estimated by Fishbase (2014), the suitable habitat for the Indian oil sardine will spread even further over th e Arabian sea and the Gulf of Bengal reaching the Persian Gulf, the horn of Africa, the Maldives and the coast of Sri Lanka. The maps below (image 1 and 2) display the native range of the Indian oil sardine at present and its possibe range for the year 210 0 as it would be with the climate change rate as estimated by the IPSS A2 emissions scenario (Fishbase, 2014). In the A2 scenario a more divided world is scetched which is characterized by a persistent population growth, regiona l economic development, increased polution and a relativelly slow development towards a more sustainable future (IPCC, 2000). The IPCC has predited how the current climate will change if the future world develops according to this scenario. Of the four marker scenarios (A1, A2, B1 and B2) created by IPCC, the A2 scenario is the least positive considering the sustainability of future developments.
Image 1: Native range of the Indian oil sardine. Computer Generated Native Distribution Map for Sardinella longiceps (Indian oil sardine). www.aquamaps.org, version of Aug. 2013. Web. Accessed 1 Jul. 2014.
Image 1: Estimated future range of the Indian oil sardine in the year 2100. Computer Generated Native Distribution Map for Sardinella longiceps (Indian oil sardine) (modeled future range map based on IPCC A2 emissions scenario). www.aquamaps.org, version of Aug. 2013. Web. Accessed 1 Jul. 2014 .
Distribution of Indian oil sardine at present
2.4 Seeking alternatives
All three phenomena mentioned above form triggers for fishermen from different disciplines to engage in ring seine practices. Nevertheless, it has to be kept in mind that these three motives are not fully separate from each other; they are linke d and one reinforces the other. The socio-economic aspect of poverty is strongly dependent on the environment conditions in which it occurs. It will become even more difficult for fishermen to make ends meet when climate problems worsen and fish populations deteriorate even further. Not one single driver, but a combination of all three will form the motive of the fishermen to seek alternative methods to foresee in their livelihoods and drive them to eng age in ring seine fisheries.
Chapter 3: Conceptual model and research
methodology
Derived from the theories expressed in the existing literature, a conceptual model was constructed to form the basis for the further research. The prior section has laid bare the need to know more about the manner in which the ring seine is operated and the motives on fishermen to engage in ring seine practices. Therefore, t he research question of this thesis, Why and how do independent small scale fishermen gather
and form groups to operate ring seine fisheries in Tamil Nadu, India, in practice
consists of the following two main questions:
1. What is the motive of independent small scale fishermen to engage in ring seining in Tamil Nadu?
2. How do independent small scale fisher men gather and form groups to operate ring seines in Tamil Nadu?
These two questions have led to the identification of the two dependent variables in my research, namely the motive to engage in ring seining (1) and the operational method of the groups (2). These dependent variables are constructed out of different aspects: the independent variables which have been determined based on the outcome of the literature review. In the conceptual models below, the relationship between each dependent variable and the independent variables are visua lized below in schemes 1 and 2. The conceptual models define what information is needed to answer the research question and have formed the basis for the topic lists that have been created for the interviews with fishermen and experts.
Scheme 1: Conceptual model of dependent variable 1
Dependent variable 1: Motive to start ring
seining Independent variable: Standard of living/ posibility to provide a living Independent variable: Income Independent variable: Quality of employment Independent variable: Prestige Independent variable: Precieved success Independent variable: Changes to fish stock Independent viable:
Decrease in traditionaly caught fish
Independent variable: Increase of new species
Scheme 2: Conceptual model of dependent variable 2
3.1 Research methodology
This research is predominantly a qualitative research based on the results gathered during a four week period of fieldwork form mid -April to mid-May 2014 in the small fishing hamlet of Nambiarnagar. The town of Nambiarnagar was chosen as location because of relative large amount of ring seine nets in use at t he moment of writing and because of its pivotal role as leading village within the districts of Nagapattinam and Karaikal.
For this research, two types of data were collected. First, since we cannot understand the phenomenon of ring seining without understanding contextual conditions, a multiple case study was conducted comparing different ring seine fisheries groups and going in depth in the phenomenon of ring seine fisheries and its local characteristics of the coast of Nambiarnagar. This research focuses on the manner the ring seine is operated and the experiences and motives of the fishermen and t he community at large. We hereby depend on different sources of information by which the results have been triangulated.
The main source of data is qualitativ e data acquired via semi-structured and structured interviews. Twenty six ring seine fishermen from seven different ring seine groups were consulted by semi-structured interviews (see appendix III for topic list) . The respondents were living and working in Nambiarnagar and were either FRP boat or trawler boat fishermen prior to ring seining. Likewise, 11 contemporary FRP boat and trawler boat fishermen were interviewed in the same manner. Demographic data was gathered through household surveys, whereby age, education, profession and position within household were registered of all household members. A total of 147 households with an average size of 4,8 members were interviewed, of which 16 households had a member active in ring seine fisheries. The demographic data collected via the household surveys in Nambiarnagar was gathered by four student
Dependent variable 2: Operationalization of ring seining Independent variable: Division of proceeds Independent variable: Hierarchy present Independent variable: Division of tasks Independent variable: Initiative Independent variable: Capital and materials
researchers, after which the data was shared to create a larger sample. Each researcher was assigned an area in the village in which each fifth house was surveyed. 32 of 147 households were interviewed personally. All methods and questions were attuned prior to conducting the surveys.
In addition, 6 open interviews with experts were conducted (see appendix IV for topic list). Three of these experts were employed by non-governmental organizations and work together with fishermen on a daily basis. Two experts were researchers at the newly founded Fisheries University of Tamil Nadu and at the moment of writ ing engaged in research on the changes in fish stock along the Coromandel Coast. The final expert was working with the Fisheries Department of Nagapattinam, focused on improving the livelihood of fishermen and fishermen societies.
Secondly, an ecological survey was conducted assessing the changes in size and composition of the fish stock in the coastal waters of Nagapattinam district. Due to a lack of time and resources, this research is dependent on secondary sources, namely local fishermen and experts. Fishermen often have accurate and adequate knowledge about the changes in the sea. Combining the local, traditional knowledge of the fisherman with the scientific knowledge of the experts and the data on the national and regional landings provided by the Central Marine Fisheries Rese arch Institute (CMFRI), the study generates insights on the alterations of the local fish stocks. Therefore, the results of this research are not only supp orted by a single source of evidence, but on the data collected from various types of informants. Each fishermen interviewed was asked what fish species were caught with which fisheries method and how this has changed in recent times. A comparison was ma de of the fish that were caught before the tsunami hit the coast in 2004 , and post-tsunami catches. The tsunami has had a devastating impact on the community in Nambiarnagar and has therefore become a clear point of reference regarding the changes in nature and society.
3.2 Limitations to the research
Despite all effort, it should be acknowledged that the design of this research is limited in various ways. Firstly, the data was collected during a short period of four weeks in which we went to the field twice a day from Monday to Friday or Saturday . Due to the time restriction, it was only possible to reach a moderate num ber of respondents, generating less information than desired. In addition, due to the heat at during the fieldwork period, it was only possible to leave to house early in the morning and late in the afternoon. This restricted the time spend in the village and made in difficult to reach fishermen who were not available at those hours. During the period of data collection, we resided in Nagapattinam, the capital town of the district Nagapattinam at walking distance of Nambiarnagar. This provided the possibility to visit the fishermen in Nambiarnagar at flexible times and for long and short periods. Nonetheless, living outside the village increased the chance of missing out on relevant situation that arise spontaneously.
Further limiting the external validity of the research is the fac t that, due to the conditions in which the research was conducted, it was not possible to select the
respondents at random. While the households for the household surveys were selected via random sampling, the respondents for the semi -structured interviews were not. This is due to the fact that only respondents fitting certain criteria were chosen and because it was only possible to come in contact with fishermen by roa ming the village and the beach. This has led to a non-probability sample of the interview ed fishermen. Further, the ban-season commenced on April 15t h, at the beginning of our stay in Nagapattinam and only ended after we had left the area. During this period, mechanized vessels are banned for all use. This entails that the ring seine was not operated during the period of fieldwork. For my research, this can be considered a blessing and a curse for it gave me the opportunity to contact the fishermen during the day when they had else been on sea but it also stripped me from the change to observe the ring seine in practice.
Due my inability to speak to common tongue (Tamil), I was dependent on a translator for successful communication with the f ishermen during the interviews. The need for a translator can pose a challenge during research since it is impossible to obtain information directly which can lead to misinterpretation, misunderstanding and a loss in detail and nuances. Yet, the availability of a translator can also be considered as enrichment to the research since he was not only my translator; he was also my guide in the local customs and bettered my chances to access the community. This provided a richer understanding of the society in which this research takes place and improved my contextual understanding. In addition, being a woman, it turned out to be convenient to pair with a male translator while researching the masculine fishermen community.
Chapter 4: Fisheries developments in Tamil
Nadu
Fisheries activities and profits all along the Coromandel Coast have increased over the recent decades. Two factors have to been taken into account considering the evolution of fisheries in this region. Primarily, since its independence in 1947 India has implemented a progressive and active policy to stimulate t he increase of fisheries outputs. This policy is also referred to as the blue revolution. It has translated in to an increase of mechanized fisheries all over the Indian co ast, including the southeastern coast of Tamil Nadu. The blue revolution has changed the nature and the scale of fisheries all over India from small scale non -mechanized fisheries, to a fisheries dominated by large scale mechanized vessels (Bhathal, 2014). This policy was based on the ideology that industrial development was needed for social development (Vivekanandan, 2014). Prior to independence, almost the entire fisheries fleet of India consisted of non-mechanized fishing vessels but during the 60’s and 70’s there was a steep increase in the amount of mechanized vessels all along the coast. This had been partly made possible by improvements in infrastructure suc h and improvements in the economic structure stimulating export to other states or countries (Vivekanandan, 2014). Local fishermen often opposed to these developments at first, but many have since been embraced by the fisheries communities. The central government and the Tamil Nadu fisheries department aided in developing boat -building yards and refrigeration facilities and distributed subsidized material and gears (Bavinck, 2014). Not only mechanized fisheries wer e stimulated, small-scale fisheries developed in the same pace due to the introduction of small outboard engines and improvements in the quality of the nets. This brought Tamil Nadu to the forefront of the fisheries industry in India. Yet, small-scale fisheries still account for over 50% of total landings in the state (Bavinck, 2014).
Secondly, the Coromandel Coast, and especially the Nagapattina m district, was the most severely struck region of India by the tsunami in 2004 (Praxis, 2009). The tsunami has had a devastating effect in the region, killing thousands, of which mostly women and children. In an attempt to rebuild the ir communities, the fishermen who had lost their boats during the disaster were given new vessels . These were often provided by native and foreign non-governmental organizations. Despite good intentions, this led to and over -supply of small scale vessels due to bad documentation and regulation (Praxis, 2009). In the process, the number of small scale fishing boats in Nambiarnagar almost doubled within the first years after the tsunami compared to the year before (Jeeva, et al. 2011).
As a result of these developments, Nagapattinam distri ct now counts the highest number of fishing crafts in the state, with over 7000 vessels in tota l of which 1064 trawlers, 3647 fiberglass reinforced plastic (FRP) boats and 2295 wooden kattumarams (literally translated as “logs bound together”) (Census of India, 2011). Nowadays, most FRP boats and some kattumarams are equipped with low horse power engines even though the Fisheries Department has advised against the use of outboard
engines on kattumarams due to security risks. Nevertheless, these vessels are still considered small scale fishing crafts, referred to as non -mechanized fishing vessels. As defined in the Tamil Nadu Fisheries Regulation Act in 1983, a ship is considered a mechanized fishing vessel when it is equipped with an engine with a minimum strength of 15 horse power and a maximum of 100 horse power. A mechanized fishing vessel should measure within the 8 and 15 meters. Ships that surpass these requirements are categorized as deep sea fishing vessels (Tamil Nadu Government, 1983).
Fishermen of mechanized boats (image 3), FRP vessels (image 4) and wooden kattumarams (image 5) operate a manifold of gear types, each of which is specialized in catching a certain species, either pelagic or demersal. Since recently, the ring seine net has been added to this list of nets. Evolving from an earlier fishing net, the beach seine, the ring seine was adapted to be operated in sea from a boat and proved to be very successful in catching small shoaling species. The ring seine was first used in Kerala, on the west coast of India, in the mid 80’s and has rapidly grown in numbers, size and catching capacity after which it has become the most efficient method to catch pelagic fish in the region. N evertheless, it took more than two decades before the ring seine spread to the opposite coast of India, w here it is now also used in Tamil Nadu. In India, the ring seine is used mainly to catch dense, mobile schools of pelagic fish such as Indian oil sardine and Indian mackerel. Nevertheless, there are many varieties of the ring seine in use at the moment all along the Indian coast. The variety operated in Nambiarnagar, as will be elaborated on in the next segment of this paper, should not be classified as being a small-scale fishing method; it should rather be considered either intermediate scale or mechanized fisheries.
1947 India's independence
Gradual shift from kattumaran to FRP -boat and mechanized fisheries Apr. 1955 Inauguration of governmental sceme to modernize fisheries Apr. 1960 Major distribution of subsidized synthetic materials to produce fishing nets (faced mixed
reactions at first but then gained
popularity) 1960 - 1970 The ascent of trawler and mechanize d gill net fisheries Apr. 1980 The introductio n of the three-walled trammel 2004 Tsunami struck the Nagapattina m coast 2005-2006 Strong growth in FRP vessels Apr. 2008 Introduction of the ring seine net on the southeaster n coast 1940's Entirely non-mechanized fleet operating lift nets, beach seines and small gill nets
Apr. 1990 Mechaniz ed fleets starts multi-day fishing
Figure 1: Timeline of the development of fisheries in Tamil Nadu (Bavinck & Karunaharan, 2006; Vivekanandan, 2014).
Image 3: Mechanized steel fishing vessels in Nagappatinam harbor. (Photo credit: F. Hoefsloot)
Image 4: FRP boats stored on the beach in between fishing trips. The outboard engine is demounted when the boat is not in use. (Photo credit: F. Hoefsloot)
Image 5: Wooden kattumaram equipped with an outboard motor. (Photo credit: F. Hoefsloot)
4.1 The community of Nambiarnagar
This research was conducted in Nambiarnagar, a fishing hamlet situ ated on the southeastern coast of India in Nagapattinam district, Tamil Nadu. Located just off the beach and less than 3km north of the Nagapattinam harbor, Nambiarnagar forms the ideal base for beach landing crafts as well as for larger vessels. Nambiarna gar consists of approximately just less than 1000 households (Praxis, 2009) of which almost 80% are dependent on fishery related activities for a significant part of their daily income (see figure 2). This can either be active fishery as fisherman on mechanized or non -mechanized vessels, or for example via fish sales, which are often conducted by the women of the village. According to census data, there are 27 mechanized fishing units active in Nambiarnagar of which all are trawl ers, in addition to 179 motorized and 36 non-motorized boats. All active fishermen are males, while all people engaged in fish sales are women. In most cases, women will only engage in fish sales when their husbands are not present anymore or fail to provide for the family. Villagers dependent on non-fisheries related sources of income run the local petty shop, are restaurant owners or auto rickshaw drivers. Almost two thirds of all women describe themselves as housewife. Nevertheless, in several cases, the women add to the household income by small jobs such as running a small shop, tailoring or cooking for other families.
The vast majority of all residents of Nambiarnagar are Hindu, of which 95% belong to the same caste, namely the Pattinavar community (Praxis, 2009). The Pattinavar caste belongs to the “most backward castes”, signifying they are part of the poorest layer of Indian society. In most cases, families have been living in the same village for
generations. The remaining part (5%) of the villagers consists of a Dalit community that has settled on the western outskirts of the village. Although, relatively homogenous, Nambiarnagar is experiencing certain changes leading to a more diverse population concerning employment a nd descent. One factor causing this change is the presence of trawler fisheries in the village that has created employment possibilities which can be fulfilled by people from outside the villages without necessarily having prior experience with fisheries. This has attracted an influx of seasonal or permanent laborers from other areas into the district of Nagapattinam.
On the other hand, there are more and more prospects for coming generations to search for alternative employment than fisheries. The past generation has planned for their children to move out of fisheries and has therefore prioritized the education of their children, leading to a generation of relatively high educated youngsters. Higher education levels and changing conditions in traditional fisheries such as resource depletion and increased competition, has triggered to present gene ration to pursue careers outside the fisheries sector. Originally caste was dominant in determining the occupation of a person, nowadays it is no longer the case that the young men of the villages follow their ancestor’s footsteps and engage in traditional fisheries. While some leave Nambiarnagar for the city or go abroad to search for employment, others search for alternatives to traditional fisheries within the v illages, such as new fisheries methods or mechanized fisheries.
As can be seen in figure 3, the education levels differ strongly per age group. Amongst the oldest of the community, more than 80% has completed primary school (up to 6t h grade), nevertheless, only very few have enrolled in and finished a secondary education (up to 10t h grade) or higher education (11t h grade or higher). The same goes for the middle aged generation of Nambiarnagar. Yet, the generation between the age
25%
38% 15%
6% 15%
Division of professions in Nambiarnagar
Mechanized fisheries Non-mechanized fisheries Fish trade
Industrial worker Others
Figure 2: Division of professions amongst the citizens of Nambiarnagar over the age of 20 and in good health to work. Sourc e: household survey data collected during fieldwork.
of 19-39, of which part of has just started their working careers, the statistics are dramatically different. In this category, more people have completed their secondary education and up to 25% percent has en rolled in higher education following this. Only 34% percent of this age group ended their education at the primary school level. Strikingly, the fishermen engaged in ring seine fisheries, with an average age of 30, are relatively low educated compared to their peers since almost 70% did not succeed in completing a secondary education and less than 10% completed their higher education. This group is thereby even lower educated than the average citizen of Nambiarnagar. The low education level of the ring seine fishermen could perhaps be ascribed to the possibility that higher educated youngsters often give preference to migrating towards the city or abroad in search of alternative income instead of looking for other opportunities in the village.
Figure 3: Education levels of the citizens of Nambiarnagar per age group (excluding respondents that have not yet finished their education) compared to the group of ring seine fishermen and the total education level in Nambiarnagar. Source: household survey data collected during fieldwork.
4.2 The conflict of ring seine fisheries in Nambiarnagar
In Nambiarnagar seven ring seines were in active use at time of research. Nevertheless, the use of the ring seine in Tamil Nadu is controversial. In 2000 , following an earlier ban by the central government of India and the state government of Tamil Nadu, the ring seine net was officially banned by the Tamil Nadu Fisheries Department for being a destructive fisheries method (Vivekanandan, 2014). Ring seine fishery is depicted as a destructive fishing method because of the large landings it generates. Fishermen opposed to the use of ring seines claim ring seine fisheries destroy the fish population and that catches are too high to maintain a sustainable future for fisheries on the long haul. In addition, contesters of the ring seine argued only a small portion of the community profits from ring seines while others have to pay the price because of catch decline due to resource depletion. Ring seining reduced the equal sharing of benefits amongst the different types of fishermen creating a conflict between the fishermen that are operating ring seine nets and the fishermen who small scale fisheries form FRP vessels or kattuamarams.
0% 10% 20% 30% 40% 50% 60% 70% 80% 90%
Age19-39 Age 40-59 Age 60-99 Ring seine
fishermen Total Per ce n tage p e r gr o u p for e ac h e d u cation le ve l Primairy Secundairy Higher
Moreover, the technical and quantitative upscale of fisheries via the introduction of ring seines in the Nambiarnagar region ha s influenced the community and its relation with other villages. Nambiarnagar has historically had a pivotal position within the district, for it has been the lea ding village in the district of Nagapattinam and Karaikal. Nonetheless, recently, the neighboring village of Akkarapattai has gained influence in the region after a wealth increase since the commence of trawler fisheries there (Praxis, 2009). Akkarapattai has obtained economic and political power, but lacks historical power and therefore has not overtaken Nambiarnagar in its exemplary role within the region. In the spring of 2014, the Akkarapatta i village council banned the ring seine and the sale of oil sardine arguing it is to protect the small scale fishermen who suffer from reduced fish stocks. The village council of Akkarapattai pleaded the Tamil Nadu government to set a timeframe in which ring seine practices should be faded out (Srividya, 2014). They thereby pressured neighboring village s to follow their example, triggering riots from the ring seining fishermen such as in Nambiarnagar (Srividya, 2014). This has resulted in large protests in the region forcing the conflict to be taken to the district court. A year prior to writing, the village councils of the 64 fishing hamlets belonging to the region drafted a rule stating that all ring seine activities should be brought to an end by the end of 2016. Due to the large investments in the ring seine units the fishermen were allowed three years to fade out all ring seine practices to make sure financial harm was avoided as far as possible. Nevertheless, new ring seine groups have emerged up to 1 month prior to this research, signaling no serious intention to adhere to council rules.
Yet, regardless of the ban and the increased pressure from other villages , ring seining has gained popularity. In so far, enforcement of the ban is almost unheard of in Tamil Nadu (Balasubramanian, 2013). No fishermen in Nambiarnagar have been confronted with their actions by the fisheries department and notwithstanding the fact that recently, the collectors of the district departments in Tamil Nadu have been called upon to enforce the ban an punish ring seine fisherman. Nevertheless, it has been stated that in the adjacent districts of Nagapattinam, more action is being taken against illegal fisheries and fishermen have been punished for ring seining while their catch has been locked out of the local markets.
Chapter 5: The operation of ring seines
The first group to operate a ring seine net in Nambiarnagar commenced approximately in 2008 and was founded by four fishermen that had learned about the method from relatives in other villages in the region where rings seine groups had already been active. The initial group of four persons gained knowledge and experience with the net from two experienced advisors from Cuddalore, a city located North of Nambiarnagar, where the ring seine has been used for some time now. This group of initiators invited friends, relatives and neighbours to join the group. Sometimes people were refused to join because they were not considered suitable for the job. Reasons for this are for example that they were not considered “hard wor kers” or they had a reputation of being drunk often.
Latter groups took learning from the pioneers and followed their strategy in the group forming process. The ring seine groups were often formed by a small group of initiators (between 4 to 10 members) who investigated possibilities and gathered kith and kin to participate in the net. The participants are all men living in Nambiarnagar themselves and had been active in other forms of fisheries before. Nevertheless, in some cases, the fisherman did not ha ve any fishing experience prior to ring seining because of their young age. The youngest of the respondents was 17 years old, and h ad just left secondary school. The average educational level of the ring seine fishermen is the 5th class of primary school; some men have finished their higher level secondary education and one respondent had obtained a college degree in business studies.
With an average age of 30 years old, the group of men engaged in rin g seining is relatively young. This can partly be ascribed to the fact that ring seining is labor intensive work requiring a strong physic. While a significant part of the ring seiners is married and has children, almost t wo thirds of the respondents was not married yet and lived in their parents homes. Throughout the process of forming a group, regular meetings were held discussing who was allowed or rejected to join the group and how the group should be organized. The ring seine groups in other villages in the district served as role models in Nambiarnagar a nd in some cases, participants had gained experience with the net while working in neighbouring villages. One of the respondents was working in another village at the moment in the ring seine group that was partly founded by his uncle.
Ring seines, previously used in groups of 15-25 fishermen, used to be classified in literature a small scale fishing method. However, n owadays, the size of the net has increased drastically, requiring on average 50 men a nd 13 fiberglass fishing boats of 10 meters equipped with an outboard engine in addition to one large steel or wooden fishing vessel of 20 meters propelled with an inboard engine, to operate it. The large cylindrical net (image 6) is set from the back of the steel near the shoal of fish it aims to encircle. One by one the fiberglass boats, each manned by two fishermen, will go around the net in a circle and help position it. The top of the net is kept afloat using buoys, while the bottom of the net is pulled down by weights creating a vertical wall in the water. After positioning the net, a wire threaded through the bottom of the net is
pulled by the steel boat causing the net to close at the bottom creating a large bowl shape trapping the fish inside. The net is hauled in by the men on the steel boat after which the fish distributed over the fiberglass boats for transport to the harbour.
Image 6: A ring seine net on land for repair. Photo credit: A. Verheij
The main season for ring seining in Nambiarnagar is form January till September. During the active months, the unit will go the sea every day early in the morning and return at sunset, with exception during the 15th of April until the 1s t of June since then the use of a steel boat is banned in all waters in Tamil Nadu, forcing the groups to stay on land. This ban was set in place to restrict the capture of juvenile fishes that emerge during the summer monsoon (Bhathal, 2014). In December the weather is too rough and the waves are too high to operate the net. Off -season and during the ban-period, most fisherman will revert to traditional fishing methods using fiberglass boats and gill nets. Yet, some respondents indicated there was not enough work to accommodate all fishermen during the ban season. Therefore, some ring seine fishermen were not able to obtain a place on a FRP boat in this period. According to the respondents, the ring seine fisheries zone is on average within 20 to 50 km in sea. This is corresponding with the area where the most Indian oil sardine is found. Fiberglass boats operating gill nets during single day trip will approximately fish in the same region from 10 to 30 km off-shore, while the kattumaram stays relatively close to the beach and will fish within 2 to 5 km form the shore (figure 4).
