• No results found

Attitudes towards Turkey’s Europeanisation Process among Turkish Immigrants in Europe

N/A
N/A
Protected

Academic year: 2021

Share "Attitudes towards Turkey’s Europeanisation Process among Turkish Immigrants in Europe"

Copied!
75
0
0

Bezig met laden.... (Bekijk nu de volledige tekst)

Hele tekst

(1)

Attitudes towards Turkey’s Europeanisation Process among Turkish

Immigrants in Europe

MA Thesis in European Studies

Identity and Integration Track

Graduate School of Humanities

University of Amsterdam

Author: Şölen Aslan

Student Number: 11310324 Main Supervisor: Dr. Claske Vos Second Supervisor: Dr. Marjet Brolsma

(2)

i

Acknowledgements

This study would not have been completed without the encouragement and guidance of many people. First of all, I would like to express my gratitude to my MA thesis supervisor Dr. Claske Vos for her unfailing guidance and insightful feedback through the process of writing this thesis. I would also like to sincerely thank my family for providing me with an immense support throughout my education. I foremost must thank the respondents who agreed to participate in my research as their contribution is indispensable to the purpose of this thesis.

(3)

ii

ABSTRACT

Turkey as a country in the circumference of Europe and with strong historical and cultural connections to the continent has made significant efforts to fulfil requested criteria through socio-economic and cultural convergence with the EU Member States. However, the process seems to be failing. Therefore, this study aims to present a different perspective to the reasons behind this failure and specifically focuses on the attitudes of Turkish immigrants who reside in Europe. The study begins with an introduction regarding the relevance of the subject. It then explores the essential framework for placing Turkey in relation to Europe, understanding the extent of the EU as a representative of Europeanness, the differences between Turkish and European identities as well as issues that potentially affect the process negatively. In the light of these matters, the study concludes with the analysis of the feedback from Turkish immigrants in Europe as a group often neglected whose opinions about Turkey’s integration to Europe bear significance in terms of being exposed to the values of both Turkish and European cultures. In general, the study aims to contribute to the academic discussion of Turkey’s troubled European integration process from the perspective of Turkish immigrants in Europe.

(4)

iii

Table of Contents

Chapter 1: Introduction ... 1

1.1 Topic choice motivation………..2

1.2 How to define Europeanisation………....5

1.3 Brief timeline of Turkey’s relationship with Europe ... 8

Chapter 2: Positioning Turkey and Europe... 11

2.1 Is Turkey a European country? ... 11

2.2 EU as the representative of Europeanness………..15

2.3 Turkey as an EU member: motivations of both parties………..18

Chapter 3: Question of Identity ... 24

3.1 European identity ... 24

3.2 European identity vs. National identity………..26

3.3 Measuring different facets of European identity……….27

3.4 Turkish identity from the European viewpoint: Othering………28

3.5 Turkish identity from the Turkish perspective………29

3.6 Rethinking Identity in the Context of Migration………...32

Chapter 4: Obstacles in Turkey’s EU Integration...……….37

4.1 Issue of Geography………..37

4.2 Issue of Demographics………...38

4.3 Issue of Economy………..39

4.4 Issue of Human Rights and Democracy……….41

4.5 Religious Concerns………..43

4.6 Negative Public Opinion………..45

Chapter 5: Stance of Turkish Immigrants in Europe………..50

5.1 Aims of the research……….50

5.2 Profile of the target group……….51

5.3 Methodology ……….52

5.4 Perceptions on Turkey………..53

5.5 Perceptions on Europe……….56

5.6 Perspectives on the EU membership……….58

Chapter 6: Conclusion……….63

(5)

1

CHAPTER 1: INTRODUCTION

“Turkey will not become a member of the union today or tomorrow… It will be a long, difficult, and tortuous journey”

(Olli Rehn, EU Enlargement Commissioner on June 29, 2005)1 It has been twelve years since the EU commissioner has made this statement about Turkey’s accession process. Current picture does not seem to be portraying any improvement.

Turkey and Europe have been neighbouring each other for centuries and sharing history together. However, both parties are considered to represent different forms of civilisation even though Turkish soil has been land to European civilisation’s main pillars like the Roman Empire as well as Ottomans conquering and ruling over European land. The question of how two societies that are so close in distance and maintain relations on various levels can be considered wide apart in culture and civilisation is an interesting topic to be considered. Turkey and Europe represent quite contrary concepts therefore “clash of civilisations” has been a topic of discussion between Christian, democratic, modern, secular, developed Europe and Muslim, oriental, developing Turkey. Within this framework, if Europe is to be defined by civilisation of secular modernity then it can be argued that there is possibly no room for Turkey in Europe unless Turkey manages to undergo extreme Europeanisation in the cultural sense of the word. However, with the recent refugee crisis between Europe and Turkey followed by the Dutch-Turkish diplomatic crisis, Turkey’s enthusiasm to do so seems far gone while European states utterly claim negative opinions towards Turkey’s current situation.

Based on current attitudes of authorities, one could imagine that the negotiations between Europe and Turkey should have a breakdown. However, as the significant other of Europe, Turkey raises questions regarding what European identity is and what are its limits. Similarly, Europe raises questions of how westernised and modern a society Turkey is and serves as an idealistic goal Turkey should strive for. Therefore, this discussion will continue to occupy minds of academics and diplomats.

1

Casanova, Jose. "Long, Difficult and Tortuous Journey of Turkey into Europe and the Dilemmas of European Civilization." Constellations 13, no. 2 (2006): 234.

(6)

2

Inspired by this discussion, the present thesis aims to answer the following research question: What is the stance of Turkish immigrants in Europe regarding Turkey’s troubled European integration process?

In order to answer the above mentioned research question, the thesis is organised in six chapters including multiple subheadings. The first chapter introduces the motivations for the existing research topic then sets the stage by explaining the literature concerning Europeanisation and timeline of Turkey-Europe relations. The second chapter tries to answer the questions of identity where Europeanness versus Turkishness and effects of migration are elaborated. The following chapter aims to position Turkey in relation to Europe as well as investigating representativeness of the EU and prospects of Turkey’s EU membership. The forth chapter includes the obstacles that can be blamed for Turkey’s failure in Europeanisation process. The topics 4th chapter touches upon ranges from geography, demographic, economy, religion to democracy and negative public opinion. After building this knowledge foundation relevant to the topic, the next chapter analyses the finding of the questionnaire answered by Turkish immigrants in Europe. This chapter serves as the main chapter that directly answers the actual research question. Consequently, the thesis ends with the conclusions derived from the overall study.

1.1 Topic Choice Motivation

In this section, the motivations behind focusing on the given topic will be explained. Political and social reasons that make this topic interesting will be demonstrated. In addition to that, similar studies will be pointed out in order to prove the originality of this specific topic in comparison to the others and its possible contributions to the field.

Several decades had passed until Turkey finally gained access through Europe’s gate in Brussels in 2005. The European Commission has decided to start the accession negotiations with Turkey which would result in wide-ranging outcomes for the future of both parties. This process meant to be a test for Turkey’s ability to integrate with the required political, economic and cultural reforms overall aim of which was to bring Turkey closer to the standards of Europe. The process also served as a means to display the extent of the European Union’s future geopolitical and strategic expansion policy. The commencement of the process can be suggested to have refuelled a pre-existing debate on a political, academic and social level about European cultural unity as well as the question of what European identity really entails and who is included in it.

(7)

3

Turkey’s prospective EU membership has captured a vast amount of attention. Features such as its geographical size, big economic market accompanied by the possibility of economic development in addition to its location at the crossroads of the Middle East, Asia and Europe caused Turkey to seem distinctive from the rest of the candidate countries. However, from the perspective of the European Union, Turkey’s candidacy has triggered a more extensive and belated debate on the future condition of the European Union. The reason why Turkey became an enabler of such a wider discussion can be explained by the prejudices towards it as a neighbouring country so close in distance yet distant in numerous factors which will later be discussed. Nicolaidis2 describes Turkey as Europe’s “tainted mirror” that brings the hidden fears of the European community to the surface. This description might also explain why Turkey’s accession process has been a so tortuous.

Until recently, the progress reports issued by the European Union have shown that Turkey exhibited progress in complying with the required EU reforms and standards. However due to decline in Turkey’s democracy, Syrian refugee crisis that caused tension between Turkey and the EU as well as emergence of a coup d’état on July 15, 2016 which led to antidemocratic implementations and declaration of state of emergency, Turkey’s accession process has been in decline. In addition to these political events, EU Member States do not seem to gain any support from their citizens towards Turkey’s accession to the union. Moreover, opinions about the EU seem to have changed over the years among European citizens who outspokenly indicate that they demand their wishes to be considered by their governments.

There are numerous studies carried out to find more about the opinions of the European Member States’ citizens towards Turkey’s integration with Europe. To name a few, Gerhards and Hans3

carried a survey among citizens of 27 Member States whereas McLarren4 studied opinions from

15 west European countries. Studies are not limited to the attitudes of the EU citizens. Opinions of Turkish citizens regarding EU accession have also been topic of academic discussion such as the study carried out by Güreşçi5 and many others. This thesis will focus on the attitudes of Turkish immigrants in Europe. According to the data presented on the website of the Turkish

2 Nicolaidis, Kalypso. "Europe’s Tainted Mirror: Reflections on Turkey’s Candidacy Status After Helsinki." In

Greek-Turkish Relations in the Era of Globalization, edited by Keridis, Dimitris and Triantaphyllou, Dimitrios,

267-68. Dulles: Brasseys, 2001.

3 Gerhards, Jürgen and Hans, Silke. "Why Not Turkey? Attitudes Towards Turkish Membership in the EU among Citizens in 27 European Countries." Journal of Common Market Studies 49, no. 4 (2011): 741-766.

4 McLaren, Lauren. "Explaining Opposition to Turkish Membership of the EU." European Union Politics 8, no. 2 (2007): 251-278.

5 Güresci, Ertugrul. "Türkiye - Avrupa Birliği (AB) Ilişkileri Sürecinde Kamuoyunun Tutumu Ve Değerlendirilmesi."

(8)

4

Ministry of Foreign Affairs6 “the population of Turkish people living abroad exceeds 5.5 million people, 4.6 million of which live in Western European countries”. As a group of people who have been exposed to the elements of both Turkish and European governance and cultures, their attitude is relevant in terms of finding out the cultural and political nuances that may create a significant difference and even hinder Turkey’s Europeanisation process. This thesis differs from similar studies on the same topic in a few dimensions: first one was explained above which suggests that most of the studies regarding Turkey’s Europeanisation struggle focus on the attitudes of European citizens whereas this specific thesis focuses on a neglected community. The other dimension would be the scope or the extent of the study. For instance, Yağbasan7 has studied “Attitudes of Turks in Europe Regarding the EU”. Although this is an important study on the topic, it only focuses on Turkish immigrants who reside in Germany, whereas the present thesis focuses on multiple West European countries including the Netherlands, Germany, France, Austria and Switzerland.

The main question of this thesis which deals with the stance of Turkish immigrants in Europe regarding Turkey’s troubled Europeanisation process is relevant to discuss especially after the recent events. Over the last few decades, Turkey’s EU accession has not only been a political debate but also a question of cultural and social norms of integration which involved ordinary citizens. Everyone has an opinion so strong about Turkey’s Europeanisation process or even its Europeanness in the first place; a debate which has never been stronger for other countries who started EU accession negotiations. Turkey seems to be classified as a strong image of the ‘other’ for Europeans. While Europe stands for values such as democracy, human rights, diversity, freedom and rule of law, recently Turkey seems to be associated with political corruption, instability, disrespect for minority rights and dictatorship. This symbolizes crucial differences between two parties who are so close geographically yet so distant in political, economic and social levels. This issue which will be discussed further later, has been surveyed from various perspectives including political and social aspects. However, the Turkish diaspora consisting of immigrants and refugees in Europe is often neglected or confined to the limits of the country they live in when it comes to academic analysis. As an immigrant group, they seem to be very strong and outspoken when it comes to voicing their opinions about Europeans and Turkey. Also, in the recent wave of events, Turkish diaspora in Europe have significantly affected Turkey’s politics with their votes. The ones who often praise Turkey for being better and greater

6 See http://www.mfa.gov.tr/the-expatriate-turkish-citizens.en.mfa.

7 Yagbasan, Mustafa. "Avrupa'Daki Türklerin AB Hakkındaki Görüşleri: Almanya Özelinde Bir Alan Araştırması."

(9)

5

than Europe and voted for the change of Turkish constitution seemed reluctant to leave Europe and go back to Turkey.8 Whenever a political dispute takes place between Europe and Turkey, Turkish immigrants find themselves in the streets of Europe for protest. All of these resulted in drawing the conclusion that Turkish diaspora residing in Europe must have more to say in Turkey’s Europeanisation process. Therefore, this thesis is based on the survey that examines the stance of Turkish immigrants living in Europe who are exposed to both Turkish and European sides of the story with their first-hand experience. So, studying this topic would inevitably contribute to the field of European Studies in terms of bringing a new approach and dimension to the discussion about how Turkey’s Europeanisation process is perceived.

1.2 How to define Europeanisation

At this point, it is significant to touch upon the definition of Europeanisation and what it entails in order to make a better sense of Turkey’s case. Europeanisation is a crucial notion in the context of this thesis which is also mentioned in the title. Understanding what it entails in academic discussion as well as the perspective taken in the present thesis would be beneficial for the reader to place certain evaluations made throughout the thesis and prevent any possibilities of uncertainty.

Initially, this section summarises diverse conceptualisations and definitions of Europeanisation. In that, different explanations regarding what it is and the criticisms towards those are stated. Firstly, Europeanisation is explained as a term to define ‘EU-isation’ or implementation of EU regulations from top-down and bottom-up angles. Then, it is discussed as a part of European integration process. Ultimately, Europeanisation is discussed from a broader perspective which relates it to more general issues of culture, social norms, identity formation which is the approach employed in this thesis.

Europeanisation is a popular term in the context of European Studies. Explicitly, it can be defined as the process of adopting European Union regulations, structures or directives into an existing structure. In a broader sense, conceptualization of Europeanisation is extended within the realm of academic literature to cover shared values, formal or informal rules, identities and top-down or bottom-up policy discourse.

8 See http://imp-news.com/tr/news/32538/avusturyada-tc-vatandasligindan-cikma-kuyrugu for news about Austrian Turks (73% of whom voted in favor of Erdogan’s AKP) queuing to leave Turkish citizenship after the notice that dual citizens would be faced with legal charges.

(10)

6

Generally, its definition often depends on what context it is used in. Olsen9 argues that it is a fashionable concept for which multiple definitions exist and adding his suspicion about whether it was worth bothering with given the vagueness and uncertainty surrounding the concept. Similarly, Flockhart suggests that it “seems to emerge from obscurity … and policy-related ‘euro-speak”.10 Despite the hesitations, many academics defend the idea that Europeanisation

is a useful term to explain important European trends.11 As trendy as it is, Europeanisation

nevertheless refers to a “process of change” as suggested by Flockhart.

This process of change is often observed from two angles. One of them is the idea that Europeanisation is the impact of the EU and implementation of its standards on other countries. Whereas from a broader perspective Europeanisation can be viewed as a “process of cultural, political and organisational change along European lines, within and beyond the borders of Europe”.12

Ladrech, states that Europeanisation happens whenever political dynamics of Europe become the norm for domestic policy-making processes. In his own words, Europeanisation can be defined as “an incremental process reorienting the direction and shape of politics to the degree that EC political and economic dynamics become part of the organizational logic of national logic of national politics and policy-making”.13 If understood from this point of view,

Europeanisation should require a top-down implementation procedure. With a similar approach, Buller and Gamble explore wider conceptualisations of the term. They consider it to refer to “a situation where distinct modes of European governance have transformed aspects of domestic politics”.14 Overall, these perspectives reflect the idea that Europeanisation has to do

with top-down implementations of EU policies on domestic levels, therefore, making Europeanisation an indispensable element of the European integration process. However, it should be kept in mind that Europeanisation is an interactive process which employs bottom-up and top-down procedures of integration not only on governmental level but also on other

9 Olsen, Johan. "The Many Faces of Europeanisation." Journal of Common Market Studies 40, no. 5 (2002): 921-22.

10 Flockhart, Trine. "Europeanisation: The Myths and the Facts." Public Policy Research 13, no. 2 (2006): 86-87. 11 For instance, Buller, Jim and Gamble, Andrew. "Conceptualizing Europeanisation." Public Policy and

Administration 17, no. 2 (2002): 4-24.; Olsen, Johan. "The Many Faces of Europeanisation." Journal of Common Market Studies 40, no. 5 (2002): 921-952.

12 Flockhart, Trine. "Europeanisation: The Myths and the Facts." Public Policy Research 13, no. 2 (2006): 89. 13 Ladrech, Robert. "Europeanisation of Domestic Politics and Institutions: The Case of France." Journal of

Common Market Studies 32, no. 1 (1994): 70-71.

14 Buller, Jim and Gamble, Andrew. "Conceptualizing Europeanisation." Public Policy and Administration 17, no. 2 (2002): 6-7.

(11)

7

levels. In other words, concentrating on top-down procedures alone is not sufficient and bottom-up procedures are also needed within an EU context.

In another working definition, “Europeanisation is domestic change caused by European integration”.15 The term has set a major academic agenda as well as political. Some researchers

such as Börzel focus mostly on the effect of European norms in the field of policy making and governance. However, it cannot be the ultimate definition of it as the definition of Europeanisation should also highlight the change in social structures ad identities. Therefore it is beneficial to bear in mind that Europeanisation entails more than “EU-isation”.16

From a euro-centric point of view, Europeanisation can also be regarded as the idea that “Europeanisation is a natural extension of a euro-centric perspective that naturally holds European ideas and culture as superior” 17 as well as thinking that superior culture is generated

in Europe and should be exported to the Middle East and the rest of the world. This is an idea that existed within the concept of Eurocentrism. Therefore, it can be said that Europeanisation is not a new phenomenon although it has been recently more popular as a term within the academic corpus. Flockhart also argues that “before Europe could embark on the current processes of EU-isation and Europeanisation, it had to be Europeanised!” emphasizing the idea that Europe’s passage to modernity required the continent to enrich itself with the existing information in other parts of the world before it could impose its own values.

In addition to these more conventional approaches to the concept of Europeanisation, there are more general interpretations that consider it to include “processes of construction, diffusion, and institutionalization of formal and informal rules, procedures, policy paradigms, styles, ‘ways of doing things’ and shared beliefs and norms which are first defined and consolidated in the making of EU decisions and then incorporated in the logic of domestic discourse, identities, political structures and public policies”.18 This might seem as a broad definition.

Broader definitions can be criticised in the sense that broader definitions tend to stretch borders of concepts. However, Radaelli argues that Europeanisation is a difficult concept to define and can be used in multiple contexts. The question that he asks is that if everything can be touched

15 Vink, Maarten. "What is Europeanisation? and Other Questions on a New Research Agenda." European

Political Science 3, no. 1 (2003): 63.

16 Ibid. Concentrating on requirements coming from Brussels. “Yet, it must be recognised that 'European integration' in itself covers a wider range of processes and institutions. “

17 Flockhart, Trine. "Europeanisation: The Myths and the Facts." Public Policy Research 13, no. 2 (2006): 87-88. 18 Radealli, Claudio. "Whither Europeanization? Concept Stretching and Substantive Change." European

(12)

8

by Europe and its norms to a certain extent, then anything can be Europeanised in one way or another given the statement that Europeanisation can be the source of “cultural change, new identity formation, policy change, administrative innovation and even modernisation”19. In the

midst of the chaos of all different definitions of Europeanisation, what matters is the approach employed throughout this thesis in order to build a framework for material that will be discussed and the analysis that will be carried in the following chapters of the thesis.

The perspective employed in this thesis whenever Europeanisation is mentioned refers to a broader one. Turkey’s Europeanisation process is definitely a broader concept that is not limited to formal integration with EU due to the fact that citizens of both Turkey and the EU are very much involved in the process and what the consequences might be in their daily, cultural and social lives. Having in mind the historical passage from being Europeanised into the process of EU-isation and Europeanisation, what matters it the current state. Turkey as a candidate for EU membership agreed to the rules and regulations of Europeanisation politically and culturally. Within the framework of the present thesis, Turkey’s Europeanisation process will be discussed from a broad perspective with specific attention paid to the cultural aspects rather than political.

1.3 Brief Timeline of Turkey’s Relationship with Europe

In order to shed more light on the contemporary events, it is useful to look back on the history. Historically, Europe and Turkey have always had ties in one way or another. What is known as Turkey now was once the property of the Ottoman Empire. Since then it has been serving as a bridge between Europe and the Middle East and Asia as well as a barrier which hinders these distinct cultures from confronting each other.

“The importance of Turkey for Europe is rooted in the historic ties between the two sides, dating back to Ottoman times. Be it through war, diplomacy, commerce, art, cuisine, or intermarriage, Turkey has always been an integral part of Europe’s history. Over centuries, relations between the two were characterized by cooperation and convergence in the fifteenth through to the seventeenth centuries”.20 In the 19th century, the Ottoman Empire participated in the Concert

of Europe.21 The relationship between the two parties has always been a combination of

19 Radealli, Claudio. "Whither Europeanization? Concept Stretching and Substantive Change." European

Integration Online Papers 4, no. 8 (2000): 8-9.

20 Tocci, Nathalie. Turkey and the European Union: A Journey in the Unknown. Brookings: Center on the United States and Europe, 2014.

21 “The Concert of Europe, also known as the Congress System or the Vienna System after the Congress of Vienna, was a system of dispute resolution adopted by the major conservative powers of Europe to maintain their power, oppose revolutionary movements, weaken the forces of nationalism, and uphold the balance of

(13)

9

cooperation and conflict. Even though it is argued by some that Turkey does not belong to Europe, Ottoman Empire was named the “sick man of Europe”22 at the time. In line with pragmatic and strategic purposes, Turkey was included in Aristide Briand’s Commission of Enquiry for European Union within the scope of the League of Nations, whereas it was excluded from the more idealistic pan-Europe proposal presented by Richard Coudenhove-Kalergi.23 After the dissolution of the Ottoman Empire, Europe was taken as a role model in the remodelling process of the new Turkey by the founding father of Turkey, Mustafa Kemal Atatürk. In his philosophy, Kemalism, ideas such as modernity, democracy, secularism and so on which are attributed to be European values play a vital role. So, the new Turkey was built and revived on the basis of European values.

In 1949, Turkey became a member of the Council of Europe. As a Pan-European organisation established by the Treaty of London main aim of it was to protect human rights as well as promote rule of law and democracy. Three years later in 1952, Turkey became a part of the North Atlantic Treaty Organisation (NATO). At the time during the Cold War, Turkey was a pivotal ally for Europe as it shared borders with the Soviet Union. Thereafter, Turkey enhanced its economic relations with the European continent and “has been knocking on Europe’s door … full of high hopes and good intentions”.24

In 1963, Turkey signed the Association Agreement with European Economic Community. Following that, Turkey submitted a request for full membership in 1987 which resulted in rejection by the European Commission in 1989 owing to the fact that Turkey’s democracy suffered from major deficiency. This reasoning is still valid today as one of the leading factors that impedes Turkey’s Europeanisation process. It is also notable that the same year Morocco also applied for full membership and the Commission has decided that unlike Morocco, Turkey was an eligible candidate for a prospective membership.25 When Turkey entered the EU customs union, hopes were up again for Turkey’s membership. Nevertheless, European Council

power.” in Elrod, Richard. "The Concert of Europe: A Fresh Look at an International System." World Politics 28, no. 2 (1976): 159.

22 Lewis, Bernard and Royal Institute of International Affairs, London. The Emergence of Modern Turkey. London: Oxford University Press, 1961.

23 “Coudenhove-Kalergi is one of the fathers of the idea of a unified Europe. After his visit to Turkey and meeting with M. K. Atatürk, he involved Turkey and the Balkans within his 1934 writings about political Europe.” Dilek Barlas and Serhat Güvenç, “Turkey and the Idea of a European Union in the Inter-War Years, 1923-39,” Middle Eastern Studies 45, no. 3 (2009): 425.

24 Pamuk, Orhan. In Kars and Frankfurt. Istanbul: Nation, 2005. Nobel Prize winner, Turkish literary writer. 25 Commission opinion on Turkey’s request for accession to the Community, Commission of the European Communities, SEC (89) 2290 final, Brussels: 20.12.1989.

(14)

10

emphasized that despite being eligible, Turkey did not meet the EU membership standards. Finally, in 1999, European Council entitled Turkey to the long-pursued candidacy whilst not initiating the accession negotiations which was applied to the rest of the countries within the enlargement process such as East European countries, Malta and Cyprus.

Turkey’s reform impulse gained momentum after 2001. This was for some a “silent revolution”26 in the country. This silent revolution of reforms in the country convinced

European Council to decide that Turkey sufficiently fulfilled the political criteria, therefore accession talks could commence in October 2015.27 Interestingly, after the opening of accession negotiations, Turkey has lost pace in its silent revolution of reforms.28

As the only accession process that lasted over a decade, Turkey’s case has been full of constraints. Advocates of turkey’s membership defend the idea that Turkey acquires the potential to drastically transform EU’s conventional geopolitical image. Without a doubt, it would mark a historical moment in global history in the sense that it would be the foundation of a new bridge between wider Muslim world and Europe. The question here is whether Europe and its citizens want that bridge to be built or not. For this purpose, Turkey would provide a significant geopolitical leverage for Europe. However, it would also bring problems to be solved in the long run such as democratic issues, corruption allegations, gender inequalities, low literacy rates, a declining currency and the backlash of European citizens all of which will be discussed in the following chapters. That is why Turkey has been required to formally Europeanise if it wishes to be a part of the European Union However, it can be argued that Turkey’s experience with European integration or in other words Europeanisation has been quite contested since the beginning. Regardless of how long the period has taken or its assertiveness, the process has not reached an ultimate conclusion yet until this day.

26 Ahtisaari, Martti, Kurt Biedenkopf, and Albert Rohan. Turkey in Europe: More than a Promise: Independent Commission on Turkey, 2004.http://www.emmabonino.it/campagne/turchia/english.pdf.

27 Kubicek, Paul. "Political Conditionality and European Union's Cultivation of Democracy in Turkey."

Democratization 18, no. 4 (2011): 920.

28 Arısan, Nilgün. "What Went Wrong in the Turkey-EU Relationship?" In Another Empire?, edited by Öktem, Kerem and Kadıoğlu, Ayse and Karlı, Mehmet. Istanbul: Bilgi University press, 2015.

(15)

11

CHAPTER 2: POSITIONING TURKEY AND EUROPE

In order to understand the concepts and assumptions made in this thesis, following chapter tries to position Turkey and Europe including the EU on a mental map. It is argued that whether Turkey can be considered European depends on various factors all which take us to the answer that history and geography are not enough criteria. The second subheading about EU as the representative of Europeanness, opens up questions of identity and argues that what Europeanness means is an individual assessment while the EU can only represent legislative aspects and tries to produce a common identity as its mission. Finally, the last section touches upon advantages and disadvantages both parties might gain from furthering their relations.

2.1 Is Turkey a European Country?

This section tries to formulate an answer to the long-lasting question of whether Turkey can be classified as a European country and where it is actually situated geographically and culturally in relation to the European continent. The answer to this question can be formulated depending on a variety of factors; namely geography, culture, history and acceptance of other European countries.

After the collapse of the Ottoman Empire, Turkey’s landmass declined to the extent where only 3 percent of it was within European continent. Nevertheless, this small area is home to 11 percent of Turkey’s population as well as the city of Istanbul which is Turkey’s cultural and economic hotspot.29 Obvious from the geographical maps, Turkey lies on the line dividing

Europe and Asia with its national territory belonging to part of both continents. As for Europe, there is no dispute about its borders to the west, north or south. However, those to the east remain uncertain and open to discussion both academically and politically. Obviously, this is a question beyond geography which cannot provide a final answer by itself.

The encounter of Turks with European civilization dates back to the conquest of Istanbul. Turks entered Anatolia in the 11th century and founded the Ottoman Empire which led to the conquest of Istanbul in 1453. As a result, Ottomans or Turks became heirs to the Eastern Roman Empire and Byzantine as well as a very rich and established Greco-Latin and Judeo-Christian culture existing in Anatolia.30 Anatolia is a region within the borders of modern day Turkey and houses

29 Aydin, Senem. Türkiye’nin Tam Üyeliğinin Avrupa Birliğine Ve Türkiye Ye Katkıları. Istanbul: İktisadi Kalkınma Vakfı Yayınları, 2002.

30 Goffman, Daniel. The Ottoman Empire and Early Modern Europe. New Approaches to European History. Vol. 24. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2002.

(16)

12

historical sites such as Ephesus, Mount Ararat where Noah’s Ark rested, Troy. It is also connected to historical figures such as Herodotus, Aesop, Saint Nicholas and so on. Antioch was where Saint Paul preached to the very first Christian congregation. Saint Paul who caused Christianity to extend beyond the limits of Judaism was born in Tarsus in Anatolia.31 The

examples above are part of European cultural heritage too and remind us that what was once the cradle of European heritage and civilisation is now at the heart of Turkey.

Apart from being home to significant elements of European heritage, the Ottoman Empire was an essential part of European politics for a long time. The Ottoman Turks played crucial roles often as conquerors and at times as an ally of major European powers such as France. There were also times when the Ottoman land became a safe haven for the oppressed in Europe as in 1492 when the Ottoman Empire provided shelter for Jewish refugees from Spain. This event might serve as an example that reflects the Ottoman tradition of letting members of different religions live side by side and granting them rights in return for their loyalty. The fact that the Ottoman Empire was invited to join the European Concert after the Crimean war in 1856 to decide for Europe’s destiny alongside powers such as France, Great Britain, Prussia, Austria and Russia serves proof that it was a part of European history and politics.

This event that brought recognition for Turkey as a European power coincided with the period when successive Sultans put a great deal of effort into westernizing their empire. This westernizing phenomenon began in the first half of the 19th century with hopes to revive the empire that was on the verge of collapsing. The reforms that were part of westernizing efforts were mainly inspired by France which paved the way for the modernisation of the armed forces, abolition of certain institutions, centralisation of state administration, founding a postal service and the printing of paper money for the very first time, making elementary education mandatory. Although they were not wholly fulfilled, the reforms can be said to have changed the character of the empire.

The influence from Europe was not over with the end of reforms era. Particularly France and England influenced the Young Ottomans movement which suggested the idea of establishing a constitutional state and explicitly questioned the notion of liberty and citizenship rights. Eventually they had to withdraw due to a strong opposition by the Sultan. This ideal of liberty, citizenship right and the idea that the land was the fatherland or motherland as Turks would call

31 Aydin, Senem ‘The self-definition of Europe: where does Turkey stand?’ Turkish Policy Quarterly 2, no.4 (2003): 8-9.

(17)

13

it, not the property of the Sultan reappeared with the Young Turks movement. This movement was not only supported by the western elite but also deeply influenced by European intellectuals and schools of philosophy. The most significant accomplishment of the Young Turks movement was the legacy that led to building of Turkish national identity in combination with a persistent trend of westernisation.32 For them westernisation/Europeanisation was an

imperative factor for Turkey’s survival after the fall of the Ottoman Empire.

These ideals or ideas were the pillars of the reforms endorsed by Mustafa Kemal Atatürk after the war for national independence. Atatürk can be seen as the strongest figure in Turkish history who believed that civilisation referred to European civilisation and following the footsteps of civilisation meant being a modern state. Atatürk explains clearly during one of his speeches: “Peoples who are not civilised are condemned to remain under the domination of those who are. And civilisation is the West, the modern world, of which Turkey must be part if she wishes to survive. The nation is determined to adopt exactly and completely, both in substance and in form, the way of life and the methods which contemporary civilisation offers to all nations”.33

On the way to catching up with the European civilisation, Atatürk abolished Caliphate, Ulema and Sultanate, adopted the Swiss Civil Law, replaced Arabic alphabet with Latin alphabet, replaced words of Arabic or Persian origin with pure Turkish ones, changed from lunar to solar calendar, granted women the right to vote, renounced the Sharia law, established a democratic parliament, switched the weekly off-day from Friday to Sunday.34 These reforms are criticized

for eliminating Islam and the rule of religious institutions from the state, especially recently. Turkey is currently facing a time period where the President never lets a day pass without making multiple references to Islam during his speeches or public appearances which tends some groups to think that Turkey has now turned its face toward the Middle East in contrast to the days when Atatürk pointed at the west and Europe for inspiration. In his reforms, he tried to turn religion into a personal issue which helped Turkey develop into a secular state, a vital feature of European countries. Unfortunately, the extent of Turkey secularism is highly debated and seems to deteriorate let alone developing.

In terms of culture, Islam has been a crucial element of Turkish life. Islam does not only affect the spirituality but also plays a role in civil, political and judicial aspects which obstructs the

32 Kamran, Tahir. “Young Turks Movement&1908 Revolution.” Pakistan Journal of History and Culture 29, no.1 (2008): 105.

33 Quoted in Ahtisaari, Martti, Kurt Biedenkopf, and Albert Rohan. Turkey in Europe: More than a Promise:

Independent Commission on Turkey, 2004.http://www.emmabonino.it/campagne/turchia/english.pdf. 34 Ünsal, Artun. "Atatürk’s Reforms: Realization of a Utopia by a Realist." New Delhi, 28 November 1981, 1981.

(18)

14

distinction between temporal life and religious life35 particularly in Turkey’s case. Therefore, it can be said that Atatürk’s reforms “created a secular republic out of the ruins of the ottoman monarchy – formed a culturally dualistic society in Turkey by introducing western cultural elements into the Islamic lifestyle”.36

Briefly, there are some criteria to assess whether Turkey is European or not. From the information provided previously, Turkey can be classified as a country that has a landmass within the borders of European continent. But, being European is not confined to the limits of actual borders. History and heritage also play a role in being named European i.e. all EU countries would agree to sharing certain historical heritage. Given the historical events and knowledge provided, it is obvious that Turkey or previously the Ottoman Empire was invited to European political events as a decision maker, was home to essential elements of European heritage, even belonged to the greatest European empires. However, geography and historical connection do not still confirm the Europeanness of Turkey which is mainly due to the fact that history is already past and geography is not visible from people’s living rooms. Therefore, what matters in deciding whether Turkey is European or not is daily factors that are visible and sensible to anyone. This takes us to the issue of today’s culture. Turkey has always had a dualistic culture. It was always connected with Islam and Middle Eastern traditions but also some groups in the country tried to keep up with modern civilisation and European values of secularism and democracy. Turkey’s evolution from a country established on Atatürk’s western reforms to a moderate Islamic country can be traced back to 2002 when, the lasts representative of political Islam, Justice and Development Party (Adalet ve Kalkınma Partisi) came to power.37

In addition to this political change, Turkey’s demographic change provided support for political Islam in the country. According to TUIK reports, “the population growth rate has been higher among the rural population as well as among urban groups with rural origin, both of which have conservative and more religious inclinations”.38 With the effect of these factors, on the one hand

Turkey has tried to Europeanise its values and daily life but on the other hand the population in favour of traditional values and Islam started to grow which led to a dualistic culture. The

35 Esmer, Yilmaz. "Islam, Gender, Democracy and Values." In Changing Values, Persisting Cultures: Case Studies

in Value Change, edited by Petersson, Thorleif, 289. Boston: Brill, 2008.

36Evrensel, Ayse. "Turkey’s Possible Membership of the European Union from a Cultural Perspective." Eurasian Geography and Economics 54, no. 3 (2013): 300-1.

37Hurd, Elizabeth S. "What is Driving the European Debate about Turkey? ." Insight Turkey 12, no. 1 (2010): 185-86.

38Evrensel, Ayse. "Turkey’s Possible Membership of the European Union from a Cultural Perspective." Eurasian Geography and Economics 54, no. 3 (2013): 310.

(19)

15

dualistic nature of Turkey is the factor that outlaws geographical of historical evidence that hint at Turkey’s Europeanness.

As a result of that, acceptance of other incontestable European countries has a great value in terms of formulating a final statement about whether Turkey is welcome in their club. Although public opinion polls suggest that 55.3 per cent of Turks believe that harmonization with the EU will improve standards for democracy and human rights and 53.7 percent further believe that economic and social conditions will improve with EU membership,39 Gerhards and Hans state in their study of 27 EU countries about their opinion on Turkey’s EU membership that more than two-thirds of EU citizens feel that the cultural differences between Turkey and the EU are too significant to allow it to join the EU.40

The stance of European countries toward Turkey’s membership to the EU in addition to the dualistic culture of Turkey and current policies of Turkish government that moves Turkey gradually towards the Middle East outweigh the fact that Turkey has geographical and historical ties with Europe. These two elements are not enough to make Turkey count as a European country as long as crucial European values are missing in its daily and cultural spheres. As Franz Fischler proposes Turkey is a “sui generis society, far more oriental than European”.41

2.2 EU as the representative of Europeanness

It is generally assumed that the main criteria required to officially confirm whether Turkey is European or can be Europeanised is the European Union membership process. Therefore, it is essential to analyse what the EU indeed represents and to what extent. In doing so, first of all we need to explain what Europeanness entails and then go deeper into where EU is situated within the context of Europeanness as a regional representative.

As a concept so relevant and frequently mentioned, it is significant to highlight what is understood by Europe. According to Neave, “There are few subjects so controversial as that of Europe. This is hardly surprising, since there are almost as many interpretations of what Europe was, is, and should be, as there are interests arising among those who debate such matters.”.42

39 BBC, Monitoring Europe, 2007.

40 Gerhards, Jürgen and Hans, Silke. "Why Not Turkey? Attitudes Towards Turkish Membership in the EU

among Citizens in 27 European Countries." Journal of Common Market Studies 49, no. 4 (2011): 741-743.

41 Corrado Pirzio-Biroli, Head of the Cabinet of former EU Commissioner Franz Fischler, “Does ‘Muslim’ Turkey

Belong in ‘Christian’ Europe?” Discussion, "National Press Club, Washington, D.C., January 13, 2005.

42 Vergara, Javier. "The History of Europe and its Constituent Countries: Considerations in Favour of the New Europe." Journal of Social Science Education 6, no. 1 (2007): 18.

(20)

16

Obviously, it is not a simple task to come up with a definite definition of Europeanness which is also due to the fact that many global phenomena have manifested in the continent affecting peoples and cultures. This makes it harder to eliminate which elements to include or exclude in the definition. Among those supranational phenomena one can list Roman, Greek, Christian, Renaissance, Reform, Rationalism, Enlightenment, Secularism, Liberalism and Modernism ideals and many more which have shaped not only the European intellectual and cultural revolution but also echoed universally.

Throughout its development from Greek mythology into its contemporary context, the idea of Europe and Europeanness has been used to portray more than a geographic entity. Beyond all, it has been a cultural entity sustained by concepts such as liberty, regulating according to ethical norm of life, justice, good and the order with discipline and authority. “One need only go out from Europe in any direction to feel the reality of its cultural identity”.43

Now that what Europeanness might entail is clear, it is significant to locate the position of the European Union within representation of Europeanness on an international and official stage. In an arena where the word global is highly fashionable, the EU can be said to be the global face of Europe and the countries that are part of it. In that sense, the EU can be called the “normative European power”44 despite being contested. Clearly, while representing that power,

the EU takes on a mission to spread and protect European values. Pinning down what these values are for the EU takes us back to the Lisbon Treaty: “Article 2 TEU reminds us that the Union is founded on the values of respect for human dignity, freedom, democracy, equality, the rule of law and respect for human rights, including the rights of persons belonging to minorities”.45 Throughout the EU history, different articles have made references to various

aspects of European values; for instance, the Copenhagen criteria in 1993, put great emphasis on democracy and protection of human rights as the top benchmark for any possible EU membership.46

In simplified terms, it can be derived that EU operates in a dual way; suggesting that the EU has to work with both national and supranational values. However, it is good to note that the

43 Duroselle, Jean-Baptiste and Richard Mayne. Europe: A History of its People. London: Viking, 1990. 44 Diez, Thomas. "Constructing the Self and Changing Others: Reconsidering Normative Power Europe."

Millenium 33, no. 3 (2005): 613.

45 Herlin-Karnell, E. “The Eu as a Promoter of Values and the European Global Project” German Law Journal 12, (2012).

46 European Council Meeting in Copenhagen, June 21-22, 1993, reached at http://ec.europa.eu/bulgaria/documents/abc/72921_en.pdf.

(21)

17

EU accepts some national values as European ones but as remarked in “Article 4(2) TEU (the national identity clause), national values can also form part of a national identity and then are no longer European.”.47 This clearly tells that even though the EU is often seen as the ultimate

representative of Europeanness, each member still preserves their national character which makes the whole equation of representation of values even harder to grasp.

Although this study primarily focuses on EU as a representative of European culture and values, it also acts as a political, humanitarian, and economic representative. Within the framework of the EC (European Community), the EU became one of the leading participants in global economy during the last half of the 20th century. In that sense, “the Union plays four distinct

international roles in this realm, namely that of a leader of sustainable development and a model of successful and comprehensive integration, the largest shareholder in global trade, provider of the largest development assistance, and donor of the largest humanitarian aid”.48

Moreover, the European Union acts as a single entity on international political arena which is agreed by its member states; which is secured under the name of Common Foreign and Security Policy. “The policy encompasses an array of measures to influence the international environment, including diplomacy, sanctions, and responding to crises that occur outside the EU”.49

Nevertheless, in the case of Turkey’s Europeanisation process and the stance of Turkish immigrants towards it, the hierarchy of importance is reversed. This is because of the fact that Turkey has already had established relationships as far as economic and security-related cooperation with the EU is concerned. Additionally, Turkey often suffers from cultural othering when asked in Eurobarometer50 surveys, cultural or civilizational aspects gain more importance

and relevance.

The European Union is a vital representative of the countries located on the European continent. The membership to the union is never limited to geographical proximity. It always requires adhering to certain values and standards that are specific to the its peoples. However, the extent of its representation can be criticized in the sense that each country would naturally have their

48 Zieba, Ryszard. "International Roles of the European Union." Rocznik Integracji Europejskiej 6, no. 1 (2012): 68.

49 Keukeleire, Stephan and MacNaughtan, Jennifer. The Foreign Policy of the European Union. The European Union Series. 1st ed. Basingstoke: Palgrave Macmillan, 2008.

50 EU Commission. Public Opinion in the European Union, Standard Eurobarometer 81, 2014., available at http://ec.europa.eu/commfrontoffice/publicopinion/archives/eb/eb81/eb81_publ_en.pdf.

(22)

18

own peculiarities and it would not be logical to argue that the EU can cover all of those. The European Union is a valid as an official representative with a great degree of authority. The EU can represent European governance, administration, democracy and rule of law however it could never fully represent the whole cultural aspect of Europeanness while definitions of who counts as a European is as many as the number of individual European citizens. Therefore, being named as one of its members can be seen as an indicator of being European at least in a legal and official framework rather than on a cultural or social level.

2.3 Turkey as an EU member: motivations of both parties

Given the fact that being an EU member can be regarded as an indicator of being European, then Turkey’s membership to the EU would undoubtedly confirm that Turkey has managed to Europeanise itself. Such a possibility would present not only considerable challenges but also a substantial amount of opportunities for both the EU and Turkey. The likelihood of rejection or acceptation to the Union would bring certain pros and cons for both parties. Therefore, assessing these bears significance in terms of clarifying the likely consequences in the future as well as positioning different approaches to the process. In this section, the prospects of Turkey’s membership shall initially be discussed from the perspective of the EU and then Turkey. Turkey is a big country of more than 79 million people.51 Turkey’s population and specifically the percentage of Muslims within that population are the main concerns that leave question marks on minds. In addition to that, President Erdogan’s Islamist political background creates a source of concern for the EU and many Europeans who are hesitant about his government’s commitment to indispensable European values such as secular democratic polity.52 Turkey’s

admission to the EU would serve as a tool the break the “Christian Club”53 image of the EU. In

a way, it would prove the EU’s inclusivity and tolerance as a society, adding more reality to the motto of “united in diversity”54 based on EU’s common values of respecting human rights,

51 Exact population is 79,814,871 according to 31 January 2017 report published by TUIK (Turkish Statistical Institute) available at http://www.turkstat.gov.tr/Start.do.

52 David L. Phillips, “Turkey’s Dreams of Accession,” Foreign Affairs 83, no. 5 (2004): 86.

53 A term often used by Turkish media and politicians when referring to the EU. “Dorothee Schmid, with the French Institute of International Relations, responds: “The expression Christian Club has been used quite often by Turkish analysts or politicians when they talk about their relations with the European Union, ever since the very beginning of negotiating entry. So, even from the start, the Turks feared being rejected by the EU for cultural, or more precisely religious reasons.” available at http://www.euronews.com/2011/10/06/is-the-european-union-a-christian-club.

54 “It signifies how Europeans have come together, in the form of the EU, to work for peace and prosperity, while at the same time being enriched by the continent's many different cultures, traditions and languages.” See https://europa.eu/european-union/about-eu/symbols/motto_en.

(23)

19

liberty, rule of law and democracy. This way, the EU could possibly present an alternative to radical Islamist closed society models that are exclusive and illiberal. “In the great cultural debate of the twenty-first century, all too often fuelled by ignorance and prejudice and misused by criminal phenomena such as international terrorism, a ethnic, multicultural and multi-faith Europe could send a powerful message to the rest of the world that the “Clash of Civilisations” is not the ineluctable destiny of mankind”.55 This way Europe as a soft power

would build a bridge between the Islamic world and the Western world. However, it is good to bear in mind that it is more than a mere image that the EU tries to produce and maintain. Sacrificing certain values that Europe has collectively built over centuries for the sake of creating a positive, tolerant image would not be rational, which might explain the backlash received from European citizens when Turkey’s membership possibility is justified by the above mentioned reasoning.

For some, Turkey’s membership would further prove the compatibility of democracy alongside Islam. However, it is significant that Turkey is a unique example among its Muslim neighbours, namely Syria, Iraq, that are located in the same Middle Eastern region. Based on its diversified cultural roots since the Ottoman era, two centuries of Western orientation process intensified with Atatürk’s revolutionary move to secularism and democracy, it would not be realistic to think that Turkish model can easily be transferred to other Muslim countries. If only Turkey could somehow manage to distance itself from daily Islamic propaganda by its leading politicians and refuel its former effort to Europeanise in line with EU regulations, then it would demonstrate to the Islamic world that it is indeed attainable to formulate answers for the dilemma of consolidating traditional and religious manners with universally adopted principles of civilised societies.

In order to have a greater say in global politics, another opportunity for the European Union would be the use of Turkey’s geopolitical significance as a part of its security strategy. “Turkish accession would considerably strengthen the Union’s capabilities as foreign policy actor”.56

Within the framework of the EU’s “A Secure Europe in a Better World”57 security strategy as

55 Ahtisaari, Martti, Kurt Biedenkopf, and Albert Rohan. Turkey in Europe: More than a Promise: Independent Commission on Turkey, 2004.

56 Ibid.

57 Purpose of the strategy is explained in the Commission report dated 12 December 2003 as such: “This is a world of new dangers but also of new opportunities. The European Union has the potential to make a major contribution, both in dealing with the threats and in helping realise the opportunities. An active and capable European Union would make an impact on a global scale. In doing so, it would contribute to an effective multilateral system leading to a fairer, safer and more united world”. Available at

(24)

20

well as the “Wider Europe-Neighbourhood”58 concept, southern and eastern periphery of the

continent is highly emphasized in terms of preserving the security of the EU as well as its citizens. In that sense, Turkey would contribute as a new dimension to the EU’s foreign policy efforts in critical regions such as the Middle East, Central Asia, Mediterranean and South Caucasus due to Turkey’s geo-political and geo-strategic position. The recent Syrian refugee crisis between the EU and Turkey has served evidence in proving this point. Located at a critical position on the doorway to Europe, the only means to control the Syrian refugee influx to Europe was Turkey which was very well recognized by Erdogan’s government and even opened negotiations for a visa and monetary assistance deal59 between two parties.

The EU can definitely gain more control and power in the Middle East, a region of interest for Europe for historical and security related reasons, through Turkey. Without a doubt, having Turkey as an ally or a member would enhance Europe’s political weight in the region especially in efforts to peacebuilding and stabilising this critical region. This can be an advantage but on the other hand it can also pose political and security related dangers to the continent in terms of drawing Europe into conflicts of the Middle East which are often triggered by terrorist organisations such as ISIS60 which has performed several terrorist attacks in various cities in Europe and Turkey.

In addition to improving EU’s political and security related position, Turkey can contribute to Europe’s economy with its growing market, rich resources and a young, qualified work force. With a population of almost 80 million currently, its consumers’ market is huge compared to

58 In this Communication from the Commission to the Council and the European Parliament. Wider Europe-Neighbourhood: A New Framework for Relations with our Eastern and Southern Neighbours (Brussels, 11.3.2003), the need for such a concept is explained as such: “On 1 May 2004, the European Union will enter a new and historic phase. An enlarged Union of 25 countries, with a combined population of more than 450 million and GDP of almost €10000 billion, will fundamentally increase the political, geographic and economic weight of the EU on the European continent… New patterns in the movement of people, capital, goods and services will increase diversity in culture and traditions. Beyond the EU’s borders, enlargement will change the shape of the EU’s political and economic relations with other parts of the world.” Available at

http://eeas.europa.eu/archives/docs/enp/pdf/pdf/com03_104_en.pdf.

59News column by Icduygu, A., Toktas, S. March 2016, “In order to limit the flows of refugees and irregular

migrants, the EU and Turkey agreed upon a “one in, one out” deal in March 2016. Based on this agreement, all new irregular migrants who arrive on the Greek islands through Turkey as of 20 March 2016 would be returned to Turkey starting on 4 April 2016. The deal aims to prevent unauthorised migrants from entering Europe through improper channels. In exchange, the EU has agreed to a payment of €3 billion to the Facility for Refugees in Turkey, which will fund the support and aid efforts including housing, food, employment, education and healthcare for the Syrian migrants. In addition, visa requirements for Turkish citizens were to be lifted by the end of June 2016, “provided that Turkey fulfils all benchmarks required for such a lift”. Available at

https://www.clingendael.nl/publication/after-eu-turkey-refugee-deal-perspective-turkey, also see

http://ec.europa.eu/echo/files/aid/countries/factsheets/turkey_syrian_crisis_en.pdf.

(25)

21

many EU member states and creates a high potential market for the goods produced in the existing EU countries. “After joining the European Council’s Group of States against Corruption (GRECO) in January 2004, in a Council decision dated 23 January 2006, Turkey was advised to ‘fully commit at all levels to the fight against corruption, including by strengthening all institutions involved, as well as coordination between them’ (European Council 2006)”.61 Based on this piece of information, one can still argue that granting EU

membership to a country often shaken with corruption news is not the only alternative in order to benefit from Turkey’s economic potential. It can very well be used as a market with certain agreements or privileges to facilitate easier trade without bringing in any allegations of corruption which is quite contrary to tightly-observed European governance and administration standards.

Turkey’s Europeanisation is a process with mutual consequences. Therefore, it is necessary to look at it from Turkey’s perspective as well. Obviously Turkey has had to undergo certain reforms and procedures as a part of its official Europeanisation in addition to cultural aspects of the process. On this topic, President Erdogan has numerously repeated that Turkey is performing these reforms for its own sake and not to “please Brussels”. Regardless of who the efforts are for, Turkey still tries to harmonise with Europeanisation process through EU regulations although the efforts have lessened due to anti-Europe policies of the current government. These efforts hint at the opportunities Turkey may have seen in a prospective EU membership.

The benefits of joining the EU are various for Turkey. The foremost one is an economic opportunity associated with the stability of a united democratic system. “The European Union is the world’s biggest capitalist marketplace, the world’s biggest trading power, and – along with the United States – one of the two most influential political actors in the world”.62 Given

that, the European Union also provides its members with economic stability by maintaining the free transfer of goods and services. So obviously Turkey would gain new and significant trade pathways as an EU country than as an independent one.

With an EU membership, Turkey would be an active participant in certain critical military and civilian missions or projects conducted by the EU. Such an opportunity would definitely

61 Adaman, Fikret. "Is Corruption a Drawback to Turkey's Accession to the European Union? ." South European

Society and Politics 16, no. 2 (2011): 312.

(26)

22

enhance and strengthen Turkey’s position in the global arena.63 The candidacy process has

brought in many needed reforms for Turkey. Since the Helsinki Summit in 1999, comprehensive political reforms have taken place. “Important steps have been taken in the areas of human rights and fundamental freedoms, freedom of thought and expression, non-Muslim religious foundations and their rights of acquiring and disposal of property, broadcasting and education in languages and dialects that are traditionally used in daily lives of Turkish citizens”.

64

All European citizens have the right to freely live, work, study and travel in any other EU member states. Therefore, more importantly, Turkish citizens could benefit from social privileges, primarily the ability to travel freely within Europe without any visa requirements. This would create a great social priority for Turkish citizens who wish to make use of many financial and social opportunities created by the EU.

Equality and social inclusion have been crucial European values. The European Union always aims to raise the standards of equality, freedom, secularism, democracy so on. As a member, Turkey could inevitably enjoy these standards on a deeper level. Moreover, becoming an EU member would erase Turkey’s image as a country of “moderate Islam”. Being called a moderate Islamist country is deeply upsetting for a significant part of the population. “For secularist protesters in Turkey, moderate Islam seems to be more dangerous than radical Islam”.65

Therefore, becoming a member could detach Turkey from its Islamic neighbours in the Middle East and bring it closer to a secular and religiously diverse Europe. However, nowadays the voices that criticise EU accession are being heard more frequently in Turkey. These voices usually belong to the nationalist and moderate Islamist part of the community and seem to be gaining political power as the ruling party (AKP) has changed its EU harmonisation policies drastically in recent years.

So far, these points aim to demonstrate possible consequences and motivations of Turkey’s EU membership for both parties. However, so many barriers exist on the way especially taking into account the deceleration in Turkey’s enthusiasm as well as EU’s increasing reluctance due to

63 Aydin, Senem. Türkiye’nin Tam Üyeliğinin Avrupa Birliğine Ve Türkiye Ye Katkıları. Istanbul: İktisadi Kalkınma Vakfı Yayınları, 2002: 43.

64 Republic of Turkey Ministry of Foreign Affairs, “Relations Between Turkey and the European Union,” http://www.mfa.gov.tr/relations-between-turkey-and-the-european-union.en.mfa.

65 Somer, Murat. "Moderate Islam and Secularist Opposition in Turkey: Implications for the World, Muslims and Secular Democracy." Third World Quarterly 28, no. 7 (2007): 1271-73.

(27)

23

recent political events. These barriers blocking the pathway to Turkey’s Europeanisation process shall be further discussed in the next chapter.

Referenties

GERELATEERDE DOCUMENTEN

It is important that this research is carried out to get a glimpse of the perspective from Turkish people, specifically the students in Istanbul, to know what they think about and

Liberals are committed to making better use of your money by continuing to cut administrative budgets and lead the fight for a single seat for the European Parliament.. The

Nevertheless, there is much discussion in the press and husiness community nn thr drsirahility and feasihility of estahlishing a F,umpran Central Rank and one Eurnpenn currcncy.

– Irfan Ahmad NWO Rubicon Postdoctoral Fellow Contesting Islamism: Immanent Critique of Jamaat e-Islami of India 1 August 2006 – 31 March 2008 – Maurits van den Boogert

Turkish EMNEs that perform OFDI seek locations with a high Turkish ethnic presence (H1); Turkish EMNEs perform OFDI in European developed countries to acquire strategic

Therefore in situations of high uncertainty where information asymmetries are increased, as measured by higher cash flow volatility or higher R&D expenses, Continental

We realized this by focusing on three aspects: (1) a descriptive overview of how attitudes toward asylum policy varied across European countries between 2002 and 2016; (2) an

To gain more information about the view of the general population of the Netherlands, Greece and the United Kingdom on the influence of immigrants on their culture, data from