Kahar Hussain
11271248
Graduate School of Social Science
Master Social Problems and Social Policy
Supervisor: Evelyne Baillergeau
Second Reader: Jan Willem Duyvendak
th
“…My dreams are in God’s hands”
A qualitative study exploring the impact of key
social interactions on the aspiration formation of
Table of Contents
Acknowledgments ... 3
Abstract ... 4
Chapter 1: Introduction ... 5
Chapter 2: Achievements, Aspirations and Education ... 11
2.1 Underrepresentation in the Labour Market ... 11
2.1.1 Explaining Labour Market Disadvantage ... 12
2.2 The Significance of Aspirations ... 15
2.3 Key Social Interactions ... 16
Chapter 3: Theoretical Framework ... 18
3.1 General Bourdieusian Perspective ... 18
3.1.1 Habitus ... 19
3.1.2 Field ... 20
3.1.2 Capital ... 21
3.2 The Contribution of The Capability Approach ... 22
3.2.1 Capabilities & Functioning ... 23
3.2.2 Agency and Freedom ... 23
3.2.2 Developments of The Capability Approach ... 25
3.3 Theoretical Amalgamation ... 25
3.4 Conclusion ... 26
Chapter 4: Research Methodology ... 28
4.1 Sampling ... 28
4.1.1 Sampling Approach ... 28
4.1.2 Young People ... 29
4.1.3 Adult Professionals ... 30
4.2 Semi-Structured Interviews ... 30
4.2.1 Young People ... 30
4.2.2 Adult Professionals ... 31
4.3 Analytical Strategy ... 32
4.4 Limitations and Insider Research ... 33
4.5 Ethical Considerations ... 34
Findings... 35
Chapter 5: Key Influences on Aspirations
... 38
5.1 The Nature of Aspirations: Family & Education ... 38
5.2 Bridging the Gap: School & Teachers ... 43
5.3 The Role of Religion in Aspiration Formation ... 46
5.4 Conclusion ... 48
Chapter 6: Barriers to Aspiration Formation ... 50
6.1 Family First ... 50
6.2 The Comfort Zone ... 52
6.3 Community, Society and Genders ... 55
6.4 Conclusion ... 57
Chapter 7: Underachievement & Unemployment ... 59
7.1 Possession and Activation of Capital ... 59
7.2 Converting Capital ... 61
7.3 Conclusion ... 63
Chapter 8: Discussions ... 64
8.1 Pivotal Encounters in Aspiration Formation ... 64
8.2 The Interplay of Ethnic Capital: Religion and Family ... 65
8.3 Conclusion ... 67
Bibliography ... 68
Appendices ... 76
Appendix I: Interview Schedule - Young People ... 76
Appendix II: Interview Schedule – Adult Professionals ... 79
Acknowledgements
This research was made possible through the help and support from a number of people. First and foremost, I would like to thank my supervisor Dr. Evelyne Baillergeau for her support, guidance and feedback that greatly enhanced my thesis project. Second, I would also like to express my appreciation to all the young people who agreed to take part in this research and who were incredibly forthcoming with their stories and aspirations. Third, I would also like to thank the education professionals who provided insight and expertise that greatly assisted the research. Finally, I would like to extend my gratitude to my family and friends who provided me with a great deal of encouragement during the span of my thesis.
Abstract
Despite the vast amount of research on the socio-economic context of the British Bangladeshi population, little is known about the determining factors behind their underrepresentation in the labour market. Current explanations for the labour market disadvantage experienced by British Bangladeshis is predominantly centred on discussions around human capital deficiency (Salway, 2008). However, in most recent decades such accounts have been disproved by the exponential increase in educational attainment rates and British Bangladeshi participation in higher education. Given the historical prevalence of social problems facing this ethno- cultural group such educational progress has been remarkable. Antagonistically, in spite of this progress, members of the British Bangladeshi community, especially young people, are still at risk of experiencing severe poverty and unemployment more than any other ethnic group.
Therefore, this study seeks to comprehend the discrepancy between high educational attainment and underrepresentation of British Bangladeshis in the labour market. In order to achieve this, the study synthesises Bourdieusian notions of Capital and Sen’s Capability Approach to provide context and understanding of how aspirations may contribute to this discrepancy. Drawing upon the testimonies of 18 British Bangladeshi young people and 3 adult professionals from Tower Hamlets, this study reveals the salience of family and religion in determining high educational aspirations and deficient labour market orientations. As a result, this paper emphasises the importance of enhancing current conceptions of social reproduction theory. In particular, there is a calling for the development of Bourdieusian notions of capital in relation to theorising the socio-economic development of ethno-cultural groups. As such, the study argues for the consideration of an intersectional approach, which is cognisant of the role of familial and religious values, in shaping young people’s aspirations.
Chapter 1: Introduction
“I think religion has an huge impact on British Bangladeshi young people, in that they get a sense of moral purpose from the combination of their community, their faith and their family. I think that directs them into certain kinds of channels of jobs and aspirations.” Head of School Improvement, Tower Hamlets Council
Aspirations and the ability to aspire is something that has always deeply captivated me on a personal level. Growing up in Tower Hamlets, I witnessed various forms of social deprivation and observed different processes of social mobility. Tower Hamlets is a borough situated within the East End of London and is known for constituting a stark disparity in terms of its economic diversity and development (poignantly illustrated by the image on the title page). As one of the youngest of ten I had the unique perspective of being able to observe and reflect on the somewhat inescapable conditions of my environment. Ever since my progress in both academia and the world of work, I have continued to be inquisitive of the determining factors behind the vastly different trajectories within my community, the British Bangladeshi population.
The British Bangladeshi community is among the most recent ethnic minority group to settle in Britain. It was during the 1960s that the population started to arrive to the UK, with immigration exponentially increasing in the following decades (Peach, 1996). The majority of Bangladeshis migrated from a single district in Northeast Bangladesh, Sylhet. This is a rural province where people mainly work in either agriculture or the fishing industry (Sunder & Uddin, 2007). According to Tackey et al. (2006), the impetus for migration was due to overseas remittance and ambitions to invest in land and housing back in Bangladesh. Most of the Bangladeshi diaspora settled in London, greatly concentrated in the borough of Tower Hamlets, where they now account for 33 percent of the overall population (Eade & Garbin, 2006).
Tower Hamlets is geographically situated near the second largest financial hub in the world, The City of London (Yeandle et al., 2010). The borough plays host to a
shocking dichotomy in which the average annual salary of those who work there is the second highest in the UK (at £60,000 plus), yet over 48 percent of the young people in the borough live in poverty (Fraser, 2012). The annual salary figure is predominantly skewed because of the presence of Canary Wharf, London’s second financial district where some of the world’s largest financial institutions are situated.
Although, the City of London and Canary Wharf are the UK’s main financial areas, the former concerns the City of London Corporation, a historic local government authority responsible for the square mile (1.2 mile section of prime real estate in central London), whilst the latter concerns the major business district situated in Tower Hamlets, East London (Shaxson, 2011).
British Bangladeshis are relatively a young population. Approximately 40 percent of the ethnic community is under the age of 16 (ONS, 2002). Mainstream discussions concerning this ethno-cultural group are predominantly centred on their experience of a variety of socio-economic problems, such as unemployment, poor health and overcrowding. Recent data shows that more than one third of Bangladeshis live in social housing compared with a UK national average of 18 percent (The Economist, 2015). Furthermore, 9 percent of working age Bangladeshis are unemployed, almost double the national average (Wigmore, 2016). More pertinently, it has been revealed that 65 percent of Bangladeshis live in poverty, including 70 percent of Bangladeshi young people, making them the most deprived community in the UK (Joseph Rowntree Foundation, 2007). The prevalence of deep-rooted socio-economic issues facing the British Bangladeshi community is highly concerning, particularly with regard to its effect on younger generations.
While there are many issues facing the community, the educational situation of British Bangladeshis has significantly improved over the past several decades. There has been an upsurge in educational attainment for students of Bangladeshi origin and their performance has improved at a more rapid rate than other ethnic groups in recent years at almost every key stage of education (Shaw et al., 2016). For example, governmental reports have shown that Bangladeshis have made the greatest improvements with regard to secondary education, with 62 percent of students achieving 5 good GCSEs, five percent above the national average (Strand, 2015). Furthermore, almost half of Bangladeshi young people from the poorest quintile attend university (Shaw et al., 2016). The rising success of British Bangladeshis is somewhat fascinating given their historical experience of and exposure to social deprivation.
Despite their progress in education, individuals of British Bangladeshi origin are still three times more likely to be in poverty than their white British counterparts (Yaojun & Heath, 2015). Although, there are a plethora of influences contributing to the persistent poverty experienced the British Bangladeshi community (austerity measures, effects of recession and historical factors (Fisher and Nandi, 2015)), the most significant is said to be related to their underrepresentation in the labour market, illustrated through high unemployment rates (The Economist, 2015). As widely acknowledged employment is necessary for ensuring financial stability and providing people with the capability to maintain an adequate standard of living.
Therefore, it is concerning that the educational success and increased higher education participation of British Bangladeshis– in spite of high levels of deprivation - has not translated proportionally into labour market participation. As a result of their underrepresentation in the labour market, the collective experience of poverty amongst the British Bangladeshi community is not likely to be reduce, but instead socially reproduced.
In attempting to comprehend the discrepancy between high educational achievement and underrepresentation in the labour market this thesis challenges the ‘poverty of aspirations’ rhetoric frequently cited in British education policy to explain the disadvantages of ethnic minority young people (Archer et al., 2014). In order to do so, this thesis investigates the aspiration formation of British Bangladeshi young people, focusing on how key social interactions and perceptions of barriers influence the construction of aspirations. Through providing insight into the significant factors affecting the nature and development of aspirations this thesis aims to interrogate the traditional understanding of aspirations as explicated in British education policy and wider literature. Furthermore, it brings forth a more holistic understanding of the meaning and value of education and work in ethnic communities by deploying a comprehensive theoretical approach to aspiration formation. In doing so, the thesis provides diverse explanations as to why British Bangladeshi young people are underrepresented in the labour market, despite their educational success and participation in higher education. These enlightenments predominately draw on discussions around agency, freedom to aspire and capital.
Aspirations can be seen as principled statements, values and beliefs about desires that might be relevant in determining future mobility (Khattab, 2015). This research draws upon Harts (2016) definition which refers to aspirations as: “future-orientated, driven by conscious and unconscious motivations and they are indicative of an individual or group’s commitments towards a particular trajectory or end point” (p.326). The concept of aspiration encompasses both goal-orientation and concerns the prospect of an individual or the autonomy of the self in relation to external actors and their goals (Hart, 2012). This relational aspect of aspirations highlights the significance of social interactions in determining an individual’s perception of their own future, their capabilities and consequently engagement with opportunities.
Aspirations have been studied thoroughly within numerous paradigms to explain educational and labour market disparities (Domina et al., 2011;; Rojewski, 2005). The salience attributed to young people’s aspirations, particularly students, is embedded in the recognition that “human behaviour is not only regulated by external influences but that it is extensively motivated by self-influence” (Trebbels 2015: 37). Although aspirations can be either abstract or tangible, at the core is the idea that sought after future prospects will guide and stimulate determination in the
present. Therefore, aspirations – in the case of disadvantaged young people – can be symptomatic of how individuals deal with and overcome socio-economic deficiencies in their lives.
According to Hart (2012), aspiring can be perceived in one of two ways. Either it can be seen as a state of being and doing (a functioning) or as individual capacity to aspire as a ‘freedom in its own right and as a gateway to enabling further capabilities and functionings (a capability) (p.79). Therefore, investigating the nature of aspiration sheds valuable light on the freedom a person has to develop capabilities and follow a trajectory they have reason to value. It is also worth noting the complex and multi-dimensional nature of aspirations. Previous studies have revealed a variety of aspirations relating to different aspects of an individual’s life and spreading beyond solely educational and career aspirations (Khattab, 2015;; Hart 2012;; Gemici et al., 2014;; McDonald et al., 2011).
The focus on this particular social group goes beyond personal motivation and socio- economic interest. British Bangladeshis, in the current political climate, are under a considerable amount of public pressure and scrutiny. As an ethnic group comprising largely of members of the Muslim community, they are heavily stigmatised for their religious beliefs and are dealing with increased levels of Islamophobia (Mythen & Walklate, 2006). In mainstream discourse, young British Muslims in particular are constructed as vulnerable, marginalised and susceptible to radicalisation (Coppock and McGovern, 2014). The conceptualisation of Muslims, and consequently British Bangladeshi young people, in this way serves to perpetuate damaging stereotypes that may negatively impact their entrance and participation in education, the labour market and wider society. Despite significant amounts of research and literature focused on addressing the underrepresentation of ethnic minorities in the labour market, a lack of consideration is given to the understanding of the interaction between multidimensional factors that contribute to social inequality, such as ethnicity, religion and gender.
The use of the term British Bangladeshi in this research refers predominantly to the ethno-cultural group comprising of second and third generation Bangladeshis living in inner-city London (Tower Hamlets), most of whom have their ancestral roots in the Northeast of Bangladesh. In analysing the aspiration formations of young British Bangladeshis this research is mindful of the huge cultural variability and heterogeneity within the group. Despite being from the same ethnic group, there are undeniably numerous factors that will have divergent influences on individual aspirations such as gender, educational level, and social class. Therefore, this study sought to involve British Bangladeshi young people from different educational and socio-economic backgrounds, and geographical areas (within Tower Hamlets) in order to encompass a diversity of views.
This introduction began by examining the socio-economic context of the British Bangladesh community. Following this, it was illustrated that persistent poverty within this social group could be explicated through high unemployment rates, in combination with other significant explanations. The key puzzle delineated was the focus on why educational achievements and increased higher education involvement of British Bangladeshi young people has not translated proportionally into labour market participation. In order to understand this discrepancy, it was stated that the thesis would challenge the ‘poverty of aspirations’ discourse to illuminate the complex factors impacting aspiration formation and socio-economic disadvantage. The multi-dimensional nature of aspirations and the interactional factors driving its development, as characterised by literature, allow for a deeper understanding of how underprivileged young people exercise agency and navigate through academic and employment fields.
This study intends to assess how key social interactions and perceptions of barriers impact the aspiration formation of British Bangladeshi young people. While the discrepancy between higher education participation/educational success and labour market participation can be analysed through historical and structural explanations, this thesis will instead focus on interactional influences as explained by a small, purposive sample of British Bangladeshi students and with background insight from educational and local government professionals. Chapter 2 expands on the historical and socio-economic context of the British Bangladeshi community. It outlines and reviews relevant literature on explaining social problems facing this ethno-cultural group, focusing particularly on labour market disadvantage. This chapter also delineates the salience of aspirations and key social interactions in understanding the discrepancy between the educational success and the underrepresentation of British Bangladeshis in the labour market. In Chapter 3 Bourdieusian notions of habitus, field and capital in combination with Sen’s Capability approach provide a framework to analyse key social interactions and the varying impact they have on the essence and development of aspirations. This framework highlights the relationship between agency and aspiration formation, whilst offering an explanation into understanding the materialisation and prioritisation of particular goals. Furthermore, the possession and activation of capital is used to explain barriers to accessing the labour market and also simultaneously to indicate the influential bases of family, ethnic and religious resources. Chapter four outlines the methodological approach and analytical strategy deployed during the study. This chapter also discusses ethical and practical limitations to the research.
Towards the latter end of this thesis, the data gathered in this research is discussed. Chapter 5 outlines an analysis of the key social interactions and patterns of aspirations as mentioned by the participants. This chapter sketches themes that arose from the analysis, in order to shed light on key relationships, interactions and
networks as mentioned by the participants. Through an in-depth examination of respondents’ accounts, this section also presents the effects of particular relationships and networks on the aspiration formation of British Bangladeshi young people. Chapter 6 then proceeds to provide an overview of the barriers associated with aspiration formation. In light of key social interactions, this chapter begins by outlining key barriers and explains the impact this has on the accumulation and actualisation of social and cultural capital. This chapter focuses on how social interactions can lead to participants’ self-selection in or out of particular educational and employment pathways. Chapter 7 then discusses the aspirations of young people in relation to the discrepancy of high educational success and underrepresentation in the labour market. This chapter brings together key themes from previous chapters and presents it in relation to the research puzzle. In doing so, this chapter draws on narratives from adult professionals working within education and employment services within the borough. Following the findings chapters there is an overall discussion on the key theoretical and practical insights obtained as a result of the data collected.
Chapter 2: Aspirations, Education &
Employment
In attempting to understand the discrepancy between educational attainment and labour market representation of British Bangladeshis, there is little research focusing on micro-level dynamics and interactions. Mainstream understanding of the socio- economic context of British Bangladeshis is largely centred on structural and historical factors, most of which are highly monolithic and homogenous in nature. For example, the upward trend of educational attainment amongst the British Bangladeshi community has been attributed to factors such as political mobilisation and school responsiveness to students’ unique needs (Sunder & Uddin, 2007). Furthermore, social and educational research concerning British Bangladeshis has frequently been examined under the umbrella groups of ‘South Asian’ and ‘Muslim’ (Ibid). Crozier (2009) argues that such representations are not only deplorable but also harmful in the young people’s pursuit of educational and career opportunities. Such approaches to research are highly deterministic in the sense they leave little room to consider individual agency and the intersectional factors that may contribute to the socio-economic positioning of ethnic groups.
2.1 Underrepresentation in the Labour Market
As previously mentioned, British Bangladeshis’ improvement in educational attainment does not appear to correlate with employment prospects. Recent research commissioned by the UK Government shows that although Bangladeshi young people are more likely than ever to flourish in education, they are still somewhat unlikely to obtain managerial or professional jobs (Shaw et al., 2016). The report concluded that young people from ethnic minority groups, particularly from Black and Muslim communities, are more likely to be unemployed and face social immobility later in life than working class white individuals despite doing better at school (Ibid). In the year to June 2016, the youth unemployment rate for British Bangladeshis aged between 16 and 24 was the second highest at 26%;; double the rate of White British young people (ONS, 2017). Such data clearly highlights how the high educational achievements of British Bangladeshi young people are not being equally translated into the labour market, thus questioning the promise of social mobility.
2.1.1 Explaining Labour Market Disadvantage
A number of explanations have been put forward with regard to explaining why ethnic minorities experience labour market disadvantage. Mason (2003) and Ratcliffe (2004) cite factors such as weak human capital, poor access to public services, ethno-cultural factors, low socio-economic class origins, limited social networks and racial discrimination. Whilst research related to such explanations is broad in terms of sampling groups, there are a few studies that draw specifically on British Bangladeshi experiences. For example, Salway (2008) argues that weak human capital (in relation to formal qualification) is a huge barrier for British Bangladeshis, especially men, in entering the labour market. This perception is in line with findings from this study, whereby young people frequently stated that their parents’ unemployment status or low-income job was due to lack of educational qualifications. However, Salway (2008) also acknowledges that weak human capital offers an inadequate interpretation for labour market disadvantage as it cannot explain the enormous concentration of social groups within one particular occupational sector. Although human capital deficiency is useful in understanding labour market disadvantage, in the context of British Bangladeshis it can be seen to largely account for older generations. It is somewhat inapplicable to the current context of British Bangladeshi young people given their aforementioned educational progress and success, which has undoubtedly led to an increase in the accumulation of formal qualifications.
When examining labour market disadvantage amongst ethnic groups it is also necessary to consider the prospect of institutionalised racial and religious discrimination. For example, Lindley (2002) provides proof that religion is a salient determinant of labour market representation amongst members of the British South Asian community. Her study comparing the employment and earnings of different ethnic groups within five main religious with the White group demonstrates evidence of considerable disadvantage to Muslims, with Bangladeshis shown to have the lowest average earnings. She states that such findings “support the existence of religious discrimination towards Muslims, although such unexplained differences may well contain unmeasurable components such as motivations and attitudes towards employment” (p.439). However, she also acknowledges that these religious dissimilarities could not wholly elucidate the disparity between white and ethnic unemployment and that the Muslim “effect” on labour market representation differed significantly between the different ethnic groups.
An alternative interpretation of the low employment prospects of British Bangladeshis is centred on spatial segregation. Khattab et al. (2010) used quantitative and qualitative data to examine the effect of living in segregated areas upon the labour market outcomes for Bangladeshi minorities living in England and
Wales. Qualitative material indicated that cultural (nearby mosques for example) and practical (proximity to halal shops) reasons frequently lead Bangladeshis to live in enclaves or within close proximity of each other. Where in previous studies (Portes and Manning, 2001) ethnic enclaves have shown to promote job opportunities and facilitate economic achievement (i.e. Jewish Community in US East Coast), Khattab el al. (2010) found that Bangladeshi ethnic enclaves actually had a negative impact on unemployment, economic idleness and on occupational returns on qualifications. They stated this might be due to the fact that the Bangladeshi enclave economy in Britain was yet to reach a level of growth required to function in the same way outlined by Portes and Manning (2001). They also suggested that domestically segregated neighbourhoods of Bangladeshis are struggling to develop as ‘true’ enclaves due to the deprived nature of the regions in which the social group tend to cluster.
Explanations on spatial composition inescapably touch upon the salience of social networks. Leslie et al. (1997) argue that geographical concentration and social isolation embolden strong intra-ethnic bonds, which open up particular employment options but constrain inter-ethnic relations to more affluent and privileged groups, which traditionally provide more prosperous opportunities. This explanation clearly highlights the impact of spatial concentration and social networks on labour market prospects for ethnic minorities. However, it is important to acknowledge that factors such as the ‘enclave effect' cannot be the sole variable contributing to employment disadvantage and also cannot be seen as having a causal relationship for labour market outcomes for British Bangladeshi young people. Undoubtedly, there are a plethora of factors impacting labour market participation among ethnic minorities including (but not limited to) intrinsic elements such as cultural values, skills and experience, qualifications and understanding of the labour market (Khattab et al., 2010). In examining the aspiration formation of British Bangladeshi young people it becomes possible to investigate these factors. Through discussing influential interactions, cultural and individual principles, and barriers to aspiration formation this thesis will uncover micro-level components in explaining the underrepresentation of British Bangladeshis in the labour market.
The mismatch between high secondary educational attainment and low employment prospects can more fittingly be attributed to the under-representation of British Bangladeshi young people in universities, especially prestigious Russell Group institutions1. Data from the Higher Education Statistic Agency (HESA) shows that out
of the 18,395 undergraduate students of British Bangladeshi background in 2015/16 only 17% attended Russell Group universities (HESA, 2017). This was significantly
1The Russell Group is a self-selected association of twenty-four public research universities in
the United Kingdom. The group is headquartered in London and was established in 1994 to represent its members' interests, principally to government and parliament.
higher for White British students at 23% (Ibid). It is widely acknowledged that a Russell Group education can result in improved opportunities in the labour market, especially with regard to the securing of professional jobs and further study. Data released by HESA in 2007 demonstrates that on average 95.2% of undergraduate students from Russell Group universities had secured employment or further study within one year of graduating (HESA, 2007). This was 3% higher than the rate associated with non-Russell group universities (Ibid). Furthermore, according to a report by the Sutton Trust, graduates from Russell Group universities earn on average, over their lifetimes, between £41,000 to £46,000 annually compared to under £36,000 for non-Russell group graduates (Kirby, 2015). Although such data alone cannot fully explain the under-representation of British Bangladeshi young people in the labour market, it does indicate the salience of higher education in providing young people the opportunity to overcome social inequality through salary accumulation in prosperous jobs. Representation in particular elite institutions unquestionably has an effect on the potentiality to achieve increased financial capital.
This incongruity between secondary school attainment and entrance into prestigious universities among British Bangladeshi young people has been largely attributed to performance at A-levels. According to Tariq Modood, a sociologist at the University of Bristol, the underrepresentation of ethnic minorities in Russell Group universities is due to A-level grades, which are strongly associated with ethnicity and socio- economic positioning (Modood in Curtis, 2006). He further speculates that geography, financial capital and cultural values, such as expectancy to live at home, play a role in why students from ethnic minority backgrounds are under-represented at recognised and well-established universities (Ibid). Nonetheless, it is important to acknowledge that the prospect of applying to and attending a Russell Group institution may not appeal to young people from ethnic minority backgrounds for the simple matter of preference. It might be that young people prefer to study at more modern establishments (such as Post-1992 universities) where there is an emphasis on imparting technical education, and the courses are designed to be more practical than the theory oriented courses in traditional academic institutions (Weale, 1992). Such motivations and perceptions need further investigation in order to decipher the discrepancy between the high educational attainment of British Bangladeshi young people and their representation in the labour market.
The aforementioned historical and structural factors partially explain the current socio-economic context of British Bangladeshis. However, the discrepancy between the educational attainment and labour market representation of young British Bangladeshis still requires further exploration. According to the leading author, Bart Shaw, of the most recent Social Mobility Commission study, such disparities can be attributed to family expectations and cultural norms as well teachers’ perceptions of
abilities and out-of-school factors such as parental support (Asthana, 2016). The quality and extent of parental support provided to young people – with respect to academic and labour market aspirations - is inevitability dependent on parents’ familiarity with educational and employment systems. And given the issue of limited human capital/institutionalised forms of cultural capital (such as educational qualifications) as well as the prevalence of unemployment and low-paid jobs amongst the older generation, one could assume that parental advice given to British Bangladeshi young people on the labour market would be inherently restricted in nature.
Besides such interpretations, there seems to be a lack of theoretical development in understanding how individual agency interacts with wider culturally collective experiences in British Bangladeshi young people’s awareness of self within the education system and labour market. The need for the exploration of individual agency in this context is principally due to the fact that young people are too regularly represented as passive recipients of conditions (Feldman and Elliott, 1990). Whereas in reality young people take an active role in moulding the environment in which they operate (Ibid). Consequently, it is imperative to consider the voices of young people when analysing models of their development and progress. The notion of personal agency is so vital because the model we hold of young people affects our cognition, our interactions during professional practice and the way research is conducted. Agency is especially important in attempting to address the mismatch between what adults (parents or teachers) believe and how a young person actually acts. As such, aspirations provide an appropriate avenue to explore both the role of agency and structure in determining young people’s hopes, desires and ultimately actions. It also helps to reveal disagreement on the extent of their agency and how this causes conflict between parties e.g. parents and children.
2.3 The Significance of Aspirations
Aspiration and education play a pivotal role for many socially deprived communities as they can create the possibility of younger generations escaping inter-generational poverty. According to Flouri & Panourgia (2012), ‘high’ aspirations can contribute to social mobilisation through building resilience among disadvantaged young people. Furthermore, aspirations encompass an individual’s hopes and ambitions, which inevitably play a part in the materialisation of a young person’s future occupation (Archer et al., 2014). Consequentially, aspirations can determine individual engagement (or disengagement) with particular areas of education and the labour market. As such, this research investigates the aspiration formation of young British Bangladeshis. In doing so, it aims to uncover key influencing factors to forming aspirations, particularly with regard to key social interactions and barriers. Researching the aspiration formation of British Bangladeshi young people allows for
determining factors behind choices for particular trajectories, both traditional and untraditional. In exploring the construction of aspirations, this proposed research hopes to shed light on the micro–level factors affecting British Bangladeshis young people’s perspectives on their role and capabilities within British society. Resultantly, this will provide a deeper insight into the discrepancy between educational attainment and underrepresentation in the labour market as well as help to contribute ideas for policy concerning the improvement of employment opportunities.
It has been found that aspirations and expectations of the value of, and benefits from, educational qualifications can be a more substantial encouraging ‘driver’ for minority ethnic than for white students, particularly amongst Asian communities (Connor et al., 2004) Therefore, it is imperative to consider the aspirations of British Bangladeshi young people when examining the discrepancy between their educational attainment and labour market representation. Aspirations provide an avenue to investigate the “interplay between agency and social structures present in young people’s lives” (Archer et al. 2014: 59). In doing so, we can investigate how aspirations truly impact British Bangladeshi young people’s perception of individual capabilities and thus, ability to engage with educational and employment opportunities.
2.4 Key Social Interactions
In the context of young British Bangladeshis, there is extensive literature that attributes inequalities and underrepresentation of ethnic minority groups in educational and work settings to low socio-economic factors and lack of viable opportunities (Leslie et al., 1997;; Mason, 2003;; Ratcliffe, 2004;; Salway, 2008). Additionally, it has often been the case that responsibility for the underachievement of ethnic minorities has been attributed to parents and young people themselves (Crozier, 2009). Such elucidations are embodied in the refrain, “they did not secure a good job because they have low aspirations or they do not possess the right skills”. This rhetoric of ‘poverty of aspirations’ among young people of ethnic background is one that has been frequently employed to explain their disadvantage (Archer et al., 2014). Wood et al. (2013) argues that the role of parents and young people is largely absent from accounts of British Bangladeshis educational success in places such as Tower Hamlets, where there is a tendency to emphasise the efforts by local authority to curtail ‘bad practices’ by parents.
There is less of a focus on understanding how young people make decisions and express individual agency. In analysing the progress of the Bangladeshi young people in Britain there seems to be little research focusing on micro-level factors such as key social interactions and personal desires. There is also a lack of attention
given to the voice of Bangladeshi young people with regard to their perceptions of educational attainment, social experiences and, education and employment opportunities. It is often the case that adults such as parents, teachers and researchers often speak out on behalf of young people. Despite the difficulty, it is imperative to listen to young people’s voice directly to ensure that their views and opinions are considered in discussions about practices that may affect them.
Young people’s experiences and perceptions of families, the community, social network, education systems and employment opportunities, are key themes of this research. This research is committed to understanding young people’s experiences and conducting research that includes and values children and young people’s perspectives. Through such examinations this research will underline the salience of aspirations with regard to engagement with opportunities and key actors, consequently enhancing theoretical knowledge concerning capital and aspiration development.
Chapter 3: Theoretical Framework
This chapter outlines the theoretical framework that will guide the analysis of the research. In order to investigate the aspiration formation of British Bangladeshi young people, this research will be framed within the context of social reproduction theory and the Capability Approach (CA). Social reproduction theory provides a general structure to examine how interactions, networks and environments inform the social context and orientation of individuals in society. More specifically, Bourdieusian theory demonstrates how people have access to different forms of capital through navigating and interacting in different fields (Bourdieu, 1986). The first section of this chapter will attempt to theorise relationships between British Bangladeshi young people, school, family and other social institutions through focusing on Bourdieusian notions of field, habitus and capital. These concepts will provide insight into how cultural, interactional and environmental factors contribute to the formation of aspirations.
The latter section of the chapter is focused on aspiration development and deploys Sen’s (1984) capability approach to decipher the conversion and transference of capital between individuals, predominantly in the family. In this conceptual examination, the section focuses on British Bangladeshi young people and their agency. According to Sen (1999), there is a profound reciprocity between individual agency and social arrangements (p. xii). This is predominantly in relation to the amount of autonomy and agency a person requires to accumulate capabilities as a result of potential influence on others and restrictions of social context. As such, Sen proposes that concurrent recognition is given to the criticality of individual freedom and to the power of social effects on the magnitude and scope of individual freedom (Ibid). The theoretical synthesis of Bourdieusian concepts of habitus, capital and field with the capability approach allows for a deeper understanding of the social effects as mentioned by Sen. This amalgamation will allow for a meaningful insight into how social interactions, the accumulation of resources and the conversion of capital shape and develop the aspirations of British Bangladeshi young people.
The chapter provides the theoretical background to concepts central to this research. All of these will be presented in a general framework as well as within the context of young British Bangladeshis.
3.1 General Bourdieusian Perspective
This research project draws upon debates on social inequality and social reproduction as it recognises the aforementioned socio-economic context of British
Bangladeshi young people through examining how individual choice and agency are influenced by the realities of social inequality. In his renowned publication, Distinction, Bourdieu (1974) outlines how habitus, capital and field all work in partnership to produce certain practice, or collective action. Such conceptions have been noted for their ability to expose the way in which policies and institutions can contribute to reproducing inequalities as well as overcoming them. Through deploying Bourdieusian theory we can see how an individual’s sense of their own prospects can be understood not just purely through personal cognition, but as moulded through their interaction with wider social milieu, including family and school environments (Archer et al., 2014). Ultimately, Bourdieu’s sociological approach explains the reproduction of social inequalities and relations of privilege and power dynamics within society (e.g. Bourdieu 1986, 1990, 1992) through citing interactions of habitus and capital within fields. These interactions in fields such as the world of education and employment have powerful influences on an individual’s life opportunities and their view of their own future (Bourdieu, 2010).
Social reproduction theory relates to aspiration formation through its attention on capital and dominant culture. This connection is concerning the arbitrary logic in society whereby types of capital are valued in the interests of the dominant group at the expense of the subordinate group (Hart, 2012). Following on from this, aspirations and ideas about acceptable aspirations could be said to be determined by social arrangements (e.g. class, ethnicity and gender) and different domains of influence (family, school and values). Therefore, the notion of aspiration, from a sociological perspective, can be perceived as a socially constructed phenomenon that provides an avenue for analysing the interaction between agency and social structures in individual lives (Archer et al., 2014). The impact of social context on the aspirations and educational progress of young people from ethnic minority communities have been noted in recent academic debates (Burgess et al., 2009;; Crozier and Davies, 2006;; Dale et al., 2002). However, a gap remains on the specific examination of high educationally achieving ethnic groups such as British Bangladeshis and their orientations post-statutory education.
3.1.1 Habitus
Bourdieu states that the notion of habitus provides an empirical sense of the world and is influenced by an individual’s background and social positioning (Lizardo, 2004). In this sense, habitus can be understood as an ‘internal matrix’ of temperaments that determines how a person grasps and interacts with the social world. The implications of the development of habitus are viewed to be highly pivotal. Bourdieu (1997) states that the replication of the social structure results from the habitus of people. Depending on the class positioning that they are born into individuals construct ideas about their potential capabilities. Thus, Bourdieu’s
concept of ‘habitus’ can be used to explain why young people from lower socio- economic backgrounds often self-select themselves in or out of the certain trajectories. This notion is also helpful in attempting to understand how young people navigate themselves through the academic world and beyond. In deploying the concept of habitus in the context of British Bangladeshi young people we are able to shed light on the less perceptible paradigms of individual agency and decision-making processes.
Habitus also effects the actions and decisions that an individual makes. According to Dumais (2002), habitus is produced by a person’s positioning within a social hierarchy;; by “internalising the social structure and one’s place in it, one comes to determine what is possible and not possible for one’s life and develops aspirations and practices accordingly” (p.46). The internal manifestation of habitus is said to materialise during the early periods of infancy and is a principally ‘unconscious process’ (Ibid). As such, in seeking to understand the nature of aspirations amongst British Bangladeshi young people it is important to explore the development of their habitus through key social interactions, both implicitly and explicitly.
3.1.2 Field
Social interactions constitute the dynamics between individuals and groups of people. In Bourdieusian terminology these interactions take place within the ‘field’, which is “a network or a configuration of objective relations between positions” (Bourdieu and Wacquant, 1992:97). Fields represent a number of sub-spaces within a multi-dimensional society in which dominant and less powerful groups compete for control over resources. It is noted that fields are facilitated by different types of capital, which only exist and function in relation to a field (Ibid). These fields are visible across a number of different contexts including social groups, institutions and work places. As such, this Bourdieusian notion highlights the association of a person to the social sphere in a context-specific manner.
The notion of field is useful in theorising the nature of aspirations as it illuminates how a person’s identity, desirability and consequently capabilities are shaped in and through interactions with different fields. Undeniably, individuals are influenced by their experiences of varied cultural standards, principles and power dynamics in the numerous fields encounter (Hart, 2012). Therefore, in exploring the aspiration formation of British Bangladeshi young people it is imperative to consider the different arenas in which interaction takes place as well as the varying norms, values and power relations that are present. Considering the dynamic nature of the field, its impact on habitus and accumulation of capital will allow for a meaningful analysis on the essence and development of aspirations.
3.1.3 Capital
Another crucial component of Bourdieu’s theoretical model of social reproduction that requires equal consideration is that of ‘capital’. As previously mentioned, habitus does not function in isolation but only in relation to capital, which are different types of resources (economic, cultural, social and symbolic) an individual accrues through interactions and encounters in various fields. Bourdieu refers to social capital as the ability to accumulate value from social networks and wider family and personal relations (Bourdieu, 1986). Whereas, economic capital merely constitutes the generation of wealth through various means, whilst symbolic capital relates to the extent in which certain kinds of capital are valued within society and can be used to re/produce prestige and authority (Ibid).
Alongside economic, social and symbolic capital, cultural capital can be defined as the “familiarity with the dominant culture in a society, and especially the ability to understand and use 'educated' language” (Sullivan 2002: 145). Bourdieu differentiated among three forms of cultural capital: objectified, which refers to the form of cultural goods (books, art, instruments);; institutionalised which refers to educational qualifications and the accreditation system;; and embodied, which is the tendency to recognise and appreciate cultural goods (Bourdieu, 1986:7). Dumais (2002) argues that the possession or acquisition of cultural capital is a key factor in determining the aspirations and ambitions of young people from ‘lower-class’ background. Therefore, it is imperative to consider both an individual’s resources (capital) and the coordination one has towards those resources (habitus) to understand what determines the aspiration formation of British Bangladeshi young people and how these develop and materialise over time.
The major pitfall of deploying the Bourdieusian concept of capital is that there is an absence of analysis with regard to ethnicity, and somewhat of an assumption of cultural homogeneity in relation to classes (Modood, 2004). Indeed, young people receive the same cultural training if they are in the same social class, irrespective of ethnicity. In other words, most young people from low working class backgrounds will ultimately be faced with the same challenge to increase their social and cultural capital in order to adjust to the dominant (affluent) culture. However, it must be noted that despite being in the same social class, habitus could potentially be divergent for different individuals, on the basis of their social interactions and perceptions of barriers influenced by their ethnic and religious identity. Modood (2004) has argued that both social class and cultural capital are limited in the sense that neither gives sociological consideration to modern ethnic phenomena with respect to allocation of resources and possibilities of mobility.
