Indonesian young-adults and their relationship with parks : a case study of Jakarta

Indonesian young-adults and their

relationship with parks: A case study of

Jakarta

Page 2 of 161

T

ABLE OF

C

ONTENTS

1 Introduction ... 4

2 Literature Review ... 6

2.1 Overview ... 6

2.2 Park Provision in Jakarta ... 6

2.3 Defining Adulthood in Jakarta... 7

2.4 Park Use in Indonesia ... 8

2.5 The Purpose of Parks in the Indonesian Context ... 10

2.6 Place Attachment ... 11

2.7 Factors that Deter Young Adults from Visiting Parks ... 12

2.8 Gender ... 13

2.9 Summary ... 14

3 Research methods ... 16

4 How do young adults use parks in Jakarta? ... 18

4.1 Overview ... 18

4.2 Popular Parks and A Western Comparative ... 18

4.3 Visiting Frequency ... 20

4.4 Visiting Companions... 20

4.5 Visiting Days ... 21

4.6 Visiting Times ... 21

4.7 Usual Length of Visit ... 22

4.8 Activities ... 25

4.8.1 Activities by Cumulative Age group ... 25

4.8.2 Activities by Gender ... 26

4.9 Parks and Life-Styling by Young Adults ... 30

4.9.1 Survey Responses and Aspirational Lifestyles ... 30

4.9.2 Digital Life-Styling Practices ... 31

4.10 Young Adults as Predominant Users ... 32

4.11 Summary ... 33

5 What is the Perceived Purpose of Parks According to Young Adults in Jakarta? ... 34

5.1 Overview ... 34

5.1.1 Hierarchy According to the Cumulative Group ... 34

5.1.2 Hierarchy when Stratified by Gender ... 36

5.2 Summary ... 38

Page 3 of 161 7 Overview ... 39 7.1 Place Attachment ... 39 7.2 Park Communities ... 41 7.3 Social Equity ... 43 7.4 Summary ... 43

8 What Factors Deter Young Adults from Visiting Parks in Jakarta? ... 44

8.1 Interviewee 13’s Story ... 44

8.2 Negative Observations by Frequent Users ... 45

8.3 Summary ... 48

9 GIS Analysis ... 49

10 Concluding Remarks: What is the Significance of Parks to Young Adults in Jakarta? ... 51

11 Critical Reflection of Research Process ... 53

11.1 the Survey Stage ... 53

11.2 The Interview Stage ... 53

11.3 Transition Between Stages... 54

12 Appendices ... 55

12.1 Interviewee Profiles ... 55

12.2 Survey Logic ... 56

12.3 Interview Topic List ... 57

12.3.1 Frequent Users ... 57

12.3.2 Infrequent Users ... 57

12.4 Place Attachment Matrix ... 58

13 References ... 59

Page 4 of 161

1 I

NTRODUCTION

In 2007, the capital city of Jakarta was struck by the worst flooding witnessed in three centuries; over 40% of the city was submerged, 80 people killed, and 340,000 people displaced (Brink and Hartmann, 2009, as cited in Werner, 2014). Rapid urbanisation of the city since the 1980s has seen Jakarta’s green space coverage drop to below 10% of its total area (Kusno, 2011; Kirmanto, Ernawi &

Djakapermana, 2012); a figure that is far below the recommended 9m2 _{per person (FAO, as cited in} Said & Mansor, 2011). The incident sparked a “green turn” (Kusno, 2011) in Indonesia’s urban

environment policy; leading to the expansion of green space in the city with the view of increasing the water catchment area of the city and thus reducing the severity of the flooding that afflicts the capital on a yearly basis (Werner, 2014).

The government’s intention to increase the number of public parks has been firmly acted on recently; ten new parks opened in February 2016 alone (Wardhani, 2016; Paskalis, 2016), presenting the residents of Jakarta with new active health and social affordances. However, discussions about the social benefits of parks are rarely discussed (Werner, 2014) and this is reflected in the few case studies of park use in Indonesia, which tend to focus on ascertaining visitor behaviour and satisfaction with park amenities (for examples, see: Mutiara & Isami, 2012; Aryatnie & Siahaan, 2015). Notions such as place attachment, or lack thereof, have thus far been left in the metaphorical dark. Situated at the tail-end of the adolescent period of disinterest in green space (identified by Kaplan and Kaplan, 2002), this age group have been observed using green space as a key tool for building towards their adult identities; a study by Kusno (2011) found that movements to protect and improve urban parks in the Indonesian city of Bandung were instigated and run predominantly by individuals below 29 years of age. This study aims to provide insight into young adults in Jakarta and their personal relationship with parks.

Page 5 of 161

Page 6 of 161

2 L

ITERATURE

R

EVIEW

2.1 O

The proposed research questions, although appearing straightforward, are afflicted with problematic terms. The term “young adult” is subject to a variety of definitions and produces a variety of results; there are five variances in definition of youth and young adults within the United Nations literature alone. Furthermore, Jakarta’s parks are shrouded in the murky definitions and estimations of green open space (GOS) and their total area has not been academically asserted since 1998 (Aldous, 2010; Said and Mansor, 2011). Meanwhile, the use of parks in the Indonesian context is only just beginning to be explored by the academic community, leaving many facets of relationships with parks

unexplored, particularly from the perspective of young adults. This section therefore aims to clarify the subjects of the research questions; namely, parks and young adults. The review then explores the literature concerning use of urban parks in Indonesia, the rhetoric surrounding them, and the

observed gap in research concerning less immediately apparent relationships to park in the form of place attachment. Finally, the section concludes with some assessment of gender norms in Indonesia that are considered relevant to the research topic.

2.2 P

P

J

Before entering into discussions about park use and young adults in Indonesia, it is first necessary to illustrate the geographical context in which the age group finds themselves. Jakarta has experienced rapid urbanisation since the 1980s resulting in the green space coverage of the city decrease from 35% to below 10% (Kusno, 2011; Kirmanto, et al., 2012). What remains has been described as “pinpricks” (Juda, 2016) and is seen as the root of many public health threats in the city, such as flooding (Werner, 2014). However, with the “green turn” (Kusno, 2011) in politics beginning to take hold, the number of parks in Jakarta is now on the rise (Wardhani, 2016; Paskalis, 2016)

Data concerning precisely how many parks are in Jakarta is not immediately available; Jakarta’s Smart City website allowed the user to explore parks using markers on a map but the poor design, lack of data summary and overlapping categories that include parks make it a limited exploration tool at best. According to The Jakarta Post (author n.d., Oct. 2015) Ratna, head of the Parks and Cemeteries Agency of Jakarta DKI, estimates that there are over 1500 parks in Jakarta; however, the geographical coverage of these parks is not so easily established. Indeed, it is almost impossible to find a figure that divorces parks from the concept of green open space. Furthermore, the claims concerning the

amount of green space in Jakarta varies considerably between sources. The highest estimation being 7.1m2 _{per capita (Kirmanto et al., 2012; Werner, 2014), followed by 2.3m}2 _{per capita (Siemens, 2011),} and a staggeringly low 0.22m2 _{per capita (Said & Mansor, 2011). Even the most generous estimate} demonstrates that the city is barely making the minimum recommendation of 9m² by United Nation Food and Agriculture Organisation (FAO, as cited in Said & Mansor, 2011). Furthermore, the city is far behind the Asian average of 15m² GOS per capita and the international averages that span between 11m² and 34m² per capita (Kirmanto et al., 2012; Werner, 2014).

Disparity between these figures is largely dependent on how the sources have chosen how to define green space and, arguably, a lack of coherent discussion about the varying purposes of green space throughout academic literature. Said & Mansor’s (2011) estimation is based on a figure ascertained in

Page 7 of 161 1998 that evaluated solely park space per capita. This figure is unlikely to be accurate for the modern day; according to The Jakarta Post, the government officially opened 10 new parks on 9th February 2016, comprised of almost 50 hectares, which is approximately 0.07% of the city (Wardhani, 2016). The Asian Green City Index by Siemens (2011) cited their figure directly from the Statistics Office of Indonesia (2008) which uses a more extensive definition that includes not just parks but also “recreation areas, greenways, waterways, and other protected areas accessible to the public” (Siemens, 2011). The leap from these figures to those of Kirmanto et al. (2012) and Werner (2014) suggest that they are likely to be including private green space, such as gardens or perhaps golf course, in their estimations. In fact, Werner (2014) does distinguish between private and public GOS but does not extend this division to the figures provided; a dramatic oversight for individuals from less affluent social-economic backgrounds seeking out parks for health or social purposes. More recently, The Jakarta Post, stated that “open green spaces consist not only of parks but also cemeteries, green median strips in the middle of divided roads and other patches of greenery around roads,” apparently basing this on recent information from the city administration (Wardhani, 2016), suggesting that the figure held by Siemens (2011) is not representative of parks either.

The frequent agglomeration of parks into general GOS is arguably problematic; the affordances of a green strip by the side of the road are quite different to those found in even the smallest of

neighbourhood parks. A contemporary exploration of the distribution of parks in Jakarta is therefore needed in order to accurately consider the topics presented for the remainder of this chapter.

2.3 D

A

J

With the geographical context of the study laid out, it is not pertinent to explore the society in which the target age group exists. Young adulthood is difficult to define and is often agglomerated with the term “youth”; an equivocal period between childhood and adulthood (Valentine, 2003). Indeed, as Sibley (1995) commented: “Youth - despite all attempts to define it - is ambiguously wedged between childhood and adulthood.” Furthermore, defining who has and has not achieved true adulthood in Jakarta is perhaps more problematic now than it has ever been as shifts in cultural and economic circumstances put a strain on the traditional pathway to achieving this goal (White, in Robinson, Ch.1, 2015).

Legally, one is recognised as an adult at the age of 18 in Indonesia (ibid.); however, the cultural definitions of adulthood present a significant challenge to this statement. Traditional markers the achievement of adulthood is represented by milestones such as the completion of education, entrance into the workforce and thus the achievement of economic independence from parents, marriage and the bearing of children (ibid. ; Utomo, 2016). Particular stress is given to marriage and bearing children for female individuals; a teenager who is married and has children can be considered to be more of an adult than an older peer who is single (Bennett, in Robinson, Ch.12, 2015). Whilst the logic of this life trajectory is undeniable, social and economic shifts in Indonesia mean that the advent of these milestones in Jakartan biographies are on the move and are, at times, unachievable even when desired. Recent statistics show a trend for an increased number of students choosing to enrol in higher education, thus prolonging their period of immaturity (White, in Robinson, Ch.1, 2015). Additionally, marriage, now increasingly based on emotional connection rather than parental arrangement, is occurring later on in life as is the subsequent rearing of children (ibid.). What is not a choice, however, is unemployment; a stark and pervasive reality for new graduates of both high

Page 8 of 161 school and university (ibid.). Each of these markers is largely based on choice. What is not chosen, however, is unemployment; a stark and pervasive reality for new graduates from both high school and university alike that is rising by the year (ibid.). Economic independence from parents arguably has a knock-on effect on other milestones, for example, investing in courtship, or in a new home, or in providing for a young family. Adulthood in Jakarta is thus being opted for at a later stage and being imposed by uncontrollable external forces.

Possibly as a result of this extended period of immaturity, The Indonesian Law on Youth (2009) declared any citizen up to the age of 30 years old could be considered “youth” or a young adult (ibid.). The Indonesian National Youth Committee extends this to include anyone up to 40 years old (ibid.), which is in fact over half of the average life expectancy in Indonesia (The World Bank, 2016). Neither organisation provides explanation about how they arrived at their top-end estimate of young adulthood beyond recognising that the individuals are going through a period of personal

development (ibid.). Arguably, by this definition, one could be a “youth” until one dies as long as they are still striving for further personal development. Meanwhile, the UN (2013) stipulates that youth can generally falls between the ages of 15 and 25. This certainly appears to be true for the Jakartan population; if everything goes according to plan, a student can hope to graduate university at the age of 24 and enter the workforce, thus beginning to decouple their economic dependence on their parents and begin investing in their own future families.

Given the legal definition of the start of adulthood in Indonesia and the expected achievement age of the cultural markers of adulthood, this study will therefore define an Indonesian young adult as being between 18 and 25 years of age.

2.4 P

U

I

Literature published for international purposes concerning urban park use in the Indonesian context are altogether few and far between1_{; however, the case studies which are available in English have} been conducted very recently and therefore present reliable evidence for the purposes of this study. Beginning with the most relevant case study according to geographical context, Mutiara & Isami’s (2012) study of small park use in Jakarta reveals some important notes on visitors’ behaviour and preferences. Visitors to parks were found to have come from outside the neighbourhood in which the park was situated, particularly if the park was located in a high-income neighbourhood. It was not specified how far these visitors had travelled in order to reach the park; a gap in information that perhaps this study can fill. The residents of these high-income neighbourhoods living adjacent to the park were found to be infrequent visitors; suggesting a socio-economic disparity in interest in

engaging with parks. This particular study, however, focussed more on ascertaining the aspects of the park that needed to be improved according to visitors. Maintenance issues were the most frequently cited among the respondents, followed swiftly by matters of cleanliness and litter. We may therefore expect the young adult age group to mention these in the study; however, Mutiara & Isami (2012) did not directly assess a particular age group making it difficult to perceive to whom the complaints belonged.

1 _{Possibly attributable to the lack of ability to access Indonesian academic literature due to lack of fluency in}

Page 9 of 161 A study by Aryatnie & Siahaan (2015) offers information about the lower end of the target age group of the study more explicitly, as they summarise their observations of older teenagers (16-19 year olds) using Lapangan Merdeka Park in the city of Medan. This study revealed that girls were the most predominant users of the park and that the most popular optional activities included jogging or using sports equipment. Chatting or hanging out was the third most observed activity by this age group. This suggests that health affordances of parks may be the most important to the target age group, followed by exclusively social activities. A third of visitors in this age group visited at least once per week and were usually found visiting in the evening, most often with friends. It is therefore likely that young adults from this study will follow similar patterns of user behaviour. However, as the majority of this study’s target age group are situated firmly at the tail-end of Kaplan & Kaplan’s (2002)

adolescent time-out period in interest in nature, one might expect the young adult age group to visit more frequently than their counterparts in the older teenager age group. Conversely, they are also more likely to be in possession of greater economic power and can thus afford to properly invest in life-styling locations such as a malls.

Youth-led environmental organisations in Bandung have also gone to great lengths to encourage social life in parks for teenagers and young adults (Alam & Nilan, 2015). Social events hosted by these organisations in parks include; open-mic nights, organising live music events, art exhibitions, and day trips for school pupils (Alam & Nilan, 2015). The Jakarta DKI government has launched an Annual Park Festival in recent years, using similar tactic for attracting visitors (Werner, 2014). The Jakartan

government, too, has launched projects that foster park social life, including The Annual Park Festival (Werner, 2014) and “Ayo Ke Taman” (Let’s Go to the Park) which aims to deliver events on a quarterly basis, starting in Taman Ayodya, Taman Menteng, and Taman Cattelya2 _{(author n.d., The Jakarta Post,} 2015).

In addition to usual measurements of park use through visiting behaviour, there is also a possibility that parks are becoming life-styling3 _{tools for the population of Jakarta. Life-styling, (as coined by} Gerke, 2002), is a frequent undertaking in the malls of Jakarta; as bastions of the upper classes and a “well-loved” part of Indonesian culture (Tsao, 2012), these institutions are a critical point of reference for anyone hoping to catch the latest trends and successfully create the appearance of having a fashionable lifestyle. It is because malls are so powerful in their dispersal of trends that recent developments in using “going green” as a marketing strategy and including natural elements, although often made of plastic (Tsao, 2012), within their walls worthy of note. Indeed, Central Park Mall, which was launched in 2009, was built to encompass a carefully manicured 1.5ha public park and represents one of Jakarta’s architectural crown jewels for the modern day (Central Park Mall website, date n.d.). If nature is being divorced from its previous association with undesirable rural lifestyles (Werner, 2014) and gaining esteem as a status symbol, then perhaps parks are becoming fashionable places in which to be seen. Indonesians constitute the second largest user group of Facebook, with 41 million users and is primarily used for sharing personal activities (Naradhipa & Purwarianti, 2012). A study by Lenhart, Purcell, Smith & Zickuhr, (2010) found that teenagers and young adults were the most active on social media sites. Furthermore, this age group are still in a critical period of identity formation (Alam & Nilan, 2015) may be sensitive to the prospect of parks

2 _{All notably situated in affluent neighbourhoods.}

3 _{A term coined by Gerke (2002) concerning being seen in a place or with particular status symbols in order to}

create a sense of desirable lifestyle, which one might not be able to afford. For example, sitting in McDonalds but not actually making a purchase.

Page 10 of 161 becoming a fashionable place to spend time and visit them for this purpose. It is therefore likely that if visiting the park is considered a fashionable activity, individuals would feel it appropriate to report their activity on social media, thus using a digital form of life-styling.

How young adults use parks is difficult to establish from the information currently available. However, some key aspects can be gleaned from previously conducted case-studies and noted trends in other recent literature, such as preference for health-orientated activities and the potential for using parks and their natural element affordances as a life-styling tool, potentially through digital platforms. We would expect that, in the context of Jakarta, many respondents would mention the events hosted by the local government, which may put social activities ahead in young adult use of parks.

2.5 T

P

P

I

C

Conversation surrounding the role of parks in the urban context are grounded firmly in environmental considerations in the Indonesian context; however, social use of parks is being encouraged from both the governmental and NGO fronts.

Siemens’ (2011) Asian Green City Index analysed the environmental status of 22 Asian cities and noted that the governing forces were “convinced of the need to improve the urban environment”. Jakarta, as a case study city, is no exception; the Law of Spatial Planning [2007] stipulates that the city must achieve 30% green space coverage and the recent proliferation of parks is attributed to this move (Werner 2014). The subsequent Green City Programme (P2KH, launched in 2011) reiterated the importance that this target be met by prioritising the construction of green space, partly through the construction of new urban parks, and began raising awareness of the importance of the “green city” among residents (Werner, 2014). Perhaps the most frequently cited justification for creating new parks from the government is that there is a desperate need to increase the water catchment area of the city, thus reducing the chronic flooding that afflicts the city on a yearly basis (Tsao, 2012; Werner, 2014). The social affordances of park space are rarely commented on (Werner, 2014). Indeed, one must approach the events hosted by the government mentioned earlier in this chapter with caution as they are likely motivated by the prospect of turning a profit than by genuine concern for that potential for communities that could be fostered with parks at their centre.

Alam & Nilan’s (2015) study of youth in Bandung found that they considered parks to be of critical importance to the environment, resulting in many taking action to protect urban parks within the city and raise the locals’ awareness of their role for maintaining Indonesia’s much celebrated range of biodiversity. In contrast to the government rhetoric surrounding parks, the youth-led environmental groups that are engaged with park protection often engage with the social affordances of these zones. Organisations such as Culindra, Komunitas Taman Kota and Sahabat Kota all strive to engage young people with the public parks in the city through events such as festivals, open mic nights, and art expos that encourage socialising. The ultimate aim, however, is to raise awareness and connection with the environment. At the time of writing, research and analysis detailing the activities of similar groups in the context of Jakarta was not available in English, therefore we cannot assume similar youth behaviour towards park in the capital city. However, Nilan’s (2015) study of discourses of youth-orientated NGOs in Indonesia found that their social media output focused primarily on protecting nature in order to maintain the archipelago’s famed biodiversity. Young adults in Jakarta are likely to have been exposed to this rhetoric and may connect parks and their natural elements to this discourse.

Page 11 of 161 With this information in mind, one might expect to find that the predominant perceived purpose of parks by young adults is based in environmental considerations, such as reducing environmental threats and protecting biodiversity. However, social affordances may also feature in their assessment of the purpose of parks.

2.6 P

A

Alongside new venues for socialising, the creation of new park zones offers young adults in Jakarta other important social affordances. Zhou & Parves Rana’s (2012) paper concerning the social benefits of green space, and thus parks, identified a great number of social affordances available to users, including; opportunities for recreation, drawing enjoyment from the aesthetic of the space,

psychological well-being4 _{and restorative effects (sometimes attributed to the supposed existence of} biophilia (Kellert & Wilson, 1993)), educational opportunities, enhancing social ties, and contribution to regional identity creating sense of belonging and attachment (see also Aldous, 2010). Sense of place attachment and belonging, however, are difficult to ascertain through these methods. Indeed, the case studies so far have done little to establish the sentimental connection between users and their chosen parks, focussing instead on user behaviours involving activities and investigation

preferences for improving park zones in future. For this reason, particular focus is given to uncovering this aspect of young adult relationships with parks.

In order to assess sense of place attachment, one must first uncover its multiple facets. Scannell & Gifford (2009) identify three psychological processes of place attachment. The first, affect, refers to emotional connection to a place, for example, a feeling of longing or sadness when displaced from the place to which one is attached (Fullilove, 1996, as cited in Scannel and Gifford, 2009). The second, cognition, refers to creating self-definitions that are derived from places. In other words, the characteristics of the place are also characteristics you identify in yourself, often manifesting in expressions concerning in-group members of the place and out-group members (Scannell & Gifford, 2009). The third and final psychological process is behavioural in which actions reveal attachment to place, for example by moving house location to be closer to a place or refusing to move too far from it (Scannell & Gifford, 2009). Scannell & Gifford (2009) also argue that attempts to control access to a place are not representative of place attachment and are instead associated with a sense of territoriality; however, the author here argues that imposition of access controls onto other people may indeed indicate territoriality but acting to defend one’s own right to access a place, especially when held in significance in the individual’s biography, may still constitute a form of place

attachment. A key factor that increases strength in sense of place attachment is the existence of personal memories, sometimes of reaching significant milestones, that are evoked by a place (Scannell & Gifford, 2009).

The previous case studies carried out in parks in Indonesian cities do little to assess this aspect of social relationships with parks. However, Mutiara & Isami’s (2012) study of users of small parks in Jakarta did find that 90% of respondents expressed desire to participate in managing their local park spaces, thus implying a sense of pride in the park zones albeit affronted by the government’s lack of

4 _{NB: For the purposes of this study, restorative effects referring specifically to stress and its relief were}

categorised as mental health affordances. This was felt to be justifiable as the effects of stress and the possibility of resulting depression or anxiety do indeed have a social impact but their profile is changing the medical circles and mainstream Western society to be situated primarily in the sphere of health.

Page 12 of 161 action to provide sufficient maintenance services. Questions concerning the existence of memories, belonging, and desire for proximity associated with parks therefore remain unanswered.

2.7 F

D

Y

A

V

P

Hagerstrand’s (1970) constraint theory provides a basis for initial considerations about what may affect an individual’s choice to visit a park. Capability constraints (Hagerstrand, 1970) such as the walkability of an individual’s route to a park and access to transport are likely to affect whether young adults can access parks in Jakarta. The choking traffic that assails the city on a daily basis makes travel for any purpose a carefully considered undertaking; the average traffic speed being 5kmph

(Greenfield, 2015). The average peak daytime temperatures are also likely to be a serious deterrent for spending time outdoors. In addition to this, more affluent individuals have access to other, potentially more desirable, options such as their own private gardens and gyms for fitness purposes; they may therefore opt out of visiting public parks.

Coupling constraints (Hagerstrand, 1970) place further pressures on young adults’ time; it is not uncommon to work six days per week5_{. Furthermore, The Jakarta Post (author n.d., Feb. 2015) cited} figures from the Institute of Transport and Development Policy (ITDP) stating that citizens of Jakarta spend 400 hours commuting to work per year on average, equating to around two hours per day. University can also host lectures on a Saturday, unlike their Western counterparts. Any free time this age group does have once they have entered the workforce might be considered better spent at the mall which offers the individual the chance to take part in middle-class “lifestyling” activities (Gerke, 2002). Gender may also play a role (Wendel et al, 2012); despite having moved into a

post-authoritarian governance period, traditionalist concepts such as State Ibuism are still pervasive in Indonesian culture and girls are expected to stay home in order to learn their domestic roles from matriarchs and peers, placing further limitations on both their time (Beazley, 2002).

Hagerstand’s (1970) theory also stipulates that authority constraints also affect an individual’s activities. In the case of Jakarta, it is probably best understood through a lack of authoritative presence; police are not always present to promote peace and safety in parks, many of which have reputations for anti-social behaviour (Juda, 2016). Sense of safety is a predominant factor that affects an individual’s choice to use a park and is therefore likely to be an important factor for youth when choosing to engage with green spaces the Indonesian context (Seaman et al, 2010; Drianda & Kinoshita, 2015; Mutiara & Isami, 2012). In addition, parental values, such as stranger danger fear, may place limitations on youths’ engagement with green spaces. Gender is also significantly interrelated with authority in Indonesian society; Beazley’s (2002) study found that many of her interviewees considered it a rule that girls must ask permission to leave the house.

Whilst Hagerstand’s (1970) constraint theory presents a good framework for considering factors that might keep an individual from visiting a park, it overlooks the factors that can make parks an

undesirable target to visit in the first place. In light of the long-standing lack of parks in Jakarta, it may be that the old adage of “if you build it, they will come” might not actually ring true; as Seaman, Jones & Ellaway (2010) noted from their study “quality green space would not attract individuals if they had little idea of what to do there”. However, those with a sense of what to do in a park and a desire carry out those activities may find themselves deterred by a variety of other factors. For example, Mutiara

Page 13 of 161 & Isami’s (2012) study found that the top complaint about park space was that they were under-maintained, making them unattractive to visitors. They also found that many respondents considered the parks “too boring” (Mutiara & Isami, 2012), perhaps to be expected when they are pitched against malls as a realm for socialising; however, the reasons for this were not expanded on in the study. Wendel, Zarger and Mihelcic (2012) found that sense of safety was the primary barrier to users of parks in Santa Cruz, Bolivia, and furthermore support Seaman et al.’s (2010) assertion by

concluding that the provision of green space does not equate to actual use.

2.8 G

"Gender stereotyping and traditional views of women’s roles continue to disadvantage girls and women in Indonesia, making it difficult for women to be

full and equal participants in social, economic, and political life" The Asia Foundation (Oct. 2012)

When discussing public space, it is difficult to bypass the subject of gender, as has been cited by a number of the studies mentioned previously in the review (see Seaman et al., 2010; Wendel et al., 2012; Mutiara & Isami, 2012). It is particularly pertinent in Jakarta at the present time as a new wave of conservative Islam is sweeping the country (Robinson, 2008).

As a predominantly Islamic state, one might expect that there to be significant restrictions on female mobility in Indonesian culture. This is indeed the case in many parts of the Indonesian archipelago, for example, in the notoriously Islamic province of Aceh; however, in Jakarta, a large portion of the population are also Christian and mainstream Islam is not found to confine women to the domestic realm (Shrimulyani, 2012). Indeed, Javanese culture is traditionally matrilineal, showing respect for women’s autonomy (Shrimulyani, 2012). In addition, the Qu’ran maintains that a Muslim woman has the right to conduct business and own property. Financial support is, however, seen as the male responsibility and sometimes a shameful thing if it is necessary for a wife to find work, thus creating a form of double-edged sword concerning women and the domestic realm. The marketplace is often considered a female domain (Beazley, 2002). That is not to say that there is not an emphasis on a woman’s place as being at home; concepts such as “kodrat wanita” (women’s nature) are held by men and women alike in contemporary Jakarta, perpetuating the belief that it is natural law for women to take care of the home, husbands and children (Utomo, 2016). Indeed, girls are given domestic chores from very early on in adolescence (Geertz, as cited in Shrimulyani, 2012, Beazley, 2002). Arguably, this presents a form of indirect exclusion from public space, as Shrimulyani (2012) comments in relation to nyais (female Islamic preachers) “having an arrangement for their domestic activities was one of the necessary conditions for their expansion into public space”. Whilst the example given is a very specific context, it is likely that young adult females will also feel pressure concerning their domestic duties before ranging into the outside world.

Once outside of the domestic space, female individuals are expected to behave in a particular way that may further affect their relationship with parks. In addition to the ideal of woman as the care-giver, Beazley (2002) highlighted the continuing influence of “State Ibuism” on female rights to occupy public space in her study of street-girls in Jogjakarta6_{. Instigated by the authoritarian President}

Page 14 of 161 Soeharto as part of his New Order, this concept emphasises the subordinate role of women to men and put significant pressure on women to remain in their domestic roles and domains (Suryakusuma, 1996, as cited in Beazley, 2002). Despite Soeharto’s presidency and the New Order ending in 1998, restrictions on female mobility persist in post-authoritarian Jakarta’s social codes of conduct (de Silva, 1997, as cited in Beazley, 2002). To demonstrate this, Beazley (2002) queried children about how they felt a girl should behave; answers included that they should not go out after 9.30pm and that they must ask permission to leave the house. In addition, although Indonesian culture finds being by oneself to be worthy of comment no matter what the gender, girls in particularly are socialised not to appear in public alone and are assigned domestic roles from a young age to keep them within the perceived safe zone of the home (Beazley, 2002).

General restrictions on the public appearance of women have relaxed since Soeharto’s regime; Indonesia has since had a female president, Megawati Sukarnoputri, who served a full term from 2001 to 2004. Furthermore, women are now allowed to work in the public sector and frequently do so (Beazley, 2002). In fact, many women now work out of economic necessity and dual-earning households are becoming increasingly common (Utomo, 2016). However, a new wave of conservative Islam has since swept the nation since 2005, which is undoing much of the social change concerning women's public activities and social power (Robinson, 2008). A study by Aryatnie & Siahaan (2015) of teenage use of Lapangan Merdeka Park in the city of Medan, found that girls were the most

predominant group of visitors to the park, suggesting that the female population is not yet being squeezed back out of public spaces. Indeed, it may be that access to public spaces would be dependent on parental or familial acceptance of conservative Islam; according to the Social Institutions and Gender Index (SIGI) (2014) the discriminatory family code is very high in Indonesia, suggesting that the biggest restriction for female young adults would be sourced from parental wishes.

A final point of gender stratification that is of relevance to the study is that of emotional expression. A key indicator of place attachment is a sense of emotional connection to place (Scannell & Gifford, 2009). It is therefore important that the gendering of emotional expression in Indonesia be elaborated on. Similar to the perpetuation of concepts such as the domestic being the domain of women and the public being the domain of men; a dichotomous response to feeling emotion is demonstrated by the two genders. In their study of Indonesian adolescents, Garaigordobil, Maganto, Perez, & Sansinenea, (2009 as cited in Putri et al., 2011) found that male adolescents were more likely to externalise their emotions; behaving aggressively when experiencing the emotion of sadness, whereas girls tended to internalise their emotions; becoming anxious-depressive when experiencing sadness (see also Boellstorff & Lindquist, 2004). This variation between genders may prove

explanatory when exploring young adult sense of place attachment.

2.9 S

Overall, the literature reviewed reveals the following gaps in research; firstly, there is a gap in data about the visiting behaviour pertaining specifically to young adults in Jakarta. Second, the perceived purpose of parks appears to be maintained as environmentally-orientated according to the

government; however, thus far there has been no exploration into this matter from the point of view of the general public. Furthermore, aspects of relationships with parks, such as place attachment, memory, and sentiment towards the parks in Jakarta have been largely unexplored. Factors impacting

Page 15 of 161 negatively on park experience and possibly use have been somewhat uncovered but not explicitly with regards to this age group. Finally, a consideration of gender norms in Indonesia and particularly Java has suggested that male and female young adults may experience their relationships with parks differently to each other. With this information in mind, this study therefore aims to fill these gaps in literature through the lens of young adults and the prism of gender.

Page 16 of 161

3 R

ESEARCH METHODS

The study aimed to make contact with individuals between the ages of 18 to 25 years old (inclusive) who are living in Jakarta at the time of the research and answer the following questions and sub-questions:

 What is the significance of public parks to the young adults of Jakarta?

o How do young adults use parks in Jakarta and does this vary according to gender? o What is the perceived purpose of parks according to young adults in Jakarta and does

this vary according to gender?

o What evidence can be found of place attachment to parks in young adults living in Jakarta and does this vary according to gender?

o What factors deter young adults from visiting parks in Jakarta and does this vary according to gender?

The research took a mixed method approach to answering these questions and was comprised of two stages; the first was a digital survey and the second was a series of interviews. These two stages were complimented by a brief GIS analysis of the park distribution in the city and their service areas according to the mean maximum travel time reported from the survey.

The survey stage took place over two week in April-May 2016 and was conducted remotely from Amsterdam through digital platforms. A total of 18 responses achieved the criterion of being from within the 18 to 25 age bracket and currently resident in Jakarta. The primary role of the survey was to survey establish user behaviour in parks and made some preliminary inquiries into the perceived purpose of parks and sense of safety using two open questions7_{. The digital survey was constructed} using Google Forms and was translated into Indonesian by Claudia Stoicesco; a Canadian national with native level fluency in Bahasa Indonesia, Jakarta dialect. The link to the survey was distributed

through the social media accounts of in-country contacts and through posts on popular social media sites; Facebook, Instagram, Twitter, and Tumblr. Popular Indonesian hashtags were ascertained from the website Hashtagify.me which provides popular tags by country in real time. The most popular tags for the month and the week were applied to each of the social media posts in order to maximise their exposure to the target age group. Respondents were incentivised to take the survey by the chance to win 1.000.000 Rupiah (approximately £50 at the time of the study). A further chance to win the prize was offered for those who opted in to be interviewed at a later date.

The interview research stage took place in May-June 2016, therefore partially overlapping with the survey stage of the research. The intention was to randomly select interviewees from the consenting survey respondents; however, due to the small sample size, this turned out to be unnecessary and all of the 15 respondents who were available for interview were successfully contacted. The gender distribution of the interviewee sample was 8 female and 7 male. The interview stage approached the themes of perceptions of park functions, place attachment and factors affecting low usage rates of the parks; the full interview topic list can be viewed in Appendix 11.3. Interviewees were offered the opportunity to choose the communication platform through which they would be interviewed as it

Page 17 of 161 became apparent that many did not have a Skype account. The distribution of interview platforms were as a follows8_:

1. Skype video call (3 respondents) 2. Skype chat (1 respondent) 3. E-mail (3 respondents)

4. WhatsApp messenger app (5 respondents) 5. Facebook messenger (3 respondents)

In light of the recent park developments reported in Jakarta’s newspapers, it was felt that a GIS analysis of the most recent park distribution data was necessary in order to ensure accuracy of information. Analysis was carried out using data from GeoFabrik downloaded on May 16st _{2016 on} ArcMap10. The resulting map can be viewed in the introduction. A second analysis was carried out using the same data on June 7th _{2016 in which the maximum travel time that respondents were} prepared to dedicate to travelling to a park was applied to the parks mentioned by the survey respondents.

8 _{An assessment of the success of these methods is available in Chapter 10: A Critical Reflection of the}

Page 18 of 161

4 H

OW DO YOUNG ADULTS USE PARKS IN

J

AKARTA

?

4.1 O

This section aims to summarise the usual visiting behaviour of young adults to parks in Jakarta. The data for this section is primarily drawn from self-reported habits ascertained from the digital survey; however the activities section was drawn from both the survey and the interview stage as many respondents added to their list of activities verbally where they had not opted to use the “add other activity” option in the survey.

Standard visiting behaviour such as when, with whom, and for how long are explored briefly before taking a more extensive exploration into kinds of activities that this age group partakes, including an exploration into whether parks are used as life-styling tools by this age group.

It is important to note that some sections of this chapter pertain to the cumulative survey sample and others solely to frequent users; attempts have been made to indicate the N of each sample at the beginning of each section to avoid confusion. Survey respondents were classified as frequent users if they reported their visiting frequency to be daily, weekly, or monthly as their visiting frequency. Respondents who reported that their visited yearly, less than yearly, or never, were classed as infrequent users.

4.2 P

P

A

W

C

Sample: Full survey sample: Total N=18, Male N=7, Female N=11

Table 1 - Popular Parks for the Young Adult Age Group

Park Name Respondents Size Neighbourhood

Taman Menteng 14 Medium Menteng

Taman Suropati 14 Medium Menteng

Taman Lembang 3 Small Menteng

Taman Ayodya 3 Small Kebayoran Baru

The most popular parks for young adults according to the survey results are Taman Suropati and Taman Menteng with a markedly higher proportion of the sample visiting than any of the other parks. It is notable that these parks are in fact with a hundred metres of each other (see Map X) and are of medium size according to their profiles on TripAdvisor.com. Their size is, however, defined in relation to others in the city and the concept of “medium size” may differ in the Western context to the reality in Jakarta. Indeed, Interviewee 29_{, who is currently travelling Europe, said that she didn’t know of any} “decent sized” parks in Jakarta when compared with her experience in the UK. From the author’s personal experience; it is common to be able to see from one side of a park to the other with ease. Taman Suropati, for example, appeared to be little more than a glorified, square roundabout for traffic and unappealing for an actual visit (see Map 2, below). That said, the literature mentioned both

Page 19 of 161 of these parks as targets for the Ayo Ke Taman (Let’s Go to the Park) project (author n.d., The Jakarta Post, Oct. 2015) which may explain their popularity among the sample; many of whom would have to travel more than an hour to reach them (see Map 3 in Chapter 9). Taman Ayodya, the flagship park for Ayo Ke Taman (Let’s Go to the Park) project (ibid.), had only been visited by two of the

respondents; however, because of its location in the South West of the city, this park is actually situated further from the majority of survey respondents than Taman Menteng and Taman Suropati, which are located in the central zone of the city.

Map 2 - Map Depicting Taman Menteng, Taman Suropati, and Taman Lembang (GoogleMaps, 2016)

Taman Lembang, is also within 200 metres of Taman Suropati and Taman Menteng; however, this park constitutes little more than a small body of water with a sliver of green way separating the lake from the surrounding roads (seen in Map 2, above, as the water body just right of the centre). As is perhaps expected, the size of the parks correlates with the number of respondents that visited each park. Notably, all of these parks are located in prestigious areas of the city; many embassies are situated in the Menteng area and the road on which Taman Suropati is located also hosts US President Obama’s private primary school; Besuki. Kemayoran and Kebayoran Baru are both areas associated with the elite and wealthy. The respondents, in contrast, are from outside of these areas, thus lending support to Mutiara & Isami’s (2012) assertion that many park visitors come from outside of the neighbourhood in which the park is situated.

A further 7 parks were mentioned with just one or two respondents each respondent each: Mortir, Pirus, Langsat/Barito, Daha, Lanteng Agung, Kodok, Amir Hamzah, Lapangan Banteng, and Catteleya.

Page 20 of 161

4.3 V

F

Sample: Full survey sample: N=18, Male N=7, Female N =11

As shown in Figure 1, the majority of respondents were frequent users and just two respondents reported infrequent visits. The predominant visiting frequency was monthly. It would appear that male visits to the park were more consistently frequent when compared with visiting frequency of female young adults. Indeed, the yearly visiting frequency category, which falls under “infrequent use” is comprised solely of female respondents, perhaps implying the presence of more constraints or a comparative dislike of going to the park by female young adults in relation to male young adults. An in depth discussion of the factors that act as deterrents to visiting parks to young adults can be found in Chapter 7.

Figure 1 - Self-Reported Visiting Frequency of Young Adults by Gender (N=18)

4.4 V

C

Sample: Frequent visitors: Total N=15, Male N=7, Female N=9

When considering their visiting behaviour, respondents were asked to report with whom they visited the park most frequently. As evidenced in Figure 2 (p.24), members of this age group usually opt to the visit the park with friends. This is perhaps due to the life stage of the respondents, all of whom were unmarried and without children (with the exception of one male exception). It is therefore expected that these individuals may be spending time with others their own age in the absence of young family pressures and perhaps with the view of finding someone to court this. Similar to the patterns observed in the visiting frequency data, female visitors display a more extensive range of visiting companions than their male counterparts. Notably, they are the only gender that reports usually visiting the park with their family, lending support to the concept proffered by Hutchinson (1994, as cited in Mutiara & Isami, 2012) that female young adults are more likely to be seen in parks performing their traditional family role. Conversely, exploration into the usual activities of this age group (see Chapter 4.7) revealed that the male respondents in fact reported a higher instance of spending time with family than their female counterparts (29% males, 11% females), thus inverting the expected gender norms of visiting behaviour.

0 2 4 6 8 10 12

Daily Weekly Monthly Yearly Less than

yearly

Never

Page 21 of 161

4.5 V

D

Sample: Frequent visitors: Total N=15, Male N=7, Female N=9

Respondents were also queried about the days that they usually visited the park and a notable preference for Friday and weekend visits is evident, as illustrated in Figure 3 (p.24). The general structure of the working week may explain the prevalence of visits in comparison to other week days; although Jakarta’s work hours are similar to those found in the West; it is common to work 6 day weeks in the city and to take Friday and/or Saturday as half or reduced hour days. Many of the respondents were also university students and would not have lectures scheduled on Saturdays. The reasons for this preference for the weekend were not explored directly at the interview stage; however, the travel cost of getting to a park may come into play here. If the respondents suffer the two hour per day commute time cited by The Jakarta Post (author n.d., Feb. 2015), they might not have time or be energetically prepared to go to the park after a day of working.

4.6 V

T

Sample: Frequent visitors: Total N=15, Male N=7, Female N=9

Visiting times were sorted according to periods of the day and respondents were allowed to select multiple options indicating their usual visiting behaviour if it overlapped over multiple time frames. As is apparent in Figure 3 (p.25), both genders follow a trend of peak usage in the evening. As expected, concern with the temperatures experienced in the city was raised at the interview stage and was cited by Interviewee 1410 _{as an explanation for the dislike for visiting during the afternoon. Travelling} home from work was also cited by Interviewee 2 as taking up time in the afternoon, thus restricting visitations by this age group during this period of the day. An exception to this pattern was revealed at the interview stage in which a female respondent (Interviewee 1011_{) commented that there was a} park less than five minutes from her office and that she often used the space in order to wait for the rush hour traffic to subside before heading home from Central to South Jakarta. This highlights the gravitas of Jakarta’s traffic intensity.

Interestingly, female respondents reported visiting the park at night and in fact in a higher proportion relative to their sample size when compared with their male counterparts. This runs contrary to the literature that suggested female individuals should return home by 9.30pm, or sunset (Beazley, 2002). This may perhaps be due to the age of the respondents in both studies; Beazley’s (2002) considered mostly adolescent girls, whereas the girls in this study are from the upper end of Beazley’s range and even older. Attitudes concerning perceivably more adult female individuals may therefore be

different to those concerning adolescent girls or, alternatively, indicates parental relaxation over curfews and control over the young adult age group.

10 _{25 – M – Studying accounting at Bachelor level – Lives alone in Makassar but is returning to Jakarta within}

the year

Page 22 of 161

4.7 U

L

V

Sample: Frequent visitors: Total N=15, Male N=7, Female N=9

The average length of time spent at the park was also queried in order to establish whether parks were visited in passing, for example as part of travel routes, or if a substantial amount of the

respondents’ time was spent there. As illustrated in Figure 5 (p.25), the majority of respondents spent between 01:00 hours and 01:30 hours in the park. Female respondents again present a more diverse range of visit lengths but their visits are more weighted towards the shorter visit times than their male counterparts. This suggests a slight dominance of male individuals over public space, supporting assertions made in the literature (Beazley, 2002). IN addition, the interview stage analysis of low usage factors revealed that only female respondents commented on the park being boring or unstimulating which make explain their shorter lengths of visits, a further discussion of which can be found in Chapter 7.

(Please continue to next page for Figure 2 through 5 concerning visitor behaviour of the young adult age group by gender.)

Page 23 of 161

Figure 2 - Self-Report Usual Visiting Company by Gender (Male N = 7, Female N = 9)

Figure 3 - Self-Reported Usual Visiting Days by Gender (Male N = 7, Female N = 9)

0% 20% 40% 60% 80% 100%

Alone Friends Family

Male Female 0% 20% 40% 60% 80% 100%

Monday Tuesday Wednesday Thursday Friday Saturday Sunday

Page 24 of 161

Figure 4 - Self-Reported Usual Visiting Times by Gender (Male N = 7, Female N = 9)

Figure 5 - Self-Reported Amount of Time Usually Spent at a Park (Male N = 7, Female N = 9)

0% 20% 40% 60% 80% 100%

Morning Afternoon Evening Night

Male Female 0% 20% 40% 60% 80% 100% 00:00 - 00:30 00:30 - 01:00 01:00 - 01:30 01:30 - 02:00 02:00 or more Male Female

Page 25 of 161

4.8 A

Sample: Frequent visitors: Total N=15, Male N=7, Female N=9

Respondents were asked to report which activities they usually undertook in the park by checking options on a list of presumed activities. An option to add activities was given at the end of the list but this option was not utilised by any of the respondents, perhaps due to time constraints when taking the survey or preference to accept passive options rather than think actively about other past-times they had undertaken in the park. Indeed, a number of interviewees added activities to those that had been offered and these have been added to the activity data in order to offer the most accurate image possible of how the age group uses parks. The activities offered were assigned a meta-category of either environment, health, or social, thus reflecting the general groupings of benefits of parks revealed in the literature review. The respondents were able to check more than one response, bringing the total number of activities reported to 73 across the age group.

4.8.1 Activities by Cumulative Age group

When considered from a meta-categorical level, in which the total number of activities reported by the age group are considered, it is apparent that the majority of activities fall into either the health or social category (42%), somewhat disagreeing with the results of Mutiara & Isami’s (2012) study that found health activities to be the predominant undertaking by older teenagers. In contrast, activities involving direct engagement with the environment were reported almost three times less than the other two categories (15%). This implies that the natural environs of the parks are not of particular importance to this age group, or at the very least it is not the predominant reason for their visiting the park.

Table 2 – Activities by Cumulative Age Group (Respondent N=16, Total Activities N = 72)

Activity Categories Respondents

Take photos of nature and upload to social media 6 Admire natural things 3 Interact with natural things 2 Total environment-orientated mentioned: 11

Play Sports 9 Exercise (other)12 ₇ Stroll 6 Go running or jogging 5 Cycle 2 Walk dog 2

Total health-orientated activities: 31 Hangout with friends 13

Spend time alone 5

12 _{This category is made up of exercise reported that is not sport. Specific entries to this category include; body}

weight training and rollerblading (mentioned by Interviewee 9), and yoga (mentioned by Interviewee 14). Originally, a “use urban gym equipment” option was included in the survey checklist; however, on further investigation at the interview stage, it became apparent that there are no such facilities in parks in Jakarta and that the statement could also be translated as “use sports equipment”. As a result, the data from this category was merged with the “exercise (other)” option.

Page 26 of 161

Snack or eat 3

Take “selfies” and upload to social media 3 Spend time with family 3 Check-in to park location on social media 2

People watching 1

Attend events 1

Total social-orientated activities: 31 Total activities mentioned: 73

At a sub-categorical level, the most popular activity for this age group was hanging out with friends. Several respondents mentioned that they valued the space for spending time with friends as it was free. Entry to malls, a perennially popular place for Indonesian youth and adults to socialise (Tsao, 2012), is also technically free but, as Interviewee 1113 _{commented, the temptation and compulsion to} spend makes it a costly location:

“When you get to the mall, you will see stores and go “oh, let’s go here too!” and you can’t just stand there and talk to people; you will disturb people who are trying to walk, so we have to go to a café. You know, it’s important to just have a

free space where we can talk.”

(Interviewee 11)

Sports were also practiced in the park by over half of the respondents and were closely followed by more general exercise. The latter category was mostly contributed to by interviewee reports of their activities and is comprised of activities such as yoga (Interviewee 14), body weight training

(Interviewee 914 _{and 11), and rollerblading (Interviewee 9), as well as responses to the ambiguous} activity “exercise with equipment” (see Footnote 12, p.25). This predominance of health activities at the top of the ranking implies that although socialising is a very important to this age group, health is also a priority of perhaps greater gravitas than meeting up with friends. This is also to be expected of an age group that is no longer exposed to frequent exercise and fitness; as high-school graduates or university students there are no mandatory physical exercise classes for this age group, making them entirely responsible for their own health and perhaps reluctant to spend money on a gym

membership. Indeed, Interviewee 14 commented that he first started going to the park in order to jog and lose weight.

Notably, only one respondent mentioned having attended an event at the park, suggesting that government initiatives are not reaching this age group. Indeed, the topic came up in more than one interview and no-one could report having heard of these events (Interviewee 2, 6, and 14).

4.8.2 Activities by Gender

When stratified for gender, the ranking of activities changes somewhat; a thorough breakdown of individual activities by gender can be viewed in Figure 6 (p.29). When considering activities by their meta-categories, a variance in hierarchies becomes apparent in which health activities take

13 _{F – 23 – Self-Employed Fitness Trainer – Lives with her parents} 14 _{M – 25 – Employed – Works as concierge in hotel – Lives with parents}

Page 27 of 161 precedence over social activities among female young adult respondents, as shown in Table 3,below. Environment-related activities remain the lowest ranked for both genders; however, female

respondents are reported three times as many activities directly related to environmental

engagement than their male counterparts, implying a gendered interest in the environs of the park. Meanwhile, male respondents reported a higher percentage of activities in the social category than health activities. Additionally, a higher relative proportion of the male sample reported health and social activities than their female counterparts.

Table 3 - Activity popularity by meta-category

Meta-category Activities Reported by Males (N=29)

Activities Reported by Females (N=44)

Environment 2 (7%) 9 (20%)

Health 13 (44%) 18 (41%)

Social 14 (48%) 17 (39%)

At a sub-categorical level, the activity reported most often by female respondents was hanging out with friends (78%). Taking photos of nature and uploading them to social media and going strolling were the second most popular activities (56% each), followed by playing sports (44%). Similarly, the most reported activity from male respondents was also hanging out with friends but unlike the female respondents this was tied with sports (71%). The second most reported activity from male

respondents was other forms of exercise (57%) such as body weight training or yoga (reported by Interviewee 9 and 14 respectively). This was followed by spending time alone (43%).

From these results we can deduce that the male respondents’ engagement is slightly higher than that of their female counterparts. Data on female respondents also indicated a concern with health activities; however, the popularity of certain health activities indicates a possible preference for less strenuous activities than their male counterparts. Female respondents reported more instances being engaged with light and aerobic exercises, such as strolling or jogging, than more intense exercise options, such as sport. Indeed, female respondents are the sole representatives of the dog walking activity; another fairly light form of exercise.

The precedence of female respondents over male respondents in the environment meta-category is supported here by the presence of “taking photos of nature for social media” (56%) at second place in female activity rankings. Arguably, this may indicate a concern for digital life-styling pursuits;

however, other indicators of life-styling behaviour, such as taking selfies for social media (22%) and checking-in to the park location on social media (11%), were ranked beneath the environmental engagement activity of admiring natural things (33%), implying that the perpetuation of natural aesthetics is particularly appealing to the female young adults. A more in-depth discussion of life-styling can be seen in section 9 of this chapter.

In support of expectations raised by the literature, male respondents report a higher rate of spending time alone in the park than their female counterparts and reflects the assertion made by Beazley (2002) that girls are particularly judged for spending time without company. This implies that girls feel less comfortable being alone in park zones. Sense of safety may also be a factor in this gender

Page 28 of 161 2 out of 7 male respondents. Sense of unsafety as a factor affecting young adult use of the park is discussed later in the paper in Chapter 7.

Page 29 of 161

Figure 6 - Activities by Sub-Category and According to Gender

0% 20% 40% 60% 80% 100%

Hangout with friends Stroll Take photos of nature and upload social…

Play sports Exercise (other) Go running or jogging Admire natural things Spend time alone Snack/Eat Take "selfies" and upload to social media Walk dog Spend time with family Cycle Interact with natural things Check-into the park location on social… Attend events (ex. Festival or live music)

People watching Do work or assignments

Female (N = 9)

0% 20% 40% 60% 80% 100% Hangout with friends

Play sports Exercise (other) Spend time alone Go running or jogging Spend time with family Stroll Take photos of nature and upload social…

Snack/Eat Take "selfies" and upload to social media Cycle Interact with natural things Check-into the park location on social…

People watching Admire natural things Walk dog Attend events (ex. Festival or live music) Do work or assignments

Page 30 of 161

4.9 P

L

-S

Y

A

Sample: Full survey sample: Total N=18, Male N=7, Female N=11

In addition to general visiting behaviour, the survey began an investigation into whether parks may be being utilised by this age group as part of their life-styling activities. Trends discovered in the

literature for malls “going green” (Tsao, 2012) and introducing natural aspects, or imitation nature, to their environs suggest that the status of nature is rising in popularity and is no longer associated with an agrarian lifestyle as suggested by Werner (2014). Investigation into the role of nature and parks in relation to parks was conducted by asking respondents whether they felt spending time in parks was cool for their age group and whether it was an important part of a modern lifestyle. In addition, given that Indonesia is Facebook’s second largest user, digital life-styling practices were given as options in the survey’s activity list. Interviewees were offered a chance to explain their answers, therefore whilst the data for this stage is primarily from the survey, some quotes have been drawn from conversations with the respondents.

4.9.1 Survey Responses and Aspirational Lifestyles

Initial results concerning the significance of parks as lifestyle status symbols indicated a positive attitude towards parks. The majority of survey respondents considered spending time in parks to be cool for their age group and an important part of a modern lifestyle, as shown in Table 4 and 5, below:

Table 4 - Responses to question "Is spending time in parks cool for people your age?" (N = 18)

Group Yes No Unsure

Male 5 1 1

Female 6 1 4

Cumulative 11 2 5

Table 5 - Responses to question "Is spending time in parks an important part of a modern lifestyle?" (N = 18)

Group Yes No Unsure

Male 5 2 0

Female 6 1 4

Cumulative 11 3 4

From these statistics it is clear that the majority of the sample believe parks to have a positive link with desirable lifestyles. Indeed, at the interview stage there is much evidence to suggest that parks are not considered to be either cool or modern. One respondent commented that spending time in the park was seen as “old-fashioned” (Interviewee 1215_{). Interviewee 11 pointed out that the more} natural elements a view from a home had the more valuable it was on the housing market, thus

Page 31 of 161 drawing connection between desirable lifestyles and parks; a sentiment that was shared by

Interviewee 2. Indeed, as we saw earlier, the two most popular parks for this sample (Taman Menteng and Taman Suropati) are located in a very prestigious neighbourhood. However, this does assume that everyone aspires to the lifestyle of the rich, which was not necessarily the case according to on interviewee.

Interviewee 11 commented as entry to the park zone was free for all, some people might associate the park zone with people from disadvantaged socio-economic backgrounds in a negative way. This sentiment was mirrored by Interviewee 616_{, who was a self-identified “kampong”}17 _{person, who felt} that parks were a safe space where she could spend her time away from the judgemental “rich”:

“There are a group of people who are stuck up, rich, spoiled, and only make friends with certain kind of people that "fit" them, who don’t really care

spending their time in a park…” (Interviewee 6)

She thus rejects the assumption that everyone aspires to be like the upper-classes. Interviewee 2 also noted that despite popular parks such as Taman Suropati being located in elite neighbourhoods, the residents of those neighbourhoods were rarely seen there, thus supporting Mutiara and Isami’s (2012) conclusion that parks are more likely to be used by those from outside the neighbourhood in which it is situated.

Whilst the hypothesis that this age group might use parks as life-styling tools does not appear to have much traction, a number of respondents suggested that there is a different kind of lifestyle being pursued that had not been considered prior to the research; a healthy lifestyle. A number of respondents felt that using parks was a current popular trend but the new-found popularity was to the rise in concern about health and fitness rather than the parks themselves:

“I think it [visiting parks] is a lifestyle for them because Jakartan’s are more concerned about something healthy [nowadays].”

(Interviewee 10)

Interviewee 14 also linked the popularity of parks to the new trend of calisthenics and fitness, which he estimate had started in 2010. It was his belief that going to the park for this purpose was now replacing the activity of going to the mall.

4.9.2 Digital Life-Styling Practices

Despite general support of the concept that parks were an important part of a cool or modern lifestyle, very few respondents reported using social media options when in the park and thus rarely include parks in the fashioning of their digital portrait of their lifestyles. Respondents were given three social activity options in the survey, all of which could be selected if desired:

16 _{23 – F – Studying Graphic Design at Bachelor level – Central Jakarta}

17 _{“Kampung” literally means village but is used within the urban context to mean areas of dense and}

frequently illegal housing that are not quite considered slums. These areas are apparently characterised by strong community but are generally viewed with derision by the upper-classes (personal experience of the author).