Exploring the perceptions of Cape Town's LGBTIQ+ individuals regarding their treatment in general and during periods of disaster relief

(1)

Exploring the perceptions of Cape

Town's LGBTIQ+ individuals regarding

their treatment in general and during

periods of disaster relief

J Mogorosi

orcid.org 0000-0003-1589-1603

Dissertation accepted in fulfilment of the requirements for the

degree

Master of Science in Environmental Sciences with

Disaster Risk Science

at the North-West University

Supervisor:

Ms L Kruger

Co-supervisor:

Dr J Rothmann

Graduation July 2020

21996083

(2)

To my daughter, Zanothando Obotlhokwa Mogorosi

You are loved, you are beautiful, you are wise, you are blessed, you are capable, you are strong and you are enough. Don’t you ever forget that. I love you my Hallelujah.

(3)

AKNOWLEDGEMENTS

I am deeply grateful to God for sowing and nurturing the concrete principle that “as my days are,

so will my strength be”, and because of Him, I have come this far. I am also grateful to the many

giants for their sacrifices, inspiration, encouragement and love throughout the course of my studies.

I would like to recognise and thank the following persons to whom I am highly indebted:

❖ I am grateful to my study supervisor, Mrs Leandri Kruger and co-supervisor Dr Jacques Rothmann, for not only guiding and encouraging me throughout, but also believing in and fighting for this study. I am eternally thankful.

❖ I value and appreciate the academic staff of the ACDS for their contribution and inputs towards this study.

❖ I acknowledge the contribution and assistance of the Triangle Project. Thank you for kindly leaping to my aid and distributing my questionnaire.

❖ To my greatest inspirations and motivators, my mother Kedibone Monyelwa, my uncle Molefe

Mogorosi, high school teacher and parent Mmaserame Mogale, my late mentor Kgaogelo Ramoshaba, and Erma Knoetze; your love, patience, motivation, wisdom and prayers carried me

thus far. I love you.

❖ I appreciate so many other friends, family and relatives, acquaintances and teammates for their continued messages of support and praying for me, especially Mmasakeng Mogorosi, Tshepisho

Sebeela, Kedumetse Motlhankane, Mosa Matshego, Boenyana Seleka, Matebesi Mvemve, Lesego Shoroma, Nokofa Makhahlela and Yolanda Kirsten.

❖ I am thankful for the financial support from the NDMC, Faculty of Natural Sciences and

NWU-Soccer.

❖ This work is based on the research supported in part by the National Research Foundation of South Africa (Grant Numbers:106682)

(4)

ABSTRACT

Hazard exposure and disasters are inherently social incidents that originate from social structures and social systems, which are primarily organised according to gender and sexuality. As such, the perceptions communities have about gender must be addressed if knowledge and understanding are to be gained about people living in areas that are affected by disasters. This is also important for the effective and comprehensive implementation of disaster management strategies, policies and frameworks. To gain this knowledge and add to the already established gender based disaster management research, this study aimed to go beyond the heterosexual binary by exploring the perceptions of Cape Town’s Lesbian, Gay, Bisexual, Transgender, Intersex and Queer (LGBTIQ+) individuals regarding their treatment in general and during periods of disaster relief.

In this study an extensive deductive literature review relating to perceptions and attitudes about sexual minorities internationally and in South Africa, as well as theories that discuss how stereotypes can be formed and acquired, is provided. Disaster management theories that relate to gender are also discussed. Furthermore, international and national policies and legislative frameworks on disaster risk reduction, and gender and sexuality (LGBTIQ+) are discussed to

establish the intent and vision of policymakers.

This exploratory study was guided by the metatheoretical principles of ontological and epistemological bases of constructivism and interpretivism. Using qualitative research design, data was collected through an in-depth online self-administered questionnaire from Cape Town based LGBTIQ+ individuals who had been exposed to a hazard and/or disaster, required assistance following the exposure, and/or provided assistance to those in need. The online questionnaire firstly explored the challenges LGBTIQ+ individuals face in their daily lives in public spaces and government run institutions, and secondly, the treatment of LGBTIQ+ individuals during and after exposure to hazards or disasters by the public and government institutions charged with providing aid after such events.

The research findings suggest that LGBTIQ+ individuals in Cape Town experience a range of negative and homophobic experiences from both the affected community members and leaders, and the members of government designated disaster relief institutions. This treatment is exacerbated by the use of vague and generic terms in both international and national disaster management legislation, policies and frameworks. To protect themselves from the homophobia, and to access much needed disaster relieve assistance, LGBTIQ+ individuals employ different protective and blending-in strategies. Findings further suggested that homophobia is systematic

(5)

in that it is tacitly sanctioned and propagated by the government and pre-dominantly heterosexual communities.

Also, the results of the study indicate that LGBTIQ+ individuals in Cape Town do not necessarily want special treatment of any kind following exposure to hazards or disasters but seek to belong to and be treated as part of their communities, families and cultures.

Keywords: LGBTIQ+ (Lesbian, Gay, Bisexual, Transgender, Intersex and Queer); Gender;

(6)

LIST OF ACCRONYMS AND ABBREVIATION

ACLU American Civil Liberties Union ANC African National Congress

ANZAPI Australia, New Zealand and the Pacific Islands AOS Organisation of American States

APA American Psychology Association CBD Central business district

CBDRM Community-based disaster risk management theory CBDRR Community-based disaster risk reduction

DMA Disaster Management Act

DMAA Disaster Management Amendment Act DMP Disaster Management Plan

DRR Disaster risk reduction

DRRKS Disaster Risk Reduction Knowledge Shop ECHO East Coast Homophile Organization GASA Gay Association of South Africa

GLOW Gay and Lesbian Organisation of the Witwatersrand HFA Hyogo Framework for Action

HRW Human Right Watch

IACHR Inter-American Commission on Human Rights

ILGA International Lesbian, Gay, Bisexual, Trans and Intersex Association

IPCC Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change

LGBTIQ+ Lesbian, Gay, Bisexual, Transgender, Intersex and Queer MSM men who have sex with men

(7)

NGO Non-governmental organisations NWU North-West University

NWU-EMELTEN- North-West University Education, Management and Economic REC Sciences, Law, Theology, Engineering and Natural Sciences

Research Ethics Committee

NWU-IR North-West University-Institutional Repository SADF South African Defence Force

SDG Sustainable Development Goals

SFDRR Sendai Framework for Disaster Risk Reduction SHR Society for Human Rights

SIT Social identity theory UDF United Democratic Front UN United Nations

UNISDR United Nations International Strategy for Disaster Reduction UNSDG United Nations Sustainable Development Goals

UNWomen The United Nations Entity for Gender Equality and the Empowerment of Women

(8)

LIST OF TABLES

Table 3-1: Criminalisation of same sex relationships in Asia (ILGA, 2017) ... 66

Table 3-2: Criminalisation of same sex relationships in Americas (ILGA, 2017) ... 68

Table 3-3: Criminalisation of same sex relationships in Oceania (ILGA, 2017) ... 70

Table 3-4: Criminalisation of same sex relationships in Africa (ILGA, 2017) ... 73

Table 4-1: Themes and contributing survey questions ... 93

(14)

LIST OF FIGURES

Figure 2-1: The distinction between sensation and perception (Weiten, 2009:130) ... 30

Figure 3-1: World map of same sex relationships criminalisation (ILGA, 2019) ... 72

Figure 4-1: Sex/gender (Q1) ... 96

Figure 4-2: Sexual orientation (Q2) ... 96

Figure 4-3: Race (Q3) ... 96

(15)

CHAPTER 1 INTRODUCTION, ORIENTATION AND METHODOLOGY

1.1 Introduction

Over the last few decades, significant and substantial contributions have been made concerning the understanding of disasters and how they relate to the social world (Fothergill, 1996). According to Barton and Merton (as cited by Braga et al., 2008), disasters provide a unique platform to examine social relationships in so far as social problems are exposed and are emphasised during times of distress. This means that social processes are more evident in times of disasters as they are compressed into a very noticeable and short life span. This is because the veil or the norm that usually obscures or disguises many social conditions is stripped away by a disaster (Braga et al., 2008). This has led to research with different focal points in the science of disaster risk reduction and relief, which is concerned with social processes that take place before, during and after a disaster (Haskell, 2014).

One of the focal points in disaster studies and international policies concerned with the field is that of gender. This is because disasters are inherently social incidents and that disasters originate from social structures and social systems (Braga et al., 2008; Hamideh, 2012), which are primarily organised according to gender (Enarson et al., 2007). As such, the perceptions communities have about gender must be addressed if knowledge and understanding are to be gained about people living in areas that are affected by disasters (Enarson & Meyreles, 2004). This is to say that disasters are social and political events that are linked to who people are, how they live, and how they structure and maintain their societies (Hamideh, 2012). Enarson et al. (2007) posit that contemporary research is taking a distinct, international and comparative approach that examines gender relations in the framework of categories of social differences and power such as ethnicity, race, nationality, gender and social class. The aim here is to provide the science of disaster risk reduction and relief with a better appreciation of inequalities and differences based on sexuality and gender (Enarson & Meyreles, 2004). Sexuality refers to “…all erotically significant aspects of social life and social being, such as desires, practices, relationships and identities” (Jackson, 2006:106), while gender can be defined as “…the varied and complex arrangement between men and women, encompassing the organization of reproduction, the sexual divisions of labour and cultural definitions of femininity and masculinity” (Bradley, 2013:16). Seemingly, the most reviewed and researched aspect of inequalities related to disaster studies is that of gender, focused on the inequalities experienced by women and children, as compared to men (Adato & Meinzen-Dick, 2002: Lindell, 2013). The general argument is that the unequal distribution of power and resources between men and women before, during

(16)

and after a disaster leads to women and children being more vulnerable (Haskell, 2014). This argument is supported by Enarson and Meyreles (2004) and Enarson et al. (2007) when they posit that vulnerability to disaster is a social process rooted in gender and other power relationships such as masculinity, culture, age and sexuality, among others.

Notwithstanding the noted research on gender, previous studies have mainly focused on social processes associated with heterosexual and heteronormative arrangements, neglecting an emphasis on other forms of gender identity and/or sexuality, including those who identify as lesbian, gay, bisexual, transgender, intersex or queer (LGBTIQ+) (Haskell, 2014). As opposed to heterosexuality, which assumes an attraction to someone of the opposite sex, homosexuality refers to individuals who are physically, emotionally, and/or sexually attracted and committed to the members or gender or sex that are seen to be the ‘same’ as the one with which they identify or are identified (Abatiell & Adams, 2011). It is necessary here to provide definitions to differentiate the groups and individuals included within the LGBTIQ+ acronym. The term lesbian refers to a female individual who expresses romantic or sexual attraction to other females, whether primarily or exclusively (Haskell, 2014). Gay refers to an individual of, pertaining to, or exhibiting sexual desires or behaviour directed towards a person or persons of one’s own sex; usually used to refer to men, but is also applicable to women (Haskell, 2014; Merriam-Webster Dictionary, 2016). A bisexual person is one who is emotionally, physically, and/or sexually attracted to more than one gender (Merriam-Webster Dictionary, 2016). A transgendered person is an individual who feels assigned the wrong gender at birth and feels discomfort in their body and adapts their gender role and body to reflect and be congruent with their gender identity (Kenagy, 2010). The APA or ‘American Psychology Association’ Dictionary of Psychology (2007) defines intersex as a condition whereby a person possesses the sexual characteristics of both sexes, including partial development of external or internal sex organs. The term ‘queer’ is commonly used as an “umbrella term for sexual and gender identities beyond the heterosexual norm” (Davidmann, 2010:186). While all of the different identities within LGBTIQ+ are often un-categorically clustered together and may experience physical or verbal discrimination based on their supposed sexual dissident status (i.e. homophobia), each individual sexual identity has its own specific needs and concerns (Bradley, 2013).

According to the APA (2007:446), homophobia can be defined as “…hatred and fear of gay men and lesbians, associated with prejudice and anger focused on them. This results in discrimination on such issues as employment, housing, healthcare and legal rights and may also lead to violence”, while there are documented cases of extreme forms of homophobia that may result in murder (Mian, 2016). Gustavsson and MacEachron (1998:41) posit that lesbian, gay and bisexual young people face an increased risk of violence due to their supposed sexual minority status.

(17)

Furthermore, sexual minority individuals are subject to multiple forms of physical and nonphysical violence (which includes sexual harassment, social exclusion, bashing and homophobia) in their homes, educational institutions, workplaces, public places as well as the communities they live in (Gustavsson & MacEachron, 1998). Research of 39 countries across the seven continents conducted by the Pew Research Centre indicates that this violence towards sexual minorities is a global phenomenon (Taylor, 2014). In Africa, for instance, countries such as Mauritania and Sudan, and regions of Nigeria and Somalia, punish homosexuality with the death penalty (ILGA, 2015). Furthermore, studies by the Pew Research Centre (as cited by Francis & Reygan, 2016) suggest that African citizens are growing more and more intolerant of homosexuality, as over 90 percent of Nigeria’s residents, and over 80 percent of Ghanaian’s, Ugandan’s and Kenyan’s believe that homosexuality should not be accepted by society. Even in South Africa, where same-sex marriage is legal, over 60 percent of residents disapprove of homosame-sexual relationships (Francis & Reygan, 2016).

Kennedy (2006) argues that gays, lesbians and bisexuals are socially isolated. In support of this argument, Mian (2016) further indicates that sexual minority individuals in South Africa are not only ostracised but are also attacked verbally and physically by their own communities. Furthermore, Kennedy (2006) postulates that the healthcare needs of sexual minorities are not met. This is to say that sexual minority individuals’ physical and psychological health and safety needs are not considered under normal circumstances (when there are no events such as a disaster that require aid from other people, organisations or the government) and are therefore further neglected during times of distress (Gorman-Murray et al., 2016). Furthermore, McKinnon

et al. (2016) argue that the media purposefully neglects reporting the stories and specific needs

of LGBTIQ+ individuals during and after disasters, even if the affected area has a large known population of LGBTIQ+ individuals. This was the case during the Brisbane floods of January 2011 in Australia, and the Christchurch earthquake of February 2011 in New Zealand (McKinnon et al., 2016:2). This neglect then results in LGBTIQ+ exclusive policies as what the general populations receive from the media forms the core of post-event analysis, and acts as a mechanism to hold decision-makers accountable in order to implement non-discriminatory policies (Dominey-Howes, 2013; McKinnon et al., 2016).

There is an apparent lack of inquiries that focus on LGBTIQ+ individuals and their experiences as it relates to disaster relief. Indeed, Gorman-Murray et al. (2016) propound that LGBTIQ+ individuals are less studied in disasters, and further state that the marginalisation, stigmatisation of, and violence against LGBTIQ+ people heighten during disasters as pre-existing inequalities reinforce and magnify stereotypes. This is because LGBTIQ+ individuals do not necessarily conform to societal norms and are therefore subjected to particular stereotypes, which could

(18)

exacerbate ignorance and subsequent discrimination directed towards them (Kreitner & Kinicki, 2010).

1.2 Orientation

Given the preceding introduction, the locus of the study will now be discussed. The study will mainly focus on the city of Cape Town situated on South Africa’s southeast coast, on a peninsula. Cape Town is the second most populated city in South Africa, the provincial capital of the Western Cape Province and the legislative capital of the country. The city is home to more than 60% of the Western Cape’s population; has more than one and a half million households, 36% of which are informal structures in informal settlements and live below the poverty line of less than R3 500.00 per month; and has 230 households registered as indigent (Statistics South Africa, 2011). Also known as the Mother City, Cape Town is known for its harbour and its landmarks such as Table Mountain and Cape Point. Cape Town is one of the most multicultural cities in the world and reflected as the capital of LGBTIQ+ friendly cities in Southern Africa (South Africa.info, 2016). Furthermore, McKinnon et al. (2016) posit that LGBTIQ+ friendly cities (such as Cape Town) are home to many LGBTIQ+ individuals and families who are not part of the official census for safety and privacy issues.

Cape Town has been chosen as context for the study because it has the same hazards as other cities in Africa and South Africa, which include: informal settlement shack fires, veld fires, floods and landslides, severe weather (i.e. heavy rainfalls, strong winds, and rough seas), lack of clean running water, violent crimes such as gang shooting, arson and vandalism, and drug abuse (i.e. Cape Flats), and service delivery protests (Faling, 2011:22). Civil unrests due to xenophobia and homophobia (i.e. Grassy Park, Mitchell’s Plain and Gugulethu) are also hazards to sexual minorities in their own ways (Moisan, 2014). According to Moisan (2014), Smith (2015) and Ground Up (2015), there have been many instances whereby South Africans attack illegal immigrants and sexual minority individuals, and in the midst of that, engage in hate crimes such as looting small businesses owned by foreigners, stabbing and corrective rape (of lesbian individuals) and other crimes (Steyn & Van Zyl, 2009). Furthermore, people are targeted for violence in and around the periphery of major cities such as Cape Town in South Africa for reasons such as their race, national origin, and sexual orientation or gender identity (Smith, 2015). All these hazards, coupled with the socio-economic conditions such as a lack of literacy, different income levels, safety and security, race, gender/sexuality of residents within the city, can lead to disasters and exposure of sexual minorities to harsh treatments and experiences similar to those documented in the aftermath of disasters in seaside tourism-based cities in America, Australia and New Zealand. In Cape Town, for instance, there are recorded cases whereby illiteracy and

(19)

processed by government offices, while the documents of transgendered individuals who were literate with access to financial resources were processed (Evans, 2016).

According to the Pink Map (cited by Rink, 2008), Cape Town is a prime South African holiday destination for LGBTIQ+ individuals, and certain suburbs, businesses and residential areas within the city are mostly associated with sexual minorities (i.e. De Waterkant). In other words, Cape Town in South Africa is chosen for this particular study because it shares the same LGBTIQ+ friendly characteristics with cities that did not take LGBTIQ+ individuals into consideration when they provided disaster relief to those who were affected. These sea-side and/or tourism-based states and cities include New Orleans, Miami and Houston in America, which experienced hurricane Katrina in 2005 and Sendai in Japan that was struck by the Tohoku earthquake and tsunami in 2011 (Sze, 2006; McKinnon, 2016).

Aronson (2010) is of the opinion that due to the diverse nature of the global community, the labelling of others based on preconceived or ill-informed stereotypes may subject its targets to homophobia. In line with this opinion, D‘Ooge (2008) asserts that, in New Orleans and Louisiana, LGBTIQ+ individuals faced sexism, homophobia and transphobia from disaster relief workers and government offices as they tried to get assistance directly after Hurricane Katrina. This is because only heterosexual families were recognised and helped. This then suggests that the possibility of Cape Town’s residents holding negative (homophobic) stereotypes towards sexual minorities could lead to similar outcomes experienced by LGBTIQ+ individuals in New Orleans and Louisiana (Aronson, 2010; D’Ooge, 2008). For instance, like the rhetoric by the media and religious leaders following Hurricane Katrina and other disasters, Cape Town’s LGBTIQ+ community and organisations have been blamed by religious leaders for recent veld fires and drought in the city (Petersen, 2018). This line of thought is supported by Aronson (2010), Haskell (2014), and Rink (2008), who postulate that Cape Town, a city regarded as the ‘gay capital’ of Africa, is similar to New Orleans and Louisiana in that these are two gulf cities that were devastated by Hurricane Katrina and are regarded as the home of affluent LGBTIQ+ people in America.

Corresponding with the preceding introduction and orientation, this paragraph will provide a brief layout of what can be expected from the rest of this proposal. Firstly, a problem statement with relevant research objectives and questions that relate to the above introduction and orientation will be discussed. This will be followed by central theoretical statements. Thirdly, methodologies to be followed throughout this research undertaking will be discussed in detail. This will then be followed by a discussion of limitations and delimitations of the study. Lastly, the significance of this research undertaking as well as the provisional chapter layout will be alluded to.

(20)

1.3 Problem statement

Given the above orientation and introduction, this proposed research will focus on the perceptions of Cape Town’s LGBTIQ+ residents who, according to Biblarz and Savci (2010:482), regularly come into contact with heterosexual individuals and have perceived how sexual minority individuals are treated during periods of disasters. Furthermore, this study will investigate what the guidelines of the South African legislature regarding sexual minority individuals and disaster relief are. Studies in Africa on sexuality have been limited due to Africans either denying the existence of sexual minorities, rejecting homosexuality as ‘un-African’ and blaming LGBTIQ+ on foreign countries, or fostering governments that criminalise homosexuality (Dlamini, 2006; Reddy, 2010; Rothmann, 2014). It is therefore clear from the above background that disaster studies that focus on LGBTIQ+ have been done mostly in America (Gorman-Murray et al., 2016) and other foreign countries such as Australia (McKinnon et al., 2016), Japan (Haskell, 2014), India and Canada following exposure to hazards and/or disaster, but very little in South Africa (Babugura

et al., 2010; Botha et al., 2011). Furthermore, Haskell (2014) argues that trends (i.e. sexism,

homophobia, lack of media coverage, and neglect by disaster relief workers and government institutions) from these foreign countries indicate that LGBTIQ+ individuals are not taken into consideration and are essentially denied access to resources during disaster relief and recovery efforts. Based on these international findings and following the trend of being pro-active in the field of disaster management, the aim of this study is to firstly investigate whether the same patterns have been observed in Cape Town. If the same trends have been observed then, secondly, to redress the lack of sufficient academic research and policy implementation with regard to disaster relief and recovery on the treatment of LGBTIQ+ people in Cape Town, South Africa during periods of disaster relief.

This aim was achieved by exploring LGBTIQ+ individuals’ perceptions concerning how they are treated in general, how they have been treated, and how they should (or could) be treated during periods of disaster. More specifically, the researcher sought to explore Cape Town’s LGBTIQ+ residents’ perceived treatment by the general public and public servants before, during and after exposure to hazards and/or disasters. An academic exploration into people’s perception may lead to the identification of perceptions and stereotypes about sexual minorities, which potentially lead to negative treatment of such individuals during periods of disaster. Academic inquiries such as this one could encourage the recommendation to formulate (and inform) policies to achieve effective disaster risk reduction (DRR) policy that incorporates sexual minorities, and therefore improve service delivery/treatment of sexual minorities in South Africa.

(21)

sexual minorities during periods of disaster. Given the current literature and trends from countries that have experienced disasters, sexual minority individuals experience (among other things) prejudice, public humiliation, homophobia, lack of shelter, and lack of proper sanitation and healthcare during disaster relief periods. This study investigated the perceived readiness of Cape Town’s community and disaster centre’s readiness and willingness to provide adequate and non-gender/sexual orientation biased relief for all individuals, including relief for sexual minority individuals. In essence, this study aimed to understand the underlying perceptions that are possible reasons for the negative treatment of, and the dangerous consequences of such treatment of LGBTIQ+ individuals observed in other countries.

1.4 Research objectives

In relation to the already stated problem statement, the primary aim is as follows: “To explore how the potential stereotypical perceptions of Cape Town residents may influence the treatment of LGBTIQ+ individuals during periods of disasters”.

From the above objective, the following will be secondary objectives:

 To review academic, theoretical and legislative literature perspectives regarding sexual minority individuals, disasters, and disaster relief and recovery.

 To explore how Cape Town residents, formulate their perceptions about people they perceive as LGBTIQ+.

 To explore how LGBTIQ+ individuals living in Cape Town perceive how they are treated in general and during periods of disaster relief, in particular.

1.5 Research questions

In line with the research objectives, the main research question will be as follows: How could stereotypical perceptions of Cape Town residents influence the treatment of LGBTIQ+ individuals during periods of disaster?

In relation to the main research question, the aim of this study will be to answer the following sub-questions:

 What is the academic, theoretical and legislative literature stance regarding sexual minority individuals, disasters, disaster relief and recovery?

 How do Cape Town residents perceive LGBTIQ+ individuals? How might these perceptions shape the treatment [negative stereotyping and stigmatisation] of LGBTIQ+ individuals in Cape Town?

(22)

 What are the perceptions of LGBTIQ+ individuals on how they are treated in general and during periods of disaster relief, in particular?

1.6 Central theoretical statement

Individuals and societies formulate stereotypes for different reasons. One of the main reasons is that a stereotype acts as both a justificatory device for categorical acceptance or rejection of a group, and a selective device to maintain a simplicity in perception in thinking (Dovidio et al., 2005). According to Hinton (cited by Moloto et al., 2014:2), people use stereotypes in first encounters with different people to classify individuals into subgroups. Once a stereotype is applied to an individual, “it is assumed that they will behave in a certain way, in line with a fixed general idea”, and therefore the individual who holds such a stereotype should in return behave in a certain way towards the target of a stereotype (Rake & Lewis, 2009). Schneider (2004) states that stereotypes are often innate to group formulation and inter-group conflict. For instance, individuals who identify themselves with one group (i.e. heterosexual) seem to hold stronger negative stereotypes concerning individuals they perceive as belonging to groups to which they do not identify themselves with (i.e. homosexual). While there are stereotypes that are positive and accurate (Kreitner & Kinicki, 2010), most stereotypes are negative, inaccurate and hostile (Kassin et al., 2014). This argument is supported by Moloto et al. (2014), as they argue that negative stereotypes can be both the cause and consequence of prejudice. According to Moore (cited by Moloto et al., 2014:2), stereotypes “underlie all prejudice, and pervade acts of violence, segregation and discrimination against minority groups”. Haskell (2014) concurs and adds that LGBTIQ+ individuals’ experiences following disasters are nuanced with these consequences of stereotyping.

It is well known that South Africa has one of the best and fairly progressive constitutions in the world. The country also has some of the best written policies in the world (Sanasie & Tomson, 2016). To validate this notion, Dejvi (2016) notes that South Africa was the first country in the world to recognise the rights of gay people in its new constitution drafted in 1994. This constitution was the first in the world to prohibit discrimination based on sexual orientation. Furthermore, South Africa was the first country in Africa, and fifth in the world, to legalise same-sex marriages (Dejvi, 2016).

While such policies are a good indication of progress and change, literature indicates that lack of implementation or partial implementation of policies has been and continues to be a serious issue that hampers development and improvement of social structures in South Africa (Newel, 2010; de Vos, 2015; Sanasie & Tomson, 2016). Furthermore, studies have proven that disasters can disrupt even the well-implemented policies and structures of developed communities

(23)

(Dominey-Howes et al., 2016). When such disruptions happen, social processes change and expose sexual minority individuals to new and exacerbated hazards and negative treatment that include neglect, violence, oppression and ostracism from the community, and government relief offices and processes. The same government offices and processes were put into place to uphold the constitutions and policies aimed at protecting and serving every individual affected by a disaster, including sexual minority individuals (Mian, 2016; Hatzenbuehler, 2009).

Moloto et al. (2014) and Hatzenbuehler (2009) argue that the negative treatment and oppression experienced by sexual minorities in general and during disaster relief efforts can be attributed to negative and unfounded stereotypes. Stereotypes can have far reaching consequences for those stereotyped against. For instance, Hatzenbuehler (2009) notes that sexual minority individuals are more prone to suffer from multiple mental health illnesses compared to heterosexual individuals. This is due to multiple forms of stressors experienced by LGBTIQ+ individuals post-disaster, which include discrimination, expectation of rejection, internalised homophobia and stigmatisation (Hatzenbuehler, 2009:709).

To begin with, the negative stereotypes and their formulation will be discussed in this study (Chapter 2). At least two theoretical perspectives within social psychology that address how stereotypes are formulated and how they influence perceptions of individual members of in-groups – “in-groups with which an individual feels a sense of membership, belonging, and identity” and out-groups – “groups with which an individual does not feel a sense of membership, belonging, or identity” (Kassin et al., 2014) will be discussed. These theories include attribution theory and social identity theory (both derived from implicit personality theory). These theories assume that different processes underlie the use of contextual information on the evaluation of individuals who belong to the in-group and out-group (Forsyth, 2014). The complexity-extremity theory holds that people (i.e. heterosexual individuals) will evaluate and subsequently treat those they perceive as out-group members (i.e. homosexual individuals) extremely differently and harshly than those they perceive as in-group members (other heterosexual individuals) (Linville, 1982). Examples that support this statement are provided in the introduction and orientation (i.e. Sze, 2006; Ernason et al., 2007; Hatzenbuehler, 2009). The expectancy-violation theory purports that individuals and institutions that hold a negative stereotype towards sexual minority individuals believe that they are correct and just in doing so (Gowen & Britt, 2006). This is how governments that finance and legalise homophobia and neglect of sexual minorities during disaster relief and recovery justify their actions (Gowen & Britt, 2006; ILGA, 2015). Furthermore, these theories along with the systems theory and the community-based disaster risk reduction (CBDRR) theory will help inform on perceptions and attitudes about sexual minorities in contemporary society. Relating to systems theory, Becker (as cited by Coetzee & van Niekerk, 2012:2) is of the idea that

(24)

events such as disaster “emerge out of a complex system of interrelated and interdependent conditions and events that effect its development”. Like other concepts such as organisms, the human body, society and climate, disasters should be viewed and approached as a compilation of a multitude of parts and processes (Coetzee & van Niekerk, 2012). The Asian Disaster Preparedness Centre (as cited by Zwi et al., 2013:2) defines CBDRR as a process through which “at-risk communities are actively engaged in the identification, analysis, treatment, monitoring and evaluation of disaster risk in order to reduce their vulnerabilities and enhance their capacities. This means that people are the centre of decision making and implementation”.

All these theories will then be related to sexual minorities and disaster relief. The focus will then shift to international and South African legislation concerning LGBTIQ+ individuals, how they are treated and how they should be treated according to the legislation.

1.7 Methodology

Thus far, the research background and objectives (introduction, problem statement, research questions and objectives, and the central theoretical statement) have been clearly stated. The purpose of this section is to discuss the methodological processes to be followed by the researcher for this particular study. Research methodology refers to the research process and the kind of tools and procedures that will be employed by the researcher. For instance, how sampling and data collection will take place in this qualitative research. Furthermore, the methodology outlines the specific tasks and individual steps to be followed during the research process (Fouchè & Delport, 2011:66). As such, this section comprises a focus on subsections including the use of a literature review and the databases to be consulted and empirical investigation. The empirical investigation has its own subsection, which will include: the research design, sampling, pilot study, sample size, data collection, ethical considerations, instrumentation, data analysis, and the researcher’s role.

In Chapter 4, more details pertaining to the below discussed methodology and the cautiously variated empirical steps are provided while Chapter 5 also highlights the significant challenges experienced as a result of this research approach. The variations to the methodology and empirical steps were necessary to safeguard the identities of the participants and to adherence of ethical guidelines of the North-West University (NWU).

1.7.1 Literature review

An extensive literature investigation was conducted to provide the background, context and knowledge concerning the academic and scholarly research that has been already conducted

(25)

concerning sexual minorities and disaster risk management. This is important as it provides a framework for the study and better illustrate the need for this particular research undertaking.

For the purpose of this study the following databases were consulted to ensure the availability of relevant material and data. Firstly, the North-West University Library catalogue of books was consulted. Secondly, the catalogues of theses and dissertations of South African universities (Nexus), and the North-West University-Institutional Repository (NWU-IR) were consulted. These databases were consulted to provide guidance for the completion of this research study as well as to make the researcher aware of similar research taking place. The Disaster Risk Reduction Knowledge Shop (DRRKS) of the African Centre for Disaster Studies (ACDS-NWU) was consulted for specific literature on disaster risk management. Lastly, the International Lesbian, Gay, Bisexual, Trans and Intersex Association (ILGA) documents were consulted to provide insight concerning the current legislation and lived experiences associated with sexual minorities in Africa, South Africa and abroad.

These databases as well as other academic internet sources were consulted to ascertain relevant material that assisted the researcher to complete this study (North-West University, 2013).

1.7.2 Empirical investigation

Empirical investigation refers to acquiring knowledge or data by means of senses as it is the case in qualitative research (Creswell & Plano Clark, 2011). This study is an exploratory investigation, and the purpose of this section is to outline the qualitative methods and strategies the researcher used to provide answers to the specific and general research questions. A qualitative research approach is chosen due to the sensitivity and data needs of this study.

1.7.2.1 Research design

A research design is defined differently by different authors. Babbie (as cited by Fouché et al., 2011:142) defines it as a “…set of decisions regarding what topic is to be studied among what populations with what research methods for what purpose… it is the process of focusing your perspective for the purposes of a particular study”. The APA Dictionary of Psychology (2007:355) defines research design as “…an outline or plan of the procedures to be followed in scientific experimentation in order to reach valid conclusions”. Following these definitions, a research design is an aspect of research methodology that focuses on the anticipated outcome and the step-by-step process to achieve the end product.

This study aims to achieve the above-mentioned objectives and answer the subsequent questions through the use of an exploratory qualitative research methodology. An explorative study, as

(26)

noted by Fouché and De Vos (2011:95) and Rothmann (2014:239), allows the researcher to gain better insight into a social phenomenon, community or individuals being investigated. To be more specific, in-depth online self-administered questionnaires were used for the purpose of data collection. Based on the ontological and epistemological research bases of constructivism and interpretivism, respectively, the researcher sought to understand and explore the perceptions of the noted participants and how they construct, interpret and engage within their natural settings, in their personal as well as in their community and cultural capacity (Fouché & Schurink, 2011:309). This qualitative method is preferred over the quantitative method, because the aim is to explore the fundamental reasons of the formulation of perceptions and stereotypes. Quantitative approaches are normally strictly structured and rigid and would therefore restrict this research and its purpose. For instance, quantitative research seeks to explain social facts through objective measurements and quantitative analysis, while the qualitative approach is more concerned with understanding the social phenomenon through an active engagement with research participants. Furthermore, the concepts of Verstehen and inter-subjectivity were employed for the purpose of this research. De Vos et al. (2011:8) posit that Verstehen is rooted in an “…empathetic understanding of everyday lived experiences of people in [a] specific historical setting”. In addition, Babbie and Mouton (as cited by De Vos et al., 2011:8) note that this approach maintains that all human beings are involved in the “…process of making sense of their worlds and continuously interpret, create, give meaning, define, justify and rationalise daily actions”. In qualitative research, lived experiences refers to how factors such as human experiences, choices and options influence one’s of perception of knowledge (Given, 2008; Sun et al., 2016). Relating to the personal and unique perspectives of the research subject, lived experiences aims to take into account how one’s experiences are “shaped by subjective factors of their identity including race, class, gender, sexuality, religion, political associations and other roles and characteristics” that determine how individuals experience their daily lives (Given, 2008:489). This leads to a self-awareness and an understanding of how separate life experiences can resemble larger social themes and thereby allow for storytelling by the research subject and interpretation, understanding and reporting by researcher (Sun et al., 2016). Lived experiences emphasises that only those (i.e. LGBTIQ+ individuals) who have experienced or lived through a phenomenon can adequately communicate it to the outside world (Chien et al., 2018).

According to APA (2007:495), inter-subjectivity refers to ‘empathic communication’, or a community having a shared definition of an object. Schutz (2002) expounds this concept further when he asserts that inter-subjectivity refers to the researchers’ understanding of another’s subjectivity (i.e. making judgements based on personal opinions and feelings) and one’s own consciousness. For Schutz (2002), there are no absolute truths and/or facts, but only interpreted facts based on the participants lived experiences and the researcher’s subjectivity and

(27)

observations. Therefore, qualitative research in this instant is more ideal since it holds that reality is socially constructed by people’s individual or collective actions, definitions and understanding of the situation (Nieuwenhuis, 2007; Strydom, 2011).

1.7.2.2 Sampling

The term sampling refers to the process used to select a portion from the population the researchers intend to use for the study. Since qualitative methodology is used for the purpose of this study, the non-probability sampling method of purposive sampling was employed for participant selection. Non-probability sampling implies that samples are gathered in a process that does not give all the individuals within the population an equal chance of being selected (Strydom & Delport, 2011). The purposive sampling method is often used in special cases (i.e. to establish customer satisfaction with a LGBTIQ+ friendly hotel, only sexual minority individuals who have been to that particular hotel would be included as a sample) that illustrate a process that is of interest to a particular study (Maree & Pietersen, 2007; Strydom & Delport, 2011). According to Grinnell and Unrau, and Monnette et al. (as cited by Strydom & Delport, 2011:392), this type of sample is based entirely on the judgement of the researcher, in that a “…sample is composed of elements that contain the most characteristics, representative or typical of the population that serve the purpose of the study best”. This will allow for the selection of adult LGBTIQ+ participants who possess relevant information due to their characteristics and are therefore the richest possible source of data to answer research questions of this study (Nieuwenhuis, 2007:79).

To complement the preceding process, a variation of the snowball sampling was used as a secondary sampling process. Also known as chain referral sampling, snowball sampling refers to the use of participants who have already been contacted as an entry into their social networks to refer researcher to other participants who share their characteristics and have the potential to contribute to the study (Nieuwenhuis, 2007). For the purpose of this study, snowballing was varied in that instead of asking participants to share contact information of potential participants with the researcher, participants were requested to share the invitation to participate with potential new participants. This variation, coupled with the use of an LGBTIQ+ advocate organisation as gatekeepers and ‘QuestionPro’ (an online survey software that allows for anonymity between researchers and participants) ensured that there was no contact between the researcher and participant (Nieuwenhuis, 2007; QuestionPro, 2019). According to Strydom and Delport (2011), snowballing has significant value in that the sampling method may assist with the location of otherwise difficult to locate participants who could contribute to the objectives of the study.

(28)

At the end of each online self-administered questionnaire, there was a thank you message and a message requesting respondents from purposive sampling (primary respondents) to forward the study participation request to new potential respondents (variated snow balling). The new potential participants were given a link that directed them to the online participation request page. The participation request page was followed by the informed consent form that interested potential participants may read and sign off on before being directed to the questionnaire.

1.7.2.3 Sample size

Qualitative study sample sizes are generally smaller and difficult to determine from the outset since qualitative researchers are more concerned with the quality and richness of data, and whether the sampled data can be used to make inferences regarding the larger population. There are no strict rules when it comes to sample size in qualitative research, and researchers are encouraged to continue collecting data until saturation. Adler and Adler (2012) advise that a minimum of 12 and a maximum 60 participants to be sampled, but with 30 as the mean. Guest et

al. (2006:79) indicated that saturation occurred within 12 interviews. Francis et al. (2010) found

saturation at a higher number of 17. However, Fush and Ness (2015:1409) indicate clearly that data saturation cannot be reached by using a ‘one-size-fits-all’ method. According to Adler and Adler (2012:8-9), the small number of cases will be valuable, especially if it represents an appropriate number for the research project. O’Reilly and Parker (2012) as well as Walker (2012) are of the opinion that data saturation can only be reached when enough information is available to be duplicated. Therefore, the researcher aimed to gather data from 10 to 20 participants or until the point of saturation is reached. According to Nieuwenhuis (2007), Maree and Pietersen (2007), and Greeff (2011), a point of saturation can be defined as a point whereby no new themes and information will be yielded from adding more participants to the sample. Data was collected through an in-depth self-administered online questionnaire and while saturation for most questions was reached after 10 respondents, responses from a maximum of 17 participants was used to report findings of this study. Chapter 4 provides a comprehensive analysis of the sample size.

In the past three decades, online questionnaires have become a popular data collection apparatus in qualitative research because it alleviates common problems such as safety and privacy, time and financial constraints, and geographical dispersion (Deakin & Wakefield, 2014). Furthermore, online questionnaires provide more flexibility since they can be filled out at any place and conveniently on a variety of technological gadgets (i.e. cell phone, laptop, computer etc.) (Janghorban et al., 2014:1; Deakin & Wakefield, 2014).

(29)

Since the theme of the study mainly centred on perceptions associated with sexual minorities, the qualitative approach allowed for expansion of ideas and responses where necessary, thereby allowing the researcher to obtain rich quality data (Cresswell & Plano Clark, 2011). Filling out an online in-depth self-administered questionnaire at the participants’ chosen time and setting allowed for a ‘thick description’. A ‘thick description’ is a concept of ethnography that entails “ascribing intentionality to one’s behaviour” (Ponterotto, 2006:539). According to Geertz (1973) and Ponterotto (2006), ‘thick description’ involves thinking, reflecting, understanding and absorbing the context of the situation or behaviour, and “ascribing present and future intentionality to the behaviour” (Ponterotto, 2006:539).

Data was collected through online in-depth self-administered questionnaires from adult LGBTIQ+ Cape Town residents who, firstly, had been exposed to a hazard or a disaster, were unable to cope using their own resources after the exposure, and therefore required assistance from other individuals, organisations and/or government agencies; and secondly, had provided aid after an exposure in Cape Town on their own capacity or as part of an organisation. To ensure that respondents understood the questionnaire, they had to be English speaking (mother tongue) or have had English in school as a first language or an additional language subject at grade 8 or above. The researcher approached an organisation that usually works with minority individuals (LGBTIQ+, foreigners and so forth) in distress and requested the organisation to act as a gatekeeper to access potential respondents (see Annexures 2 and 3). This organisation was requested to post an invitation to participate as a respondent to this study on their mass media platforms. The invitation had a brief summary of the study, criteria for participants, as well as the internet link that led the interested participants to the online questionnaire. The online questionnaire was always preceded by the signing of the online informed consent forms before being directed to the questionnaire. Using the self-administered questionnaire method, which did not force participants to finish the questionnaire in one sitting, but allowed for pausing for breaks and continuing later, ensured that alternative, well-thought-out responses were obtained from different sources and stakeholders (Kumar, 2014). Furthermore, groups of people who were most likely to be the richest source of data for this study could have been reached.

1.7.2.4 Data collection

This subsection provides an overview of the method that was used during the data collection process. The data collection method for this study was in-depth self-administered questionnaires.

Self-administered questionnaires are ideal for those participants who agree to partake in the study but chose to be faceless and anonymous. Indeed, as Rothmann (2014:228) posits, this method “… provides the participant with the opportunity to safeguard his confidentiality and privacy,

(30)

particularly his anonymity”. These questionnaires are normally more cost effective in that the researcher does not need to travel and they can be easily disseminated via internet and social media. Furthermore, participants were able to complete the questionnaires on their own time and submit them at their earliest convenience (Kumar, 2014; Rothmann, 2014). In addition, QuestionPro ensured anonymity of participants as the researchers did not have any contact with the respondents and did not know the respondents nor were they able to trace the device and contact information of the respondent (QuestionPro, 2019). Every questionnaire had clear details and descriptions of ethical considerations.

After typing in or clicking on the link to the questionnaire, respondents were directed to a page that provided a brief, yet clear and detailed overview of the objective of the study, as well as the approximate duration for filling out the questionnaire. This page was followed by an online informed consent form that participants signed before being directed to the actual questionnaire.

1.7.2.5 Data analysis

According to Strydom (2011:336), this is where the researcher engages with data reductions, presentation and interpretations. Analysis, examination and interpretation of the data collected in the followed the process suggested by Schurink et al. (2011) for qualitative data. The responses to the open-ended questions of the self-administered questionnaire were compiled into one document so that keywords and/or phrases could be highlighted to allow for the emergence of themes. These themes and the identified keywords or phrases (table 4-2), as well as a comprehensive discussion of methodological processes such as data collection and analysis, and research findings are presented in Chapter 4. As evident is Chapter 4, all data collected was analysed and broken down into significant, meaningful clusters and themes so as to produce findings for the study through the analysis method of thematic analysis. According to Braun and Clarke (2006:79), thematic analysis “… is a method for identifying, analysing and reporting patterns (themes) within data”. This method minimally organises and describes datasets in rich detail and interprets various aspects of the research topic (Braun & Clarke, 2006). This is to say that thematic analysis allowed for drawing inferences and meta-inferences presented in Chapters 4 and 5. Inferences refer to interpretations or conclusions arrived at from the separate strands of data obtained through qualitative data collection methods. The collected information was coded for different themes and new themes were added as they emerged.

1.7.2.6 Ethical consideration

Sexuality and sexual orientation, in general, and homosexuality, in particularly, may be regarded as sensitive subject matters in Southern African communities, based on the provided background.

(31)

Therefore, great care was taken to ensure that ethical standards of the study adhered to those of the North-West University Ethics Committee. Before individuals could take part in the study, they had to sign the online informed consent form. The informed consent statement included full disclosure of the nature of the study and the participant’s involvement, adequate comprehension on the part of the potential participants, the rights of the participants, the procedures to be used, as well as voluntary choice to participate by participants (Strydom, 2011; Rothmann, 2014). It is important to maintain the integrity and good practices from the beginning of the study, and therefore the respondents’ particulars were kept confidential by QuestionPro as they needed to be protected at all times. Strydom (2011) and Kumar (2014:287) note that ‘confidentiality’ is about handling of information in a confidential manner and “… [confidentiality] is best assured on the basis of anonymising the collection of data”. This was ensured since there was no contact in any form between the respondents and the researcher. Respondents completed and submitted the questionnaire anonymously.

All participants have the right to privacy according to the Constitution of South Africa, and therefore individuals have the right not to reveal their perceptions and biases through the online questionnaire for the study. Ensuring privacy means the researcher keeps to “… oneself that which is normally not intended for others to observe or analyse” because “every individual has the right to privacy and it is his or her right to decide when, where, to whom and to what extent his or her attitudes, beliefs and behaviour will be revealed” (Strydom, 2011:119). The researcher is committed to keeping the collected data private. This will include participants’ opinions they consider to be derogative (may include their perception on sexual minorities or homophobia) or characteristics that might endanger participants and those associated with them (for instance, home address of a respondent whose family member is a sexual minority individual) (Strydom, 2011:115). Researchers was expected to be competent, honest and adequately skilled when conducting the study (Strydom, 2011). According to Strydom (2011), anonymity means that no one, not even the researcher, should be able to identify any subject after the data collection (as such, this was mainly provided for by adhering to ethical guidelines of the NWU and the use of a pro-LGBTIQ organisation as a gatekeeper and disseminator of the online self-administered questionnaires invitation). In addition, notes were always locked away in a secure safe when not in use. Only the researcher and research supervisors had access to the collected and/or analysed data, and these will only be used for the purposes of this particular research.

The researcher has the ethical obligation to protect respondents from, within all reasonable limits, physical discomfort and harm. Participation to this study were voluntary and participants were informed that they could withdraw from participating at any time. Findings to this study will be

(32)

introduced to the public in writing, conveying the research clearly and unambiguously (Strydom, 2011).

In short, ethical consideration and its aspects included the following: ensuring the confidentiality of results and findings, protection of the participants’ identities (Maree & Van der Westhuizen, 2007), voluntary participation, informed consent, honesty at all times, the right to self-determination (privacy, anonymity and confidentiality), actions and competence of the researcher, cooperation with contributors and sponsors, adherence to the NWU ethics committee, and publication of the findings (Strydom, 2011).

1.7.2.7 Instrumentation

The researcher used in-depth self-administered questionnaires to collect data. Since data was collected using purposive sampling supplemented by snowballing, direct quotes of data from the online self-administered questionnaire were used to facilitate interpretive validity and to establish data trustworthiness (Maree & Van der Westhuizen, 2007; Schurink et al., 2011).

1.7.2.8 Limitations and delimitations of the study

The researcher gathered data from Cape Town LGBTIQ+ residents who have had some form of hazard/disaster exposure, or have assisted those who did, concerning their perceptions and attitudes about the treatment of sexual minority people before and during times of disaster distress. These individuals were willing to discuss experiences they had observed, and yet were not willing to discuss their own personal perceptions/involvement in such incidents. Due to the above discussed methodology, the study had a low completion rate and high dropout rate. Furthermore, the researcher’s gender proved to be a limitation in terms of being allowed to personally engage the purpose sample population that was deemed to be the best data source for this study.

To minimise costs, this study focused on one city. The study only focused on LGBTIQ+ people’s perceptions and experiences of incidents that have taken place. This research collected data from adults only as teenagers and younger children do not have properly formulated and concrete perceptions, biases and stereotypes; and if they do, they are not yet aware of the causes of such mindsets (Papalia et al., 2009). These and other limitations are discussed in detail in Chapter 5.

1.7.2.9 Significance of the study

The aim is to broaden and add to the knowledge of gender and sexual studies, and its relationship to disaster risk relief. Through this particular study, the researcher aims to contribute to the field

(33)

minorities may face during times of disaster. As such, the study extends its focus beyond an exclusive focus on only those who identify as heterosexual by undertaking research on the experiences of LGBTIQ+ within the African and South African context as far as disaster studies are concerned (for which research has been limited). This study aims to provide information mainly for practitioners. For these practitioners, it aims to yield light in terms of providing effective and professional aid for sexual minority individuals during disasters. Furthermore, findings could inform and encourage policymakers to include sexual minorities in development and amendments of the national disaster management framework. This study may also encourage heterosexual individuals to revisit and re-formulate their perceptions concerning sexual minority individuals and their needs, especially in times of distress.

1.7.2.10 Provisional chapter layout

This section provides a brief description of the anticipated content of each chapter for this research study. The provisional chapter layout is as follows:

Chapter 1: Introduction

This includes the introductory chapter, which outlines the orientation and rationale for the study, central themes, problem statement, research questions and corresponding objectives. This chapter also provides an overview of the research design and methodology that guides this study.

Chapter 2: Literature review

This chapter includes an extensive literature review relating to perceptions and attitudes about sexual minorities in contemporary society, in South Africa and abroad. A second subsection centres on literature and theory on disaster risk management and its relationship with gender and sexuality studies. A special focus is on different theories regarding general stereotype formulation and the origin thereof, and how this may influence the targets of stereotypes.

Chapter 3: International and South African legislation

Chapter 3 focuses on reviewing international and national policies and legislative frameworks on disaster risk reduction, and gender and sexuality (LGBTIQ+) so as to establish the intent and vision of policymakers.

Chapter 4: Data analysis and findings

Once data is collected, this chapter presents the findings of the research. It gives a tabulated and/or graphical presentation of answers and notes from the collected data. The table and/or

(34)

graph present themes and patterns from the dataset from the in-depth online self-administered questionnaires. This chapter demonstrates the empirical findings of the study and the theoretical contributions cited in Chapters 2 and 3. This includes the analysis of the perceptions of the LGBTIQ+ residents of Cape Town who have had hazard/disaster exposure.

Chapter 5: Conclusions and recommendations

This is the concluding chapter that provides a discussion of the summative remarks on the central findings. This chapter also provides specific recommendations for future empirical investigation. Lastly, this chapter attempts to point out strategies and recommendations that can be included in disaster risk and relief policies to include sexual minorities.

Exploring the perceptions of Cape Town's LGBTIQ+ individuals regarding their treatment in general and during periods of disaster relief