The influence of acculturation modes on the labour market settlement of refugees : which modes enhance career success?

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Master Business Studies – Faculty of Economics and Business (FEB) – University of Amsterdam

The influence of acculturation modes on the

labour market settlement of refugees

Which modes enhance career success?

Kyra Mulder 11425113

Master Thesis: Msc Business Administration

Specialization: Leadership and Management

Academic year: 2016-2017

Supervisor: Dr. N. Abu Ghazaleh

Second reader: Dr. C.K. Buengeler

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Statement of Originality

This document is written by Student Kyra Mulder who declares to take full

responsibility for the contents of this document.

I declare that the text and the work presented in this document is original

and that no sources other than those mentioned in the text and its references

have been used in creating it.

The Faculty of Economics and Business is responsible solely for the

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Abstract

The recent flow of refugees to the Netherlands causes settlement issues, of which employment

is one of the most important. This study was directed at examining the influence of the mode

of acculturation on the labour market settlement of refugees. Additionally, the research

examined whether self-esteem influenced this relationship. Data was collected from 119

refugees living in the Netherlands. Acculturation was assessed through four modes:

Assimilation, Segregation, Integration and Marginalization. Labour market settlement was

accessed through the refugee himself, by perceived career success. Results showed that only

marginalization had a negative significant influence on perceived career success. The

interaction effect of self-esteem was not supported. The minimum amount of relations

supported might be an indication of other factors explaining perceived career success. These

and other implications of the findings are discussed.

Key words: Refugees, Acculturation, Labour market chances, Perceived Career Success,

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List of Tables and Figures

Table 1 Means, Standard Deviations, Correlations and Reliabilities 40

Table 2 Regression results for Assimilation, Segregation, Marginalization 42

and Self-esteem for Subjective career success Table 3a Results of Self-esteem as moderator of the relationship between 45

Assimilation and Perceived Career Success Table 3b Results of Self-esteem as moderator of the relationship between 45

Segregation and Perceived Career Success Table 3c Results of Self-esteem as moderator of the relationship between 46

Marginalization and Perceived Career Success Figure 1 Research Model 29

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1

1.0 Introduction

Refugees – one of the most extensively discussed subjects of recent times. Although people

have been fleeing their countries for diverse reasons for decades, the topic of refugees has

gained a tremendous amount of attention because of the current mass movements of refugees

and migrants (Newland, 2016). The year 2015 counted 1.25 million applications for asylum in

the European Union, which was twice as much as in 2014 (VluchtelingenWerk Nederland,

2016). The Netherlands received 43 thousand of these applications during the year 2015

(IND, 2016). However, the year 2016 showed a significant decrease of almost 50% in total

asylum influx compared to 2015 (IND, 2016). Although the number of applications might be

declining, this phenomenon of refugee flows still results in settlement issues on multiple

levels (Valtonen, 2004). Refugees need to adapt to the conditions of a new country, which

often comes with uncertainties and difficulties. Refugees might feel the need to acculturate as

quickly as possible, but some might also feel the urge to stay true to their national identities

(Chen, Benet-Martínez & Harris Bond, 2008). Although the process of acculturation is

difficult and diverse, it is a very important factor to achieve the ultimate result of complete

settlement (Ward & Kennedy, 1993). Settlement can be described as ‘the activities and

processes of becoming established after arrival in the country of settlement’ (Valtonen, 2004,

pp.1). The domain of settlement is covered by achievement and access in the areas of

employment; housing; education and health; practices concerning citizenship and rights;

social connections within and between groups in the society; and barriers to these connections

(Ager & Strang, 2008). This research will focus on the achievement and access in

employment, since it is one of the prime indicators of successful settlement (Valtonen, 2004).

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2 into the host society, but also provides a key indicator of success in immigrant settlement and

integration’ (pp.1).

The way refugees acculturate differs, and can be summarized in four ways: segregation,

assimilation, integration and marginalization. These four ways of acculturation each have

their own way of influencing the mindset of refugees, and their willingness to integrate.

Previous research has focussed on how modes of acculturation influences adaptation (Berry,

Phinney, Sam & Vedder, 2006; Berry, 1998; Stuart & Ward, 2011) and more specific how for

example assimilation influences the settlement process (Zorlu & Hartog, 2008).

However, the direct relation between modes of acculturation and labour market settlement

concerning refugees has not been researched extensively (Nekby & Rodin, 2007; Bisin,

Patacchini, Verdier & Zenou, 2010). Refugees are considered a minority group in the

country-of-settlement. Minorities are ‘a group of people who, on the grounds of their physical or

cultural characteristics in comparison to others in society, are subject to differentiating,

unequal treatment and who thus regard themselves as the subject of collective discrimination’ (Wirth, 1945, pp. 347). The definition already shows that their road to full settlement is

different compared to the host country population. Minorities are faced with greater

difficulties, socially and economically. Minorities, in this case refugees, move home which is

an emotionally turmoil process (Pedersen, 1995). One of the parts that cause this turmoil is

achieving full employment, therefore finding a job that match refugees’ qualifications, skills

and experience (Abbott, Wong, Williams, Au & Young, 1999). Refugees face barriers to full

employment trough prejudice and discrimination and as such cannot use their skills (Carr,

2004). People from the host country are exposed to these discrimination barriers in a lesser

extent, therefore encountering a different process towards full employment. The difference is

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3 McPartland, 1987; Blackaby, Leslie, Murphy & O’Leary, 2002). If the barriers for refugees

can be decreased through certain acculturation modes, all parties involved could benefit

tremendously. This leaves room for more clarification through additional research.

The variable of acculturation has been researched multiple times in combination with a

moderating effect. The researched moderating effects are mostly static variables, including

discrimination (Berry et al., 2006), country of origin (Zorlu & Hartog, 2008) or demographics

like age (Kaplan & Marks, 1990; Berry, 1997) and gender (Zamboanga, Raffaelli & Horton,

2006; Epstein, Botvin & Diaz, 1998). Considering the fact that these variables are static, one

cannot change or improve them (Proulx, Pellerin, Paradis, McKibben, Aubut & Ouimet,

1997). No immediate influence can be exerted on the level of discrimination in a country, and

demographics are facts that will never change (Mills, Kroner & Hemmati, 2003). There are

however also dynamic factors, which can change over time (Mills et al., 2003; Proulx et al.,

1997), that might influence the direct relation described.

Self-esteem has been researched a lot in combination with ethnic identity (Phinney &

Chavira, 1992; Cislo, 2008; Smith, Walker, Fields, Brookins & Seay, 1999), and is therefore

related to the modes of acculturation since these determine to what extent people hold on to

this identity (Phinney, 2003). It is an interesting variable because it is dynamic, changeable

and can be developed and encouraged (Block & Robins, 1993; Mecca, Smelser &

Vasconcellos, 1989). In research, self-esteem is also often combined with labour market

settlement. However, most research focuses on the relation between how labour market

settlement influences self-esteem (Pettersson, 2012; Shamir, 1986; Waters & Moore, 2002).

Research concerning the reversed relation in which self-esteem influences the labour market

settlement has been limited to the differences in gender self-evaluations (Stake, 1979) and the

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4 2006). However, the particular effect of self-esteem on the possibilities and chances of better

labour market settlement needs to be researched more thoroughly.

Since research is lacking on the influence of acculturation mode on labour market settlement,

and the effects of self-esteem on this relation are hardly described in literature, the following

research will have as its purpose to examine the influence of the mode of acculturation on the

labour market settlement of refugees, and to find out whether this relation is influenced by self-esteem.

The research will focus on the perspective of the refugee, since the recent flows of refugees

are a major issue in society. In order to provide refugees with a valuable life in the

host-country, it is important to research the variables that influence their chances in the new

society. These chances concern labour outcomes in this research. Contrasting views are held

on whether full adaptation results in positive outcomes (Bialystok, 1999; Tran, 1994) or the

possibility of negative outcomes (Adler, 1977; Rudmin, 2003). Individual perspectives are

necessary to determine the mode of acculturation, since these are internal feelings about the

dedication towards the native or new identity; the feelings about the degree to which they

perceive their ethnic and new identities as compatible or difficult to integrate

(Benet-Martínez, Leu, Lee & Morris, 2002). Therefore, it is important to do the research from the

perspective of the refugee.

Implications of this research can be used to support organizations, governments and

non-government initiatives in directing their efforts and policies towards particular forms of

acculturation, and to respond to the possible importance of self-esteem. This would include

that if one particular acculturation form (like e.g. integration) proves to be most beneficial for

employment, governmental policies, rules and regulations concerning employment can be

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5 acculturation forms. Furthermore, the economic settlement of refugees is important for the

total welfare of a country. Settlement success is defined in terms of overcoming obstacles

impeding full participation in the labour market and slowing the process of acquiring financial

autonomy (Grant & Oertel, 1998). The flows of refugees cause governments and natives to

worry about refugees’ settlement in terms of economy. However, ironically, access to jobs and employment-related services are dependent of the receptivity of the government and

community in the country-of-settlement (Finnan, 1982). Therefore, when more is known

about how to accelerate and facilitate the economic adaptation of refugees, governments can

anticipate to this and provide support to enable the settlement of refugees (Renaud, Piche &

Godin, 2003). The findings can suggest directions that policymakers can consider when

designing resettlement strategies (Finnan, 1982). Additionally, the confidence of governments

in making more specific decisions will comfort the community in their concerns about the

economy.

Above, the importance of employment in order for refugees to settle in the country of origin is

stressed. Additionally, the mode of acculturation influences the settlement process of

refugees. Since employment is an important part of the settlement criteria, one might suggest

that the mode of acculturation can either harm or benefit a refugee in this process. However,

the limited research on the topic prevents society and organizations from making elaborated

choices and decisions about re-settlement strategies and policies. Therefore, one can conclude

that more research is needed on the specific relations between acculturation and labour market

settlement, and the influence of dynamic factors like self-esteem. In order to reach a valuable

conclusion, the theoretical knowledge so far needs to be examined. Therefore, the research

will proceed by explaining the theoretical background of the variables involved. First, the

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6 four different modes of acculturation are explained. Additionally, theoretical background on

labour market settlement and self-esteem is highlighted. Based on theory six expected

relations are proposed which will be tested during the research. Chapter 3 proceeds with the

method of research, followed by the presented results in Chapter 4. The research will be

concluded with chapter 5, including the discussion about theoretical and practical implications

of the results, suggestions for future research and limitations. An overall conclusion is

provided in the final chapter.

2.0 Theoretical Background

2.1 Refugees

The subject of refugees has been discussed thoroughly during the past years due to the

increasing agitations in the world. Malkki (1995) concluded that ‘the spatial and social displacement of people has been accelerating around the world at a fast pace, and that these

movements include enormous numbers of people who are legally classifiable as refugees’ (pp. 495). A refugee can be described as an individual undergoing a certain form of enforced exile,

and therefore compelled to create a new life in a foreign country (Gemie, 2010). These forced

exiles result in asylum applications all over the world. For the Netherlands, the number of

asylum applications has increased tremendously since 2013 (IND, 2016). Especially the year

2015 counted a peak in asylum applications, from which one third of the applicants originated

from Syria (Vluchtelingenwerk 2016). There are a variety of reasons why refugees flee their

country, often concerning fears of death and loss of freedom (Bernard, 1976). But whichever

reason to flee the people applying for asylum might have, they flee to a foreign country with

hopes of a better life, to find a new home and to be able to provide for themselves and their

families. Finnan (1982) said that ‘the occupational adaptation of refugees is one of the most important issues in resettlement’ (pp. 161). Therefore, it is important to emphasize the labour

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7 possibilities for refugees going through the settlement process. However, the process can be

challenging, for refugees themselves but for the country-of-settlement as well. The refugees

need to adapt to a new society, which includes overcoming socio-economic differences

between their country of origin and the new country. The economic integration of refugees is

important for the country-of-settlement as well. So far, the flows of refugees have been hard

to handle for host societies, causing a crisis to a certain extent. The numbers of refugees are

large, and the host societies are lost on how to deal with these numbers. Due to this crisis, a

lot of opportunities that could have been created via refugees get lost (Darling, 2016). This is

also referred to as ‘brain waste’ (Hugo, 2013) which occurs if refugees do not find employment or are underemployed due to their minority status. Jacobsen (2002) stated that

‘refugees themselves bring human capital in the form of labour, skills and entrepreneurship, and they are conduits for remittance flows’ (pp. 578). Therefore, the host societies’ economy can benefit from refugees, when their adaptation process is handled appropriately. Sunderland

(2016) stated that most refugees want to work, and providing them with this opportunity can

be really beneficial to the host societies. Therefore, more attention needs to be paid to the

challenges around the adaptation process of refugees, also referred to as acculturation.

2.2 Acculturation

‘Acculturation is the process of cultural and psychological change that follows intercultural contact’ (Berry, 2005, pp. 698). It includes those outcomes that result from the interactions of groups of individuals with their own cultures, and the changes that are made to each

individual’s culture accordingly (Redfield, Linton & Herskovits, 1936). Entering a new country, with its own culture and customs can be confusing and difficult for refugees.

Refugees generally have little time to learn about the country of settlement beforehand, and

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8 they have entered the new country, refugees receive information from the government, but the

majority of societal information most often has to come from locals. This requires interaction

between locals and refugees, each having their own culture. Hofstede (1980) said that

‘cultural values and beliefs are often used to identify specific ethnic or cultural groups, or to differentiate among them’ (pp. 43). Therefore, these cultural differences separate groups of individuals from each other, which can lead to challenges like discrimination, uncertainty and

feelings of not belonging to a society (Ward & Geeraert, 2016). These challenges have been

present since ages, for refugees as well as immigrants. The current attention devoted to

refugees raises questions about the differences between refugees and immigrants, and if their

acculturation strategies and chances differentiate. If both minority groups experience the same

difficulties, present research can give interesting insights for immigrant research as well as

refugee research. Therefore, literature on immigrants and refugees need to be examined to see

whether their modes of acculturation have differed in the past, and how both minorities

experience the process of labour market settlement.

2.2.1. Acculturation for immigrants

Moving to a foreign country is never an easy process. Migrants can be considered to move

voluntarily, while refugees are forced to leave their home country. Therefore, one might think

that there is a big difference between these groups of newcomers in terms of their well-being,

acculturation and chances on the labour market. But is this really the case?

One might assume that immigrants, therefore voluntary movers, are psychologically seen as

more ‘normal’. However, often there is a push for immigrants to leave, making the decision to leave less voluntary. If this influences the immigrants’ well-being in a negative way, then the

difference between psychological well-being of immigrants and refugees might not be that

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9 prejudice. The level of ethnic prejudice can be considered the same for both groups, however

because of different reasons. Refugees can feel rejected because the native society is forced to

accept them in the country, therefore not being truly welcome. However, migrants might feel

that they are generally not welcome to a new country, while natives can create empathy for

the situation of refugees (Elshoff, 2006).

Both migrants and refugees experience the same difficulties in acculturating to a new society,

concerning language, housing and employment (Bernard, 1976). However, some migrants

purposely live in ethnic enclaves, not willing to interact with the broader society (Pumariega,

Rothe & Pumariega, 2005). This means that migrants willingly chose to acculturate via

segregation. This can be seen as congregation and is happening in for example the Western

part of Amsterdam (Karsten, Felix, Ledoux, Meijnen, Roeleveld & Van Schooten, 2006).

However, ethnic enclaves can also provide the immigrant with valuable information from

immigrants already living in the new country for a while. This might result in immigrants

assimilating through integration, therefore staying true to their own culture but also

interacting with the new culture (Schwartz, Unger, Zamboanga & Szapocznik, 2010). This

way of integrating is often harder for refugees, since they have fewer predecessors from their

native country. Furthermore, migrants can get information from possible friends, families and

pre-research about the country-of-settlement before they move (Cortes, 2004), which is harder

for refugees since their move is often sudden and unplanned.

Ignorance is also an important factor. Many immigrants as well as refugees do not know

about the services and agencies that can support them in their acculturation process. Dealing

with the bureaucracy of a new country can be hard for newcomers (Bernard 1976). This is

especially hard for refugees who have no opportunity to learn about the country-of-settlement

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10 to the culture and feel confident to adjust to the new society. However, one should not

underestimate the effects of a culture shock. Although migrants can prepare themselves better

for acculturation, the actual acculturation process might be just as hard for migrants as

refugees, since people can prepare themselves only to a certain extend.

In terms of employment, migrants may be seriously downgraded (Cortes, 2004). Although

they might receive help from friends and family living in the country-of-settlement, they are

still often forced to do unskilled labour. This happens even when the migrants are highly

educated (Bernard, 1976). Furthermore, in modern times refugees often have a higher

educational level and more professional backgrounds compared to immigrants (Bernard,

1976). However generally, migrants as well as refugees are often among the earliest of the

disadvantaged, concerning unemployment and lay-downs (Watson, 2011).

There is no obvious pattern to whether migrants or refugees acculturate better and faster. In

the past, immigrants have received less help from the new society compared to the special

services offered to refugees. Therefore, refugees tended to acculturate faster. Nowadays,

politicians are still aiming for more support and quicker adaptation of refugees (SER, 2017).

These support measures are specifically aimed at refugees, and therefore migrants cannot

enjoy them. This might facilitate faster acculturation possibilities for refugees. However,

refugees also often feel that they will return home, therefore not willing to fully adapt to the

new society. In general, one can say that migrants and refugees have the same needs and

challenges in the acculturation process.It is the way they handle these intercultural challenges

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2.2.2 Modes of Acculturation

As described, acculturation is a variable process which refugees experience differently. The

modes can be determined by personal reasons and feelings, or through external factors.

Cheung & Phillimore (2014) said that ‘acculturation strategies may be chosen by refugees or imposed on them if, for example, racial discrimination prevents the formation of wider social

networks’ (pp. 519). Although the reasons for the mode of acculturation may differ, four modes can be described in which everyone generally can be classified. These modes are:

assimilation, segregation, integration, and marginalization. The mode that applies to an

individual is determined by the extent to which refugees desire to preserve their own culture

and identity; and the extent to which people interact with the country-of-settlement culture

(Berry et al., 2006).

When one abandons their native cultural identity and moves into the dominant society, the

process of assimilation occurs (Berry, 1992). Ultimately, the goal of assimilation is becoming

as culturally and societal involved with the country of settlement as locals. Throughout the

process, refugees abandon their native identity. In the past, societies expected refugees to

assimilate and adapt completely to the country of settlement. However, research has proven

that assimilation is not the most common way of acculturating, contrary to what people used

to think (Berry & Sabatier, 2011). Their research showed that only around 3% of the

respondents prefer assimilating completely to the new society. This might be due to

assimilation being a continuous, rather unconscious process. Individuals become incorporated

into the new society without being fully aware of this. As a result, adults hardly acculturate

through assimilation since they have already developed themselves, but youngsters are more

tempted to acculturate via assimilation (Rumbaut, 2015). The relation between acculturation

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12 La Rosa, 2002), weight and diet (Kim & Chan 2004) and hypertension (Landrine & Klonoff,

1996; Espino, 1990). Fosados et al. (2007) found that acculturating through assimilation was

negatively related with alcohol use. Therefore, the tendency for youngsters to acculturate

through assimilation is a promising indication for their well-being. This is also confirmed by

the fact that assimilation includes socialization with the dominant society (Stein, 1986) and

socialization in turn increases individuals’ well-being (Pinquart & Sörensen, 2000). Overall,

Landrine & Klonoff (2004) concluded that acculturation has a significant influence on the

well-being of refugees.

Acculturation through assimilation is one way of adapting to a new society, in which one

gives up on his or hers cultural identity. This proves to have positive effects on refugees’

well-being. Although well-being as a variable is not included in this research, it does give a

proper indication of the effects and process of the different acculturation modes. Therefore, it

is a valuable orientation to examine the modes in this way. Besides assimilation, acculturation

can occur through other ways as well, one being segregation.

Segregation occurs when ‘cultural maintenance is sought while avoiding involvement with

others (Berry et al., 2006, pp.18). Segregating from the larger society often causes negative

consequences for the people involved. For example, Wilson (2011) argued that ‘inhabitants of

black ghettos experience extra social problems, simply because they are living in a segregated

world’ (pp. 24). The levels of segregation differ between continents, with Europe having relatively low levels of segregation (Musterd, 2003). This means that most ethnicities live and

interact in a social manner and the feelings of exclusion are minimal. Similarly to

assimilation, segregation also has an influence on refugees’ well being. Fosados et al. (2007)

proved that segregation has a negative effect on the well-being of refugees, resulting in for

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13 proved the importance of adaptation to a new society in terms of well-being. Since

segregation involves hardly any adaptation, it proves to have a negative influence on

well-being. Furthermore, the development of segregation in the society increased the negative

views of the host society towards these segregated ethnic groups, which might jeopardize the

social integration of these groups (Karsten, Felix, Ledoux, Meijnen, Roeleveld & Van

Schooten, 2006). However, the research of Berry & Sabatier (2011) showed that segregation

is preferred by approximately 50% of the respondents, meaning that this way of acculturation

is quite often performed by refugees. Therefore, this can cause serious problems taking into

account the negative effects, and should therefore be considered when forming acculturation

policies.

The tendency to hold on to one’s cultural identity is characterized as segregation. This mode

of acculturation has a negative effect on one’s well-being, even though is it a preferred mode of acculturation for refugees. An intermediate form of acculturation between the two

mentioned modes above is integration.

A successful integration process is when a foreign group of people is observably equal to

natives in terms of culture, but also socio-economic outcomes (Zorlu & Hartog, 2008).

Acculturating through integration has proven to have the most positive effect on

psychological adaptation, and therefore the well-being of refugees (Berry & Sabatier, 2011).

This is due to the fact that integrating two cultures provides resources and support from both

cultures, and might therefore ease the process of acculturation. When this happens a bicultural

identity is created, which means one perceives himself as part of a combined culture including

an easy incorporation of both cultures into their daily lives (Benet-Martínez & Haritatos,

2005). Phinney et al (2001) indicate that having a bicultural identity means becoming part of

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14 should increase the well-being of the individual. The research of Berry & Sabatier (2011) has

proven that together with segregation, the preferable mode of acculturation for refugees is

integration. From this can be concluded that refugees desire to remain true to their native

culture, but also seek interaction with the culture in the country-of-settlement.

Clearly, integration has a positive effect of the well-being of refugees since they can benefit

from the resources and support in both cultures. Therefore, it is not surprising that this is one

of the most preferred modes of acculturation. A final mode of acculturation is introduced

next.

When one feels a loss of identity from their ethnic as well as the new culture, we call it

marginalization. This can either occur through exclusion or withdrawal (Berry & Annis,

1974). According to Berry & Sabatier (2011), around 3.5% of the refugees in their research

experienced feelings of marginalization. One can conclude from these data that often refugees

find support in at least one of the cultures, their own or the new, and do not feel a loss of

identity in either way. This is promising for the well-being for refugees, since Berry (1997)

proved that marginalization is the least beneficial to the psychological well-being of refugees.

Furthermore, acculturating through marginalization results in higher risks for lifetime alcohol

and drug use (Fosados et al., 2007), resulting in lower well-being as well. Reasons for this

reduced well-being due to marginalization might be because refugees feel a loss of culture

due to forced reasons, but they also do not feel comfortable in the new culture due to

exclusion or discrimination (Berry, 2006).

When refugees exclude themselves from their ethnic and new cultures through

marginalization it results in negative effects on their overall well-being, since no support is

acquired from both cultures. However, one should be aware of situational factors when

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15 significant influence on the mode of acculturation for refugees (Zagefka & Brown, 2002) and

should therefore be taken into consideration.

Overall, the Netherlands experiences the tendency towards a more assimilationist policy

(Sobolewska, Galandini & Lessard-Phillips, 2017). Arends-Tóth & Van De Vijver (2003)

have proven that the public generally disapproves of multiculturalism and prefers immigrants

to acculturate through assimilation. The public believes it is inevitable to lose one’s own

culture when adapting to the majority culture. The attitude of the public in the

country-of-settlement has a significant influence on the chose mode of acculturation (Berry & Sabatier,

2011). Therefore, this assimilationist attitude of the Dutch society might result in higher levels

of assimilation among refugees entering the Netherlands.

Literature (Berry & Sam, 1997; Berry & Sabatier, 2011) has showed that acculturating

through integration seems the most preferable way for refugees, since the majority of refugees

chose this strategy and it has beneficial consequences for the well-being of refugees.

However, although the different modes of acculturation all have their own approach to

adapting to a new society, research has not yet determined the specific effects of one mode on

the chances of settling in the labour market. And since cultural diversity and the resulting

acculturation processes will continue to exist (Berry, 2005), it is important to explore all

facets of acculturation. These facets will be explored in relation with the before mentioned

labour market settlement. Considering that employment is one of the most important

indicators of settlement (Xue, 2008), labour market settlement needs to be examined in detail

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2.3 Labour market settlement

When arriving in a new country, one of the first things that people do is search for a job.

Having a job provides the feeling of security, and it enhances your social network in the

country of settlement (Bertaux & Queneau, 2002). As Cheung & Phillimore (2014) stated,

‘employment is considered to be the single most important factor in securing migrant settlement’ (pp. 521). When employed, refugees can work towards a financial status that is appreciate in the country of settlement, and might therefore feel at home quicker compared to

the unemployed (Bloch, 2002). But finding a job is hard when someone is from a foreign

country. In 2014, the gap in employment rate for the Netherlands between natives and

immigrants was 13.2% (OECD, 2017). On average, there is a 5% gap between employed

refugees and natives for Organisation for Economic Cooperation and Development (OECD)

countries (OECD, 2016). Compared to locals, refugees have a harder time in accessing

employment, due to the barriers related to language, moving, limited country specific work

experience and lack of social contacts (Bevelander & Pendakur, 2014).

Furthermore, discrimination is unfortunately still very present in the everyday business life

(Wrench, Rea & Ouali, 2016). Immigrants get discriminated over their CVs containing names

that are foreign, which puts them one step behind native applicants (OECD, 2016). When

refugees changed their names on their resumes, or used only their initials the responses were

more positive compared to using their own and full names (Quigley & Sankaran, 2005).

Moreover, it is hard for refugees to find a job that matches their skills and abilities, which

forces them to settle for jobs that not necessarily challenge them. This hinders them in

pursuing their goals involving growth, connections and contribution and thereby decreasing

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17 This discrimination leads to huge gaps between the labour market coverage of natives and

immigrants. Immigrants and refugees can be used interchangeably here, since the difference

between them is ‘one of degree rather than type’ (Bernard, 1976, pp. 269). This is because the circumstances in the country may make immigrants, though voluntary, feel like they have to

leave. Since refugees have to leave as well, though forced, both groups see no other

alternative. Furthermore, their treatment in terms of employment is comparable (Bernard,

1976). Among the countries in the OECD, the gap in the employment-rate between natives

and immigrants is the largest in the Netherlands and Sweden (OECD, 2016). These

differences are most common among the lower-educated, among which refugees are often

overrepresented (OECD, 2016).

However, the gaps in labour market outcomes compared to the native-born are also large for

immigrants with a high level of education, particularly the ones who received their education

outside of the country of settlement. Assessment and recognition of foreign qualifications

takes a long time (Bevelander & Pendakur, 2014), slowing down the overall settlement

process. Furthermore, even if their foreign qualifications are recognised refugees face serious

barriers to the labour market if they do not have the proper local experience (Colic-Peisker &

Tilbury, 2007).

Labour market settlement is a concept which is hard to assess objectively. When considering

the chances for labour market settlement from the business side, one receives the opinion of

people who have had a career for years and might be biased in some way about refugees (Carr

& Coates, 2003). Additionally, these meanings are objective therefore based on monetary

earnings (Chard, Badets & Howatson-Leo, 2000) and positions (Reitz & Breton, 1994). These

data might seem to give a more valid indication of the adaptation process on the labour

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18 future jobs (Li, 2000). Furthermore, the chances for labour market settlement are linked to the

skills and abilities of the refugees themselves (Ott, 2013), making it hard to generalize this for

companies.

Therefore, the possibilities for refugees on the labour market should be assessed from the

refugees’ point of view. Refugees themselves can give a valid, though subjective, view on their possibilities for labour market settlement based on their abilities and feelings in a new

country and culture (van den Heuvel & Wooden, 2000). The concept of labour market

settlement can be assessed by the ‘career success’ of refugees. This concept measures the self-perceived chances of acquiring a job and starting or developing their career in the future

(Heslin, 2005). Hughes (1953) explains career success as an individual’s reactions to his or

her unfolding career experiences. These career experiences may be comprehensive or

restricted, but in either way individuals can judge their future career success based on their

experiences so far.

This research will focus on the subjective career success of refugees, therefore judged by the

individuals themselves. This internal perspective refers to the individuals’ preferences for

development in the labour market (Gattiker & Larwood, 1986). It is about what the individual

wants in life (Heslin, 2005), in terms of job satisfaction (Greenhaus, Callanan, & Godshalk,

2000), a sense of identity (Law, Meijers, & Wijers, 2002), purpose (Cochran, 1990), and

work-life balance (Finegold & Mohrman, 2001). Therefore, subjective career success can

measure the individuals’ perceptions of their chances on the labour market in the country-of-settlement.

To determine whether the chances of labour market settlement are influenced by the mode of

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19 to create a valid hypothesis on this direct relation. Therefore, the following paragraphs will

explore each mode of acculturation and their influences on employment in detail.

2.4 Acculturation and labour market settlement

Acculturation is a continuous process between the past and present; the native-country and the

country of settlement. During this process social interactions can lead to social networks,

which might cause challenges to maintaining ethnic identities resulting in a shift towards the

country of settlement’ identities (Bhatia & Ram, 2009). The research focuses on whether different modes of acculturation have an effect on the perceived career success of refugees,

and their perceived attractiveness for the labour market in the host country. All four modes

will be analysed, starting with the mode of assimilation.

2.4.1 Assimilation

According to Gordon (1964) assimilation is an important and essential step in the process of

adjustment. He assumes that through assimilation the majority of ethnic groups will cease to

exist in their current form, losing their cultural characteristics and identity as they go through

the assimilation process. These ethnic groups will continue the process of assimilation, which

will result in a fusion with the local culture and habits. This implies that their native identity

will be completely abandoned at a certain point after entering the new society. According to

Zhou (1997) this is necessary in order to ‘begin rising up from marginal positions’ (pp. 977). Assimilation can occur both through external pressures to abandon their native background

(Alba & Nee, 2009), but can also be a self-made decision. If refugees assimilate, it is likely

they receive social and human capital from the country of settlement quicker. This can be

concluded from the fact that assimilating refugees want to take on the new identity as quickly

as possible, and therefore put a lot of effort into achieving this. This newly acquired social

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20 employment skills into skills appreciated in the country-of-settlement (Friedberg, 2000). The

desire to assimilate is deeply rooted in the Dutch culture, stemming from the idea that without

assimilation the refugees are an economic burden for the society. Furthermore, as much as the

Dutch culture tries to deny it, cultural differences in dress or language are still a barrier for

refugees to acquire a job in the Netherlands (de Rijk, 1996). Therefore, according to these

facts, completely assimilating to the Dutch culture will enhance the chances for employment

and future career success. Accordingly, the following hypothesis can be concluded:

H1: Acculturating to the country of settlement through assimilation has a positive effect on the labour-market chances for refugees.

Assimilation requires an abandonment of one’s identity and completely adapting to the new

society. This will enhance the labour market chances for refugees. However, besides

assimilation there are other ways of adapting to a new society like segregation, which entails

the opposite process of acculturation.

2.4.2 Segregation

Segregated refugees chose to maintain one culture, their own. This involves minimum

interaction with the mainstream culture, and building a social network only within your own

cultural-community (Berry et al., 2006). Within the literature concerning adaptation, it has

been argued that the possession of social networks increases the adaptation possibilities in

terms of employment (Ward, Bochner & Furnham, 2005). This is due to the fact these

networks increase access to certain resources that otherwise cannot be acquired. One can

think of information, knowledge and support. However, creating a social network with

co-ethnics only can create resources that effect employment in a negative way (Cantle, 2005).

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21 2011) and low paid work in the new countries’ economy (Ram, Jones, Edwards, Kiselinchev, Muchenje & Woldesenbet, 2012). Therefore, the absence of social networks within the

culture-of-destination is likely to have a harmful effect on employment chances. Additionally,

social segregation from the main culture slows down language learning and the acquisition of

cultural capital, which have a major influence on employment (Hebbani & Colic-Peisker,

2012). They suggest that social networks within the ethnic community cannot support the

process of individual development because of little socio-economic resources. Based on the

above mentioned literature, the following hypothesis can be created:

H2: Acculturating to the country of settlement through segregation has a negative effect on the labour-market chances for refugees.

Having minimal interaction with the host society creates disadvantages for refugees.

Therefore, segregation is a non-beneficial way of acculturation in terms of employment

chances. A mode of acculturation that does create benefits is integration.

2.4.3 Integration

Compared to assimilation, where refugees abandon their native identity, integration is a

process where both the native and the new culture merge. This entails a form of social

cohesion in which the individuals of a society relate to each other, local as well as foreign

(Entzinger & Biezeveld, 2003). Bicultural individuals are proven to have more professional

success compared to people who identify with only one culture (Tadmor, Galinsky &

Maddux, 2012). Furthermore, biculturalism can provide numerous advantages for managers

as well as employees in the workplace (Friedman & Liu, 2009). According to De Vroome and

van Tubergen (2010), knowledge of language, social contacts and country-of-settlement

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22 provides opportunities for the refugees, including quicker labour participation and access to

education. These in turn are ‘instruments for a fuller participation in society, without dependency on forms of public assistance’ (Entzinger & Biezeveld, 2003, pp. 16). The adaptation and adjustment that comes from integration results in an increased proximity to

finding a job that matches the experience and qualifications of an individual (Ward &

Rana-Dauba, 1999). Therefore, based on the previously mentioned literature the following

hypothesis can be created:

H3: Acculturating to the country of settlement through integration has a positive effect on the labour-market chances for refugees.

Adopting a bicultural identity through integration creates opportunities for refugees in terms

of employment. The quality of employment can also seriously be enhanced if refugees

integrate, meaning that their jobs will have a higher possibility of matching their skills and

capabilities. However, instead of adopting both cultures it might also occur that refugees lose

touch with both cultures. This is when marginalization happens.

2.4.4 Marginalization

The process of marginalization can occur when entering a country of settlement.

Marginalization is associated with feelings of acculturative stress (Berry & Annis, 1974),

which causes feelings of isolation and resentment against the society in the

country-of-settlement. Cross-cultural adaptation theory (Kim, 2001) describes that the rapidly changing

reality in this globalized world causes unsettling feelings in certain people since the

boundaries between cultures are disappearing. It is a confusing process for the refugees to go

through, because they feel a loss of their own identity, but also cannot adapt to the new

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23 loss (Berry, 2006). In turn, this loss causes personal and societal disadvantages including

access to and opportunity for employment (Cho, 2010). Therefore, marginalization makes

refugees a vulnerable group, with a lack of socioeconomic relations and resources (Derose,

Escarce & Lurie, 2007). Research suggests that groups of refugees, or individuals, have a

harder time entering the regular labour market and therefore use self-employment as a last

option (Blume, Ejrnaes, Nielsen & Würtz, 2009). However, since this research is focussed on

the regular labour market, the following hypothesis can be created:

H4: Acculturating to the country of settlement through marginalization has a negative effect on the labour-market chances for refugees.

Literature has proven that each mode of acculturation has a different effect on the chances of

labour market settlement. As mentioned before, previous research has indicated that

integration is the most preferable way of acculturating for refugees. Berry (1997) claimed that

having this biculturalism through integration is the most adaptive acculturation strategy.

However, societies prefer acculturation through assimilation and believe that assimilation is

the most successful way of adaptation (van Oudenhoven, Ward & Masgoret, 2006). Yet, a

large part of refugees themselves prefer segregation by holding on to their own cultures’ values, practices and ideals in order to thrive in their careers (Berry & Sabatier, 2011).

Therefore, it is hard to determine which acculturation mode would be most beneficial for the

economic integration of refugees, and it is hard to assess the effects and the actual success of

the modes of acculturation. All in all, this relation is influenced by many dynamic as well as

static factors (Yakushko, Backhaus, Watson, Ngaruiya & Gonzalez, 2008). For the remainder

of this theoretical framework, the possible effects of self-esteem will be researched in

literature to determine whether this dynamic variable has an influence on the direct relations

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24

2.5 Self-Esteem

Self-esteem is a measure to evaluate the self-worth, and can be specified to global and

collective esteem. Through global esteem one can analyze the feelings of

self-worthiness for the individual in question. Collective self-esteem entails the feelings on the

value of a specific group (Crocker & Major, 1989), which is in this research the ethnic group

one belongs to. Individual self-esteem will be used in the following research, since the

decisions to maintain or abandon certain cultural elements are made by individuals

themselves (Huynh, Nguyen & Benet-Martínez, 2011). Furthermore, acquiring a job is an

individual process and depends on the individual skills and abilities of a person. A strong

personal identity, including personal self-esteem, determines whether an individual can cope

with situations of distress (Schwartz, Montgomery & Briones, 2006), which occurs when a

person flees their country. Therefore, individual self-esteem is considered most important

when accessing its influence on the relation between acculturation and labour market

settlement.

The variable self-esteem is interesting for the current research, since it can be conceptualized

as both a casual factor and an outcome (Rosenberg, Schooler & Schoenbach, 1989). Previous

research has focussed mainly on self-esteem as an outcome of employment, meaning that

being employed increases feelings of esteem. However, this research focuses on

self-esteem as a cause, hoping to find an effect on the relation between acculturation and

labour-market settlement.

2.5.1 Self-esteem and acculturation

The mode of acculturation can be analysed through cultural identity, since the extent to which

individuals hold on to this determines their mode. A cultural identity is partly determined by

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25 important because of its relationship to the psychological well-being of ethnic minority group

members (Phinney & Chavira, 1992).

The relation between self-esteem and cultural identity, including acculturating to a new

society, can be both ways. High personal self-esteem can lead to higher stages of ethnic

identity development. On the other hand, Phinney & Chavira (1992) argue that ‘an achieved ethnic identity contributes to the individual’s self-esteem, by providing a sense of belonging

and by acting as a buffer against the negative impact of experiences such as discrimination’

(pp. 274). This again can be interpreted both ways. When one feels a strong sense of

belonging to their ethnic identity, as in the process of segregation, it can provide the

individual with the support to boost its self-esteem. As Phinney & Chavira (1992) argue, a

high ethnic identity is generally associated with higher self-esteem which results in better

coping mechanisms to discrimination and stereotyping. However, one might also acculturate

to the new society through assimilation, receiving feelings of belonging through the

country-of-settlement identity. Whichever way identity is achieved, it increases the personal

self-esteem. High personal self-esteem may provide the basis for individuals to explore their own

cultural background and to develop a secure, positive view of themselves as minority group

members or as locals.

2.5.2 Self-esteem and labour market settlement

The relation between self-esteem and labour market settlement has mainly been researched in

one way, namely the effect of being employed or unemployed on an individuals’ self-esteem. Research has proven that unemployed show lower levels of self-esteem, compared to

employed people (Patton & Noller, 1990; Feather & O’Brien, 1986; Shams & Jackson, 1994). Therefore, employment has a significant influence on the overall well-being of individuals

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26 and this positive impact of employment has been researched extensively. However, the impact

of self-esteem on the chances of being employed has received less attention in literature.

Self-esteem articulates the thoughts on approval or disapproval one has about himself or

herself (Rosenberg, 1965). Therefore, one can relate this to the theory of self-affirmation by

Steele (1988). This explains that when the personal feelings about yourself are confronted,

one tries to overcome this challenge or compensate for it to feel better about oneself. This can

be done through for example creating a rationale for your feelings or perform an act to

increase your self-esteem.

Being able to cope with challenges in self-esteem and self-affirmation is important in the

process of finding employment (Sundheim, 2013), since this process can be stressful (Kanfer,

Wanberg & Kantrowitz, 2001). According to Cronkite & Moos (1984) self-esteem can help

individuals cope with the stress that is encountered during the job search, concluding that

individuals with a high self-esteem generally experienced more positive feelings during

employment seeking compared to individuals with a low esteem. Furthermore,

self-esteem may influence the type of job people apply for, since people with a lower self-self-esteem

might not feel confident enough to apply for jobs suitable to their skills and abilities (Shamir,

1986). As a result, the following hypothesis can be created:

H5: High levels of self-esteem have a positive effect on the labour-market chances for refugees.

Therefore, in the light of this research it is important to determine the level of self-esteem of

refugees. Brockner (1988) stated that ‘high-self-esteem individuals evaluate themselves more

positively and believe they are more capable and competent than lower self-esteem

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27 engage in jobs that are consistent with their self-appraisal (Tesser, 1988). Therefore, people

with high self-esteem are likely to engage in jobs consistent with their positive self-image.

This results in amplifying the positive results of assimilation on labour chances for individuals

with a high self-esteem.

When refugees feel confident in their new local-identity by means of assimilation, it can

enhance their positive feelings about job search. Having self-esteem entails a positive

evaluation one yourself (Rosenberg, 1990). It allows continued interaction during periods of

disruption and change (Cast & Burke, 2002) which are often encountered during

acculturation. Self-esteem can be seen as a self-motive, meaning that people will behave in

ways that will enhance their self-esteem (Tesser, 1988). This would include aiming for a

successful career, since a career in turn increases self-esteem again (Baumeister, Campbell,

Krueger & Vohs, 2003). Assimilation includes striving for complete settlement in a new

culture, which includes a career. Therefore, the positive influence of assimilation on labour

market settlement is enhanced by the moderating effect of self-esteem and the following

hypothesis is proposed:

H6a: Self-esteem will moderate the relationship between assimilation and the labour-market chances for refugees, so that the positive relationship between assimilation and the labour-market chances for refugees is stronger for high levels of self-esteem.

In the case of assimilation, self-esteem can act as a self-motive to enhance existing

possibilities. However, self-esteem can also act as a buffer, which is the case for segregation.

There is a high possibility that refugees with high self-esteem have more psychological

resources to cope with the uncertainties of acculturation (Wei, Russell, Mallinckrodt & Liao,

2008). Therefore, self-esteem ensures that when segregation occurs, people might still

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28 positive view of the self plays a role in buffering the relation between negative events.

(Brown & Harris, 1978). Therefore, the negative effect of segregation on labour market

chances is be decreased by self-esteem.

H6b: Self-esteem will moderate the relationship between segregation and the labour-market chances for refugees, so that the negative relationship between segregation and the labour-market chances for refugees is weaker for high levels of self-esteem.

Previous hypotheses conclude that self-esteem can act as a self-motive as well as a buffer.

The beneficial effects of both these types are highest when combined with inter-group

communication between refugees and the host society. This is when integration occurs.

Self-esteem can cause individuals to seek opportunities that can confirm their identities. Therefore,

self-esteem acts as a self motive, providing support in behaviour and direction. This in turn

provides benefits to the individual, as well as supporting relations within groups (Cast &

Burke, 2002). Therefore, high self-esteem will enhance the career success opportunities of

refugees. This is especially the case when refugees acculturate through integration since this

already entails communication with different groups. Therefore, the positive influence of

integration on labour market chances is increased by having self-esteem and the following

hypothesis can be created:

H6c: Self-esteem will moderate the relationship between integration and the labour-market chances for refugees, so that the positive relationship between integration and the labour-market chances for refugees is stronger for high levels of self-esteem.

Lastly, it is proven that when individuals experience low levels of self-esteem, they are less

likely to engage in esteem-threatening situations like challenging tasks (Campbell, 1990).

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29 self-esteem is an important factor. One can conclude from this that when one feels a loss of

identity due to external pressures or marginalization, low self-esteem can increase the

negative effect of these feelings on labour chances. However, the reverse relation is also

likely to happen, meaning that high levels of self-esteem can decrease the negative effect of

marginalization on labour chances. Therefore, the following hypothesis is created:

H6d: Self-esteem will moderate the relationship between marginalization and the labour-market chances for refugees, so that the negative relationship between marginalization and the labour-market chances for refugees is weaker for high levels of self-esteem.

All in all, the four moderation hypotheses indicate that self-esteem has a positive effect on the

relations between acculturation modes and labour market chances. In other words, the positive

relations will be enhanced through the moderation effect of self-esteem, and the negative

effects will be buffered against through self-esteem.

Figure 1 gives visual representation of all the relations suggested in the previous paragraphs.

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30

3. Method

The conceptual model (Figure 1) will be approached through a quantitative-analysis based on

a survey design. To collect data, the researcher made use of an online survey within the

programme of Qualtrics. Through quantitative-research, one can make clear interpretations of

the data collected and it reduces the researchers’ bias since objective data is collected. The survey will include all six variables. For this research, quantitative-research will add to the

knowledge of the subject since the majority of research that is done on the settlement of

refugees so far has been qualitative (Cheung & Phillimore, 2014).

3.1 Sample

The sample included refugees in the Netherlands, who are employed or seeking employment,

since this was a prerequisite for the research. Because the population is large and no

sampling-frame is available, non-probability sampling was used, which means a sample of

convenience was self-selected through personal contacts. The data was acquired via an online

questionnaire-link, administered by Qualtrics.

From the 261 refugees that started filling out the questionnaire, 119 respondents completed

the questionnaire (response rate 46%). Within these 119 respondents, most people were

between 26 and 35 years old (48%) and 36 – 50 years old (35%) (M=2.25, SD=0.77).

Unfortunately, 11.8% of the data was missing on age. In terms of gender, the 53.8% was male

(M=1.38, SD=0.49) with 12.6% of missing data. Furthermore, of the 104 respondents that

provided information about their duration of stay in the Netherlands (missing data = 12.6%),

the majority lived in the Netherlands for less than 2 years (53.8%). Only 10.9% was living in

the Netherlands for longer than 5 years. Additionally, the respondents originated mainly from

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31 answer the question related to their country of origin. Therefore, the sample did not cover a

broad range of nationalities. However, this was not the intention of the researcher, as it is not

a variable in the model. Furthermore, the high percentage of Syrians can be explained

according to refugee numbers, since one third of all asylum applicants in the Netherlands are

Syrian (Vluchtelingenwerk, 2016). All missing data were labelled and left out of further

analyses. This happened on a list-wise deletion basis.

3.2 Measures

The questionnaire consisted of a 5-point Likert-scale for all items, which created

numerical-data, on an interval base. Answering with 1 in the questionnaire corresponded with ‘Strongly Disagree’ and 5 with ‘Strongly Agree’. The questionnaires for each variable were acquired from previous researches, ensuring their validity. All items were translated from English into

Dutch and Arabic, via translation-back-translation. The minor discrepancies were adjusted to

ensure that the questions could be appropriately interpreted by the respondents. The PAF

analysis on the four acculturation modes showed that four components could be extracted

based on the Eigenvalues above Kaiser’s criterion of 1.00, together explaining 32.49% of the variance.

3.2.1 Assimilation

Assimilation was measured through the 8 items from Barry’s (2001) East Asian Acculturation

Measure (EAAM), with questions like ‘I get along better with Dutch than people from my

own country’. The assimilation scale had a low reliability, with Cronbach’s Alpha = 0.64. The corrected item-total correlations indicate that almost all items had a sufficient correlation with

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32 This item substantially affected the reliability, and was therefore deleted. This item concerned

the question: ‘I write better in Dutch than in my native language’. This question is a ‘solid’ statement, were no interpretation or feelings are involved. Compared to the other questions

concerning assimilation, feelings or preferences are involved that can influence the answer to

the question. However, the deleted item is extreme in the sense that it is highly unusual that a

refugee would write better in Dutch than in their native language. Especially since most

respondents only lived in the Netherlands for less than two years. Since the item is framed as

an extreme, the appropriateness of it can be questioned and therefore deletion is

acknowledged. Deleting the item increased the Cronbach’s Alpha to 0.66. This was the

maximum value that could be reached. There is a lot of debate in literature about the

appropriateness of accepting Cronbach’s Alpha values below 0.7. However, research has proven that Cronbach’s Alpha values above 0.6 are indeed sufficient to get reliable results (George & Mallery, 2013; Barry, 2001), and since 0.66 is approaching 0.7 the remaining

items could be combined into one variable which represented the total assimilation.

3.2.2 Segregation

Segregation was measured through a 7-item scale from Barry’s (2001) East Asian

Acculturation Measure (EAAM), with questions like ‘My closest friends are from my own

country’. The segregation scale had relatively low reliability, with Cronbach’s Alpha = 0.69. The corrected item-total correlations indicated that all but one item had a good correlation

with the total score of the scale (above 0.3). However, the item ‘Natives should not date Non-natives’ had a correlation of 0.18, and was deleted. The deletion of the item is accounted for

through relevant feedback acquired from respondents. The researcher already encountered

questions and remarks about the particular question during the data collection phase. The

The influence of acculturation modes on the labour market settlement of refugees : which modes enhance career success?