What makes them do it before it was cool? : An exploration of the use of subcultural capital among contemporary hipsters in Amsterdam

Master’s thesis in Sociology, track cultural sociology:

What makes them do it before it was cool?

An exploration of the use of subcultural capital among contemporary

hipsters in Amsterdam.

Name: Lucy Nilwik UvAnetID: 10633960 Master Program: Sociology, Cultural Sociology Track First Supervisor: Mr. dr. M.N. Deinema Second Supervisor: Mr. dr. D. Weenink Submission: August 2014 Email: Lucynilwik@gmail.com

Table of contents

CHAPTER  1  –  INTRODUCTION.   2  

CHAPTER  2  –  HISTORY  OF  HIPSTERS   5  

CHAPTER  3  –  THEORY   9   3.1  SOCIAL  DISTINCTION   9   3.2  AUTHENTICITY   10   3.3  IRONY   12   3.4  RESISTANCE  STRATEGIES   13   3.5  COSMOPOLITANISM   15   CHAPTER  4  –  METHODS   17   CHAPTER  5  –  ANALYSIS   19   5.1  AUTHENTICITY   20   5.2  IRONY   24   5.3  RESISTANCE  STRATEGIES   26   5.4  COSMOPOLITANISM   27  

CHAPTER  6  –  CONCLUSION  AND  DISCUSSION   29  

LITERATURE   31  

APPENDIX  A.  –  TRANSCRIPTS  OF  THE  INTERVIEWS   34   APPENDIX  B.  –  TOPIC  LIST   123  

Chapter 1 – Introduction.

Hipsters are doing it before it was cool, a subculture where knowing what is hip and cool before the mainstream does. But, at the same time a subculture no one seems to be a part of, where denying that one is a part of it seems to be the way of actually identifying with the group; a subculture that is seen everywhere, and everyone seems to know someone who actually is a part of it, or everyone at least has an opinion about it. Hipster culture is a subculture where authenticity, being original and being different from the masses is a prime goal, but everyone still looks alike. Hipster culture seems to be a difficult concept to grasp. Old rundown buildings and new technology, cheap relics from the 90s and expensive coffee, grungy second-hand clothing and perfectly groomed beards and mustaches. This subculture thrives on contradictions. The only constant is distinguishing yourself from the mainstream. The contemporary hipster is a phenomenon of contradictions and distinctions. In this research I will investigate how the hipsters in Amsterdam use these contradictions and distinctions to distinguish themselves from the dominant mainstream. Subcultural capital is seen here as a mechanism used in the distinction strategies that are used to create a difference between the members of the subculture and the dominant mainstream. The process of distinction as posed by Bourdieu (2007) and the notion of subcultural capital as stated by Thornton (1996) are key concepts in this research. This leads to the research question:

How is subcultural capital used by the contemporary hipsters in Amsterdam to distinguish themselves from the dominant mainstream?

Authenticity, resistance strategies to claim insider status, irony and cosmopolitanism are forms of subcultural capital used by hipsters to distinguish oneself from others or the mainstream and can be used in the construction of identity.

Authenticity is a key feature within subcultures; it is used to claim insider status and to distance oneself from others. By showing that you are authentic, you show that you are different and have the insider knowledge to be a part of the subculture. Claims for authenticity are important to hipsters; they are on a constant search for authenticity in all fields of life to distinguish themselves from the masses. In this way authenticity can be seen as a form of subcultural capital, in that it can help separate a hipster from the mainstream. This leads to the first sub question: How is authenticity used as subcultural capital by

hipsters in Amsterdam?

The second sub question is: How is irony used as subcultural capital by hipsters in

Amsterdam? Irony is used by the contemporary hipster as a means for justification and as a

means of distinction. When consuming inauthentic, mass produced mainstream goods, irony can be used to justify these choices. They are then seen as authentic choices, because they are used in a different way. Irony is thus a form of subcultural capital; it shows that a member of the subculture has the insider knowledge and can claim insider status by distancing oneself from the masses.

Resistance strategies are strategies and behaviors in consumption that go against the mainstream norms. In this way hipsters distance themselves from these common norms and clearly step away from the mainstream. These strategies, such as specific brand choices or avoidances, brand hijacking and de-commodification, allows a hipster to be different when consuming. When using these strategies the hipster shows, even in such a mundane task as consuming, that they are different and with that they claim insider status. Knowing and using these strategies is a form of subcultural capital, which leads us to the third sub question: How

are resistance strategies used as subcultural capital by hipsters in Amsterdam?

The last sub question is: How is cosmopolitanism used as subcultural capital by hipsters in

The rise of globalization is felt all around us; products, people and cultures from all over the world are closer than before, especially in a city like Amsterdam with so many different ethnicities and tourists. The contemporary hipster is thus constantly in contact with influences from all over the world. But how are these used? I argue that cosmopolitanism can be used as subcultural capital. The elite form of cosmopolitanism can be used as a conscious way of distancing oneself from others who do not possess this openness and in this way one can show that he or she is different and claim insider status.

In the sociological literature, there has been some research into these contemporary hipsters; there is research on their consumer behavior, and some descriptions of particular scenes. In this research I will focus on the hipsters in Amsterdam, and how they utilize subcultural capital to distinguish themselves from the mainstream. This will contribute to the literature as it constructs an image of the hipsters in Amsterdam and how subcultural capital is used, which has not been done before in such a way.

Amsterdam is chosen as research site because of the urban and metropolitan characteristics of the city. Previous research on hipsters found that they are mostly found in creative, urban areas (Alfrey, 2010; Schiermer, 2013; Tolstad, 2006). Amsterdam fits this description, so there is a higher chance for a vibrant hipster community in Amsterdam. In Amsterdam today a very visible and at the same time invisible subculture is thriving. What makes them who they are, and what makes them do it before it was cool?

In chapter 2 an overview of the phenomenon hipsters throughout history is given. Chapter 3 will set out all the relevant theory; the concepts of distinction and (sub-) cultural capital will be explained. Followed by the concepts of authenticity, resistance strategies and cosmopolitanism and how these can be used in the distinction process. In chapter 4 the methods of this study will be discussed; how and where the respondents were recruited and

how the interviews took shape. In chapter 5 the findings of the study are described. And lastly, chapter 6 is a conclusion and discussion of the findings of this study.

Chapter 2 – History of hipsters

Hipsters are not just a phenomenon of this generation. In all generations there have been so-called hipsters; people who diverged from the dominant mainstream culture, early adapters who reveled in being first and being in the know.

The term hipster can be traced back to the 1940s jazz scene. Here, the people who identified themselves with the music and the artists, and adopted the lifestyle of these artists, including the dress, attitudes, drugs and slang, were called hipsters. In this time period, jazz was a mostly black, underground music form. When this started to attract more attention and white people, the term hipster surfaced. These white individuals adapted the characteristics of the jazz culture, and thus differentiated themselves from the dominant mainstream culture, where these things were not as readily accepted. Not only the music, but also the fact of mixing with black culture was a big way of distinguishing oneself from the dominant culture. As Alfrey states: “The hipster identity represents an intentional divergence, and idealized escape, from the expected or associated norms of whiteness.” (Alfrey, 2010, p.28)

The next surfacing of the term hipster was in the writings of Jack Kerouac and Allen Ginsberg. In their writings on the Beat Generation hipsters were a vital part. The influences from the past decade, jazz, recreational drugs and casual sex, and the new Beat Movement as described by Kerouac and his fellow writers, were what made the hipster of this time. In this time period the distancing from norms, kicking against society, wandering and the emptiness of the world, as so beautifully described by Kerouac in his novel On The Road, were what described the hipster. Being oneself, not conforming and living life are important. This went against the general dominant culture in this time period, where popular culture and family values were preached.

In the 1970s and 1980s Dick Hebdige described the hipster as a “radical white intellectual who appropriated elements of a black culture’s dress, language and music for his own novelty.” (Hebdige, 1979, p.47). Around this time, as other subcultures became very prominent, especially in England, Hebdige’s home country, the hipsters were seen less as a subculture and more as ‘tricksters’; people that appeared to part of a subculture, but not for the right reasons (Alfrey, 2010, p.27). That could not be identified, and ‘defied definition’ (Alfrey, 2010, p.27) but these hipsters were also defined by their difference from the popular mainstream, different music choices and class differences.

Nowadays – The contemporary hipster

In the last couple of years the hipster has resurfaced. Just as in earlier years, hipsters make it a thing to distance and distinguish themselves from the masses. “The term hipster currently refers to a group of individuals who are recognized by a fashion aesthetic and music preferences perceived as divergent from the mainstream.”

(Alfrey, 2010, p.31). Once again the divergence from the dominant mainstream is important. According to Greif (2010), the contemporary hipster is caught in between two worlds: “the hipster is that person, overlapping with the intentional dropout or the unintentionally declassed individual […] who in fact aligns himself both with rebel subculture and with the dominant class, and thus opens up a poisonous conduit between the two.” (p.1). So, on the one hand the distinction and aversion to the mainstream is emphasized, just as seen in subcultures, but on the other hand the emphasis of being an elite is stressed. The hipster culture is not a counterculture; there is no hostility towards authority, but towards peers, mostly seen in their consumer behavior (Greif, 2010). In this way the contemporary hipster has similarities with the cultural avant-garde, but the hipster dismisses this. This elite form is established, and thus lacks authenticity.

Their culture revolves mainly around being authentic in every possible way, but in a peculiar way as stated by Schiermer (2013): “instead of, as in traditional subculture, positively claiming the authenticity of their proper cultural objects and practices, hipsters scorn the inauthenticity of others’ practices. Instead of inventing and expressing themselves, they excavate the failed attempts at self-assertion of others.” (p.12). They thus use the claim of others being inauthentic as a conformation of their own authenticity. Next to that, things that might be seen as inauthentic, mass-produced or ‘not done’, can be rationalized and approved of when used ironically. The concepts of authenticity and the use of irony are the main characteristics that define a hipster (Schiermer, 2013; Michael, 2013; Greif, 2010; Alfrey, 2010).

In this research the definition of the contemporary hipster will be used; here hipsters are seen as individuals that use authenticity, resistance, irony, and other strategies to distinguish themselves from the dominant mainstream. These themes will therefore be explained in the next section, since they attribute to the hipsters identity. The strategies hipsters use are not just expressed through clothing style, but also in other aspects of life, such as work, free time and friends, or in other words (sub-) cultural capital.

Chapter 3 – Theory

The main goal in a subculture is how you distinguish yourself from the mainstream. Every subculture, how different they may be, has that one thing in common. From punks, to gothics to skinheads, all of them want to be different from the masses.

How they distinguish themselves is very different in every group. With dress, music, attitude, and political statements these groups show how and why they are different. For the subculture of hipsters there are several mechanisms at work that are used to make the distinction from the dominant mainstream clear. Below, first the process of distinction and the use (sub-) cultural capital are explained. Then authenticity, irony, resistance strategies and cosmopolitanism are described as subcultural capital, which can be used for distinction.

3.1 Social distinction

One of the main mechanisms to construct a group identity, and in turn an individual identity, is to make a clear distinction between the group and others: them vs. us, which is seen in all subcultures. One of the tools used in this social distinction is capital as formulated by Bourdieu (2007). Bourdieu (2007) made the distinction between high and low classes clear by positioning them in a social space according to their economic and cultural capital. This capital is used to position one in a specific group, thus constructing ones identity. At the same time this capital is used to distinguish oneself from others, and in this way also constructs the identity of the individual.

Not just classes can be distinguished this way. Thornton (1996) found another form of capital specifically for subcultures. This subcultural capital is a tool for individuals in a specific subculture to distinguish them from the other or, as in most subcultures, from the mainstream. Thornton defined this subcultural capital as ‘being in the know’ (Thornton,

1996). Capital, and specifically subcultural capital as described by Thornton (1996), is used by contemporary hipsters to distinguish themselves from others, to claim insider status and to create identity.

For a contemporary hipster, being in the know means knowing what is new, hip, cool or authentic. The cooptation of their culture by the mainstream is the hipsters’ worst nightmare, and thus they always want to be one step ahead. Phrases like: ‘that cool place, you’ve probably never heard of it before’ and ‘they did it before it was cool’ (Lanham, 2008) indicate the subcultural capital for hipsters. The subcultural capital is used to distinguish them from the feared mainstream.

These forms of capital also create the settings for inclusion and exclusion of ‘new members’. Aspirant members must have subcultural capital, know what it is to be authentic, and know what is hip and cool at that moment. Authenticity of a member is required from within the group. When one is not seen as real and authentic, no status within the group is given. The individual has to conform to the norms set by the group. If not, one cannot identify or claim status in the group (Williams, 2006).

What comprises this subcultural capital? An individual uses this capital to distinguish and place him or herself on the subcultural map. But what is used to ‘be in the know’ or how is the knowledge of what is cool used to show that one is part of the subculture.

3.2 Authenticity

Authenticity can be defined as “[…] something real, true, genuine or original as opposed to fake and pretentious” (Michael, 2013, p.5). Authenticity is used in subcultures to claim insider status (Williams, 2006). In most subcultures authentic behavior is deemed necessary to be a member. This works in two ways, one has to conform to the norms of the subculture

and behave in certain ways to be seen as an authentic member of the culture. If one does not display this, individuals are seen as inauthentic, and are shunned from the group.

On the other hand, authentic behavior in other aspects of life can be the means to become a member. This is seen with hipsters; here individuals must be authentic, who are different from the dominant mainstream. Williams (2013) notes this also in the straight-edge subculture: “Participants framed their authenticity as subculturalists in terms of resistance to the mainstream.” (p.185).

Westerlind (2013) sees both these forms of authenticity in the hipster culture, where: “[…] autonomy from the mainstream signifies authenticity, while autonomy and authenticity both signify purity.” (p.6). Distinction from the mainstream is seen here as a form of authenticity, and the authenticity and the distinction from the mainstream claim the insider status. Authenticity is thus used as both a mechanism to distinguish oneself from the mainstream, and at the same time a mechanism to form the hipster identity, and claim a place in this (sub-) culture.

Jasper (2004) sees authenticity as a subcultural strategy. Authenticity, the claim of being authentic and the denial of being a part of the subculture are used to “guard subcultural autonomy, subcultural space, subcultural terrain, and individual personal freedom” (Jasper, 2004, p.112). In Jaspers research on Goths, she finds that a lot of insiders will deny that they are Goth, and instead claim they are part of a subculture they describe as gothic, and at the same time claim that that subculture is not authentic Goth This paradox, where one is an individual and at the same time a member of a subculture, can be used as a strategy to distance oneself from the classifications of the mainstream (Jasper, 2004). Here you are an authentic member of the subculture when you deny that you are a part of it, and people who try to be a part of the subculture are seen as inauthentic. In hipster culture, this paradox is seen as well, no one calls himself or herself a hipster, but other people can be one. In this

scenario, the others are usually not seen as authentic hipsters, and it is thus used as a strategy to guard the subculture and claim authenticity by denial. This denial can become more intensive as soon as the style of fashion is incorporated by the mainstream culture. The distinction then fades, and the mainstream will be seen as hipsters as well, at this point the ‘true’ hipsters will deny that they are part of that, and claim insider status by denial. In this way Hebdige (1979) claimed that no subculture could be authentic; as soon as the mainstream adopts the style, it loses its reason for existence, which is resistance through style.

3.3 Irony

Irony can be seen as an incongruity between what one tries to say, and how it is understood (Tolstad, 2006). In hipster culture this is seen when hipsters consume something from the mainstream. Westerlind (2013) finds that: “when the desire to consume mass culture meets the constraining morality of the ideals of indie, a hallmark feature of indie emerges: irony and ironic consumption.” (p.22)

For instance, when you see someone eating at a big fast-food chain (a no-go for hipsters) one would assume that this is because they genuinely like it, except the hipsters will go there to mock the people that go there because they actually like it. Hipsters use irony in two ways: they use it as a justification of their behavior, and as a means of distinction from the mainstream.

If hipsters for some reason do partake in the mainstream, their excuse will be that they do it ironically, and thus preserve their authenticity and distance themselves from it. As Westerlind (2013) states on the indie culture: “By ironically consuming indie culture (and also aspects of mass culture that have not been ‘indie-ed’) the indie subject maintains a critical distance from consumed inauthenticity, thereby shoring up a sense of personal

authenticity.” (p.3). This is also seen in hipster culture, as Lanham (2003) states in the Hipster Handbook: “hipsters believe that irony has more resonance than reason”(p.12).” By not genuinely partaking in the mainstream, the authenticity and thus the hipster status are kept.

Hipsters use authenticity as a means of distinction from the mainstream. Irony is used in the same way. When consuming ironically they try to distance themselves from others who consume the same thing without irony. The knowledge gap here, knowing when something is used ironically, gives them superiority. “Such irony creates a ‘critical’ distance between the culturally superior indie consumer and the mass culture from which the consumed commodity or practice originate.” (Westerlind, 2013,p.23). Knowing the right interpretation of an action distinguishes them from the ones that do not see the irony of their actions. This thus separates the authentic, from the inauthentic and the hipster from the mainstream.

3.4 Resistance strategies

Resistance strategies are behaviors that go against the dominant culture, and can be seen as subcultural capital, as they can be helpful in constructing a group identity. Especially in a subculture, where one of the main things is to be different from the mainstream or dominant culture. According to Cronin (2014, p.5.) resistance strategies can be defined as: “any behavior that opposes or conflicts with conventional or dominant structures or norms for the achievement of social or individual objectives”.

These strategies are conspicuous or covert actions with which an individual can distinguish themselves from others. It can be seen as a form of communication, where individuals communicate domination or resistance towards the mainstream (Cronin, 2014). These strategies can come in the form of specific brand choices or avoidances, brand

avoidances in fashion, style, consumption, occupation and leisure time can communicate an identity. With hipsters their aversion towards mainstream and mass-produced goods is an example of one of these resistance strategies. In food consumption for example, hipsters will choose locally grown and organic produce over products from the big chain supermarket (Cronin, 2014).

Brand hijacking is another strategy used to express and construct ones identity. Brand hijacking is seen when a group, that is clearly not the target group ‘claims’ the item as something particular for their group. Cronin (2014) found that this happened with cheap working class ciders, the hipsters in his research appropriated the ciders and gave their own meaning to them. We would expect this not just with the consumption of food, but also with other consumption. Hipsters appropriate styles from the past, and mass-produced products and use them ironically, and in this way, give new meanings to these products.

Lastly the strategy of de-commodification is used to construct and amplify the identity of individuals. De-commodification is the process where one buys an ordinary commodity, but adapts it so that it fits with the norms of the group. In the use of food this is seen when individuals buy products that normally would go against their beliefs, such as processed foods or store made products, and use these in settings within the group, but remove labels, packaging or use them in a further process. In this way, the inauthentic products are transformed into something authentic, from the profane to the sacred (Cronin, 2014). Once again this strategy is expected in other uses as well besides food. Think for example about the (refurbished) vintage clothing, products that technically are (or were) mainstream brands and mass produced, are newly appropriated and given a new, authentic meaning.

3.5 Cosmopolitanism

Cosmopolitanism is defined by Hannerz (2005) as: “an intellectual and aesthetic openness toward divergent cultural experiences, and an ability to make ones way into another culture.” (p.200). In other words, a knowledge and acceptance of other cultures in modern day society. This is influenced by globalization, which gives individuals a greater opportunity to experience these other cultures. It is seen in a lot of aspects of life. Even in our daily routines we are confronted with other parts of the world, which is an important aspect of cosmopolitanism, as described by Bookman (2013): “[as a] cultural disposition, cosmopolitanism involves an ability to engage with and navigate cultural difference, and is characterized by a certain mobility, competence and flexibility. Moreover it entails a sense of global awareness that is integrated into everyday routines and practices.” (p.57). This cultural disposition is thus engrained in our lives, and can be consciously or subconsciously used.

Cosmopolitanism can be used in the distinction process as described by Bourdieu. The sense of openness to the rest of the world and the use of global products, from food, to music, to travelling can be seen as cultural capital. When used as a distinction mechanism, a form of elite cosmopolitanism emerges, where the individual consciously uses and carries out the identity of a cosmopolitan. Bookman (2013) notes however that this elite form is a privileged disposition; “since it involves capacities and knowledges that are only secured through access to the requisite cultural capital.”

The other side of cosmopolitanism is the subconscious use of these dispositions. Most individuals use the products of globalization in their daily lives. As Beck states: “[…] the notion of ‘banal cosmopolitanism’ [is used] to describe an allegedly quiet revolution in everyday life. It refers to, among other things, the creeping emergence of multiple loyalties, mixing of national cultures and the trans-nationalization of law and politics” (Beck, 2007). This could take form in, for example, the use of commodities from global companies. This

type of cosmopolitanism can form ones identity, but not at a conscious level; one does not use it as a conscious tool for distinction.

Hipster culture has elements of an elite culture, because of this cosmopolitanism, the elite form, could be used for distinction. Hipsters may use their knowledge and openness toward other parts of the world to distinguish themselves from others who do not posses this knowledge.

Authenticity, irony, resistance strategies and cosmopolitanism can all be seen as forms of subcultural capital that hipsters use when forming their identity and distinguishing themselves from the dominant mainstream. In the analysis of this research the emphasis will be on these concepts, to figure out how hipsters use these kinds of subcultural capital as tool of distinction from the dominant mainstream.

Chapter 4 – Methods

The main question that I aim to answer in this research is about the distinction process of hipsters. For this I gathered a sample of individuals in the hipster-scene of Amsterdam. Amsterdam is chosen as a research location for its characteristics. An urban and culturally diverse city is a place where hipsters will be and according to different websites (Teideman, 2014; Trilivas, 2012; Jaccoma, 2014) Amsterdam has one of the best hipster neighborhoods in the world.

The methods used in this research are qualitative in nature. This is because the question I intend to answer cannot be answered with quantitative data. The nuances and subconscious motives behind choices and distinction strategies are difficult to measure with set questions. These things are more likely to be found in conversation. I have conducted 9 face-to-face in-depth interviews. The interviews were semi-structured and lasted between 25 and 45 minutes. A topic list and some specific questions were used, but most of the time the participants were talking freely. The interviews were fully transcribed and then analyzed. The full transcripts of all the interviews are found in Appendix A.

The sample was gathered using the snowballing technique. Starting with employees or owners in ‘hipster hot-spots’, places that operated with the ideas and mindset linked to hipster culture. Since most hipsters will deny that they are in fact hipsters, I assumed that people that work or hang out at these places would identify with the hipster culture. I contacted these people by starting small conversations in these places, and explaining my research topic without the mention of the word hipster, as to not scare them off. I described my research as a project to find out more about the culture surrounding these hip, alternative places, which do things a little bit differently than other places. After each interview I asked the participant if

they knew of any other individuals or places that would be of interest to my research. In this way I ended up with 9 participants in total and some field notes.

The analysis of the data is partly inductive and partly deductive. The main concepts, the distinction strategies, authenticity, irony, resistance strategies and cosmopolitanism, will be indirectly applied in the interview guide. There are no direct questions about these concepts. In analyzing the data, these concepts are filtered. The coding of these and other concepts that might appear during the analysis will be inductively since these are concepts that are used by each participant individually.

Authenticity, irony, resistance strategies and cosmopolitanism are operationalized with questions in the interviews, but not mentioned explicitly. With (for example) questions on the likes and dislikes and the consumer behavior (commodities and cultural), and the development of the style of the participants the process of distinction can be found. Included in the topic list are questions about: favorite stores, brands, clothing, music or hangouts, why these are favorites, and what things they would never use, wear or buy, how they spend their leisure time, their occupation, the group feeling, the hierarchy within the group, the influence of locations, and living in Amsterdam. Lastly I will ask questions about their demographics, such as age, educational level and occupation. The entire interview guide is found in appendix B.

Chapter 5 – Analysis

In Amsterdam there is clearly a subculture present around new, exciting, alternative places in developing and still underground neighborhoods. This subculture thrives on being different than the rest. It puts an emphasis on being different from the masses and being different in the way they dress, working in creative fields and creating spaces that are non commercial and feel like home. All these characteristics are characteristics that fit the description of hipsters as found in the literature (Alfrey, 2010; Cronin, 2014; Greif, 2010; Kinzey, 2012; Lanham, 2008; Michael, 2013; Nordby, 2013; Schiermer, 2013; Tolstad, 2006; Westerlind, 2013).

The forms of subcultural capital, as mentioned above, are also all present. But there seems to be a different kind of mindset present amongst these people. They want to be different, and reject mainstream things, but the rejection of other people and almost being mean towards others and looking down on them for not fitting the bill is not found in Amsterdam. The main thing these people care about is being open, open towards others in the city, open towards variation, open towards new things. You can do whatever you like, as long it makes you happy. Want to walk around in a dress, want to dance like you don’t care on top of a bar in your underwear, go ahead. Anything goes.

Hipsters in Amsterdam definitely fit the characteristics found in other cities, but they seem to be less exclusive, and there are les rules from within the group. You can come home with almost anything. There are definitely some ‘rules’, there are extremes. But if you feel like it, just do it.

The subcultural capital in the form of authenticity, irony, resistance strategies and cosmopolitanism is definitely used by this group, but in a slightly different way than was

expected. In the paragraphs below it is shown how the different forms of subcultural capital is used by the hipsters in Amsterdam.

5.1 Authenticity

As Michael (2013) and Williams (2006) pointed out authenticity is being true or genuine as opposed to being fake, and is used in subcultures to claim insider status. Westerlind (2013) poses that authenticity can be used to distinguish oneself from the mainstream and can help form an identity. Authenticity within a subculture can be seen as the core values one has to have to claim this insider status. In the hipster culture authenticity is seen as having a liking towards things that are different, alternative and creative; things that stand away from what is commonly seen in the dominant mainstream. Hipsters show this authenticity through their clothing style, their consuming behavior and the places where they hang out. Characteristics that are commonly seen in this culture are things or places that are new, up and coming, different, and things the mainstream has no knowledge of (yet) (Alfrey, 2010; Greif, 2010; Schiermer, 2013; Michael, 2013). In Amsterdam these outings of authenticity are seen in the hipster culture. As for example, Nina tells me when she explains where she mostly likes to hangout in Amsterdam: “I think it’s mostly the city districts and places that are still in development and have not yet been discovered by everyone.” Or when she explains her love for second hand clothing and things for in her home: “I really developed a love for old stuff, and especially the search for just that one thing that no one else has, the thing that I found and is really cool.” Also Elmer states that when it comes to clothing “I do think that it is more cool to wear more alternative brands” and when explaining his basic philosophy: “For me that is a basic thing, if it is not new, or does not have any innovative elements, well yeah, you might as well not do it.”

Next to these forms of authenticity I found that in Amsterdam another form was more prominent. All the informants stress that being yourself, and being open are very important. They see this as a core value. Be happy with what you are doing and carrying it out, if you do that, people will accept you. Even though they like to be different, and alternative, these choices to distinguish do not come from the need to be hip, a part of a group or to make a point to be different. In for example choosing a job; taking a job behind the register in a major supermarket is not seen as selling out, but they do reject it, since it is not logical to take a job that does not make you happy. The same goes for choices in music, clothing or places to hang out. In these things there is still a tendency to choose the things that are different and are distinct from the mainstream, but these are not chosen because they are supposed to be hip, they are chosen because people like them, and they feel comfortable here.

In Amsterdam the tendency to be open and inclusive also stands out. The openness towards others and variation is embraced. This is seen for example in the places where they like to hang out. Olivier notes that his favorite places to go out are the places that have crowds that are varied, from the ‘Bijlmer boys’, a subcultural group from the city district de Bijlmer to the gay and transgenders, the more different people the better. Not just the people that frequent the hipster hotspots put an emphasis on variation. The shop owners I talked to also state the importance of openness and variation; all of them would like to have a very mixed crowd in their store. The owner of Berry, a breakfast and lunch restaurant tries to make his place feel like a living room where everyone can sit down, have a chat and feel at home. Also Daphne, a fashion designer that has a place in a pop-up store, wants to see a lot of different people in her store. That mix of people is what makes up the feeling of this shop. All of them feel that the essence of what their store should propagate is openness and feeling welcome. This resonates in the people that actually come in these types of shops and forms the basis of the culture in Amsterdam surrounding these places. The owner of Headfirst, a

coffee shop and coffee roaster, states that they do try to consciously appear different, but that’s mostly because that happens to be what they like. The most important thing is to do what they like and not to make to many concessions.

This form of authenticity gives the store owners status within the group, staying true to yourself and doing something that you have a passion for is seen as being authentic. They say that they do look down on people that make too many concessions; one of my informants gives the example of another shop owner who sells tea, and started to offer little snacks and cakes as well. In his eyes this was seen as taking the focus away from what you really like and thus is not seen as truly authentic.

The feeling of openness and being true to yourself that can be seen as a form of authenticity, also gives the shop owners status within the group. Gabriel explained that he sees them as the real authentic; they do what they believe in, and take the risk of entrepreneurship. This shows that they do this because they are willing to take the risk for what they believe in, not just because it is now seen as hip, and there is money to be made in this field. These entrepreneurs do what they believe in and do not make any concessions to earn a lot of money. The owners themselves all confirm this; all of them state that they did not start their businesses for the money, if you want to be rich, do not start a business like this.

The problem Jasper (2004) found; that subcultural insiders would not admit to being a part of that subculture, but at the same time describing themselves exactly as the subculture they just claimed as not being a part of, is also found in the hipster culture. I asked the participants to describe their lives, their style, their mindset their likes and dislikes. Most of them gave characteristics that fit perfectly with the hipster culture, such as; always looking for something new, loving vintage, trying to be different, not wanting to conform, liking new undeveloped and up and coming neighborhoods, wanting to be the first in something,

knowing what is cool. But when asked what they think of hipsters, how they would describe them and if they minded that they were sometimes called a hipster, people would starkly deny that they are. This paradox that Jasper found is thus also found in the hipster culture in Amsterdam. Some of the participants actually noticed that themselves while explaining. While Nina described what she liked the most about her favorite neighborhood the following happened: “so new, and up and coming, those are the most important things?” “Yes, but that is actually quite hipster isn’t it [laughing]” She actually noticed that she was denying being a part of this subculture, but at the same time giving answers that perfectly fit in with hipster culture.

Just as in the Gothic culture, authenticity and self-denial are used as a subcultural strategy. Insiders will deny their membership status so they are not seen as fakes by the outside world. As soon as a subculture overflows into mainstream culture, this denial becomes more intensive. In this way the true insiders distinguish themselves from the ones that are not really authentic members. Because hipster culture has found some foothold in mainstream culture a lot of insiders do not like to be labeled as hipsters, as they feel like they are actually seen as these fakes. The participants in this study mainly had a problem with being called a hipster because the meaning of the word, according to them has shifted. Their views on what it means to be an authentic hipster are not the same as the people who call them a hipster. Being yourself and doing things because you like it that way, an emphasis on quality and taking an interest in certain things are seen as real and authentic, not the consciously adapting of a style or liking or doing things just because you read somewhere that that is what is hip now. In this way Jasper’s (2004) findings echo in the hipster culture, self-denial is used to safeguard what they have from others. None of them want to, or can name the subculture they are a part of, but labeling it hipster is a fault, as it will send the wrong message to the rest of the world. Hipster started from ideals, but ended up in the

marketing mill and ended as purely a style thing. Gabriel summarizes it: “I personally hate it, but that is because of the reason I just gave, very bluntly that is; I just do not want to be associated with the idea that I am some kind of yuppie that just behaves in a certain way, buys certain stuff, and goes certain places, purely because I read somewhere that that is what is hip now.”

Some do see it as a hidden compliment, people try to say you are unique in some way, but it always has the negative undertone of being difficult and trying too hard. Inauthentic behavior like that is something they do not want to be labeled with. Having that label hides who you really are, because people automatically associate it with the conscious stylistic version.

They do see that they are part of a subculture, but then one that focuses on who you really are, openness, quality, craft and creativity. Olivier sees it as different groups that overlap and have a lot in common. Olivier: “I am accepted by all these people and because of that I don’t really have the feeling that you can’t come to someone because you wear certain kinds of shirts, or if you like a certain kind of music, it’s all ok. I do think that they are here [different subcultures] but it really flows together nicely, it’s all open towards each other.” Authenticity for hipsters in Amsterdam is more than just being a real hipster; it is about being yourself without any judgment.

5.2 Irony

Irony is seen as one of the key features of hipsters (Westerlind, 2013; Lanham, 2008). When talking about hipsters one of the first phrases that people tend to use to describe hipsters is: oh, but I like it ironically. Westerlind (2013) found that hipsters use it to justify their use of mainstream culture and to distinguish themselves from the mainstream. Whoever gets that

they are doing it ironically, is seen as cool, and can be an insider. The difference in knowing when someone is consuming ironically gives status.

In Amsterdam there seems to be no use of irony as a justification or a distinction mechanism. The hipsters in Amsterdam do tend to use some mainstream things, one of my participants told me that in his music taste he used to be really specific, and would dislike something as soon as it became popular, but now he actually enjoys listening to some of the top 40 music and his favorites are hit singles from the 80s and 90s. Also going to karaoke bars, or really ‘foute’ clubs, is a thing some of the participants really enjoyed. These are things that in no way fit the hipster characteristics, and mostly not their own; it is nothing new, different or exciting, it is actually old, popular and most of the time quite generic. Their explanation or justification however is not that they do this ironically. They actually own up to it, and they genuinely admit to liking these things. Their way of justification fits their view on authenticity, just be yourself, if this makes you happy, then just do it.

One of the participants justified it by explaining that her favorite club, the Pacific a really weird, rundown, ‘foute’ club, has a vibe that actually fits her way of thinking; it is open, everyone is welcome, there is no pressure to look good or whatsoever. That in comparison to a club that could be labeled hipster, there everyone is trying to be cool, there is a pressure to be in the spotlight and show everyone that you know what is happening. In the pacific, just be who you are, dance on top of the bar in your underwear if you like, no one is going to judge. She is not the only one emphasizing this; others also note that when going out their favorite places are the places that have a crowd that is varied, open and where everything can happen.

This love for ‘foute’ clubs can be seen and used as a way of authenticity, knowing which clubs are ok to visit is a form of insider knowledge and can give status. It fits perfectly

with their view of authenticity, where openness, and an interest in varied places is seen as something cool.

The absence of irony as subcultural capital could be something especially seen in the Netherlands because of the characteristics of Dutch culture, where the ‘Nederlandse nuchterheid’, the Dutch sobriety, makes sure that people are honest and upfront. Don’t talk around the fact that you like it, just do it or not. This could make it ok for hipsters to frequent clubs that in general do not fit their philosophy, without irony to justify their choices.

5.3 Resistance Strategies

The strategies; specific brand choices, brand hijacking and de-commodification (Cronin, 2014) can be used by hipsters to set them apart from the dominant mainstream. These strategies comprise certain behaviors that set insiders apart from the mainstream. These strategies are not frequently used by hipsters in Amsterdam to set themselves apart from the masses.

Specific brand choices are used by some. Most of the participants claimed that they do focus on certain brands, mostly brands that are a little bit different, and have an alternative edge. They state that they choose brands that show what they like and what they want to carry out. These choices are mainly made with the overall idea of wearing what you like. There is a tendency to subconsciously wear what the others are wearing or subconsciously avoid certain brands. Yves told me that if you want to stand out and maybe get a compliment from a friend, you can not just wear clothes from the H&M, they will not call you out on it or kick you out of the group but neither will it earn you a compliment.

There was one example of de-commodification; that is where a ‘mainstream’ product is bought, but then modified to fit in with the norms of the group, and in that way can become an authentic good.

Yves: “If I do buy a shirt at the H&M, then I would not just wear a H&M shirt, because then I think, well this is just something everyone does. Then I would like to do something more, something like a crazy combination or cut one of the sleeves of or something like that.”

Here the product becomes more authentic because it is adapted, a crazy combination or a modification makes it acceptable, and in turn can earn you status from within the group: “if for example you wear a very standard shoe or something, something like black Vans, the ones that everyone has, its not something where I think, I really have to have something completely different, something no one has, but if I am wearing those Vans I would combine it with something so people think, yes he really knows how to combine things, he adds something extra, everything else he is wearing is cool. I would for example never wear an entire outfit from the H&M, that’s just boring to me.” The last strategy of brand hijacking, where a specific brand, which appears to be inauthentic, is appropriated by the group as something authentic (Cronin, 2014). This is not seen in Amsterdam hipster culture. Brand hijacking is often seen in combination with irony, the absence of this in the Dutch hipster culture could be an explanation.

5.4 Cosmopolitanism

Cosmopolitanism is seen as a general openness towards and knowledge of other cultures (Hannerz, 2005). This is mostly seen in connection to globalization and entails a “sense of global awareness” (Bookman 2013, p.57). The elite form can be used as a cultural distinction mechanism; as one can set themself apart from others with this openness and knowledge. In Amsterdam this process is seen, but in another way than one would expect. The openness towards other cultures in Amsterdam is partly towards the other cultures in this metropolitan city. Most of the participants moved to the city for its metropolitan and cosmopolitan

characteristics. They describe how the mix of cultures and the busyness of the city is what attracted them.

What stands out the most though is the openness towards the local cultures that are present in Amsterdam; the other subcultures and the local, genuine Amsterdam culture. They are aware that they are part of a particular subculture in the city, but they have openness towards other subcultures that share fields with them. Next to that a feeling of openness towards other cultures that are prominent in Amsterdam is shown, such as the gay community. They express that things actually are more interesting when a lot of different people are present and a varied crowd is there; as seen in the examples about their favorite places to hang out. They prefer mixed crowd, clubs that are actually gay clubs, or the real ‘Jordaanse’ cafes.

Openness towards other cultures is thus surely important, and is used as a way to distinguish from others. In this way it links back to a form of authenticity and can be seen as subcultural capital. It is however a slightly different form of cosmopolitanism that is used here, it stays a lot closer to home.

You could say all these forms of subcultural capital work together to form the ‘ultimate’ form of subcultural capital for hipsters in Amsterdam; openness, not consciously trying to be hip, doing what makes you happy and not caring too much about what others think. The main thing really seems to be that everything is ok, but with the characteristics of the hipster culture found in the literature.

Chapter 6 – Conclusion and discussion

In this research I explored how the contemporary hipsters in Amsterdam used subcultural capital to distinguish themselves from the dominant mainstream. Hipster culture is a culture that revolves around contradictions and a constant need to be different from others. Subcultural capital in the form of authenticity, irony, resistance strategies and cosmopolitanism are used to make this distinction and claim insider status. It appears that in Amsterdam there is a vibrant subculture present that has the characteristics of the hipster culture. In most ways the subcultural capital is used in the expected way, but their idea of authenticity and being a real, true hipsters is somewhat different than in other cities and existing literature.

The subcultural capital of authenticity is used in the same way as found in the existing literature, but also in a way specific for the Amsterdam scene. The most status gained from authenticity comes from the notion that real authenticity can be found in being open and true to yourself. There is still a definite need to distinguish, which is found in their dress, work and preferences. True authenticity however is found in acceptance and openness. There is less exclusion and implications when someone strays from the ideal picture of hipster. Being whom you are and doing what you like, are the most important things. This mixed with the characteristics of hipster culture lead to an open, vibrant and creative subculture in Amsterdam. The resistances strategies de-commodification and specific brand choices or avoidances are found in Amsterdam. Irony and Cosmopolitanism are present as subcultural capital among the contemporary hipsters in Amsterdam, but used in a slightly different way, both are linked to the notion of authenticity that is prominent in the hipster culture in Amsterdam. All the different forms of subcultural capital link back to this one picture of true authenticity.

The acquisition of hipster culture in mainstream culture however has made the self-denial among hipsters to be labeled a hipster even worse. The stylistic, mainstream version of hipster is something they do not want to be associated with, and makes it that people rarely admit to being a hipster. There are some mentions of condescending behavior among this group towards this culture. In future research it might be interesting to look at this form of hipsterdom, and how the subcultural capital is used by them; is there really such a distinction, and do they have the same views on authenticity as this group.

Another note on this research is the duration and the methods. With in-depth interviews a lot of information can be gathered, but to get an even more complete picture of this group ethnographic fieldwork could be a next step. Seeing insiders in their favorite places and homes can give even more inside in their behavior, and for instance in their use of resistance strategies. I found no examples of brand hijacking and one mention of de-commodification in this research, but with a closer examination of their daily routines these things might come to light. Because of their emphasis on not consciously acting on certain things, they might subconsciously use these forms of subcultural capital in other ways than are found here.

In conclusion, there is a subculture present in Amsterdam that has the characteristics of hipster culture, and there is definite use of subcultural capital, albeit be it in a slightly different way. Since there has been a shift, and an overflow of these things into mainstream culture, hipster might not be the best label for this group. It might just be a group of creative people in Amsterdam, with a liking for the new, unknown and different and most importantly openness. These ‘new’ hipsters distinguish themselves with the use of subcultural capital form the dominant mainstream, but most importantly from the mainstream, stylized version of hipster culture, as seen in the persistent self-denial of being a hipster. They did it before it was cool, and they are doing it all over again.

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Appendix A. – Transcripts of the interviews

#00:00:40-0# vechten voor een plekje, wel een leuk pand

#00:00:40-0# respondent: ja het is, het zijn eigenlijk twee panden. deze kan had je eerst een slager zitten, en aan die kant zat een basisschool. maar eh, we hebben die, eh er liep een muur, precies hier door de hele ruimte, die hebben we eruit geknald om hier die binnen ruimte te maken. en dit was al redelijk zo.

#00:01:15-8# ja ik hou ook van oude gebouwen. vooral ook als het soort van anders is van binnen dan dat je verwacht. dat vind ik het leuke hieraan, want het is heel diep natuurlijk en ook de indeling is niet,

#00:01:25-9# interviewer: aankomst.

#00:01:35-0# respondent: even kijken, we waren bij de hipsters gebleven, maar ehm, ja puur uit m’n eigen nieuwsgierigheid hoor, maar ehm, wat ik vraag me heel erg af, want de definitie van een hipster is natuurlijk in dat opzicht heel erg verschoven. waarin eh, eigenlijk de soort van early adapter die dat ooit was, die is natuurlijk weer verder en die zit veel meer op een soort van eh, cloudrap, yung lean achtige hoek met eh, toch? in plaats van eh, dat het allemaal draait om snorren enzo? dat is beetje meer een soort van yuppen ding naar mijn gevoel geworden, de hipster he, ehm in in ieder geval in Nederlandse termen. maar hou je daar ook eh, ben jij daar ook een soort van scheidingslijn in aan het maken?

#00:02:13-3# interviewer: uitleg onderzoek.

#00:03:31-0# interviewer: zou je je even kunnen voorstellen, wat heb je hiervoor gedaan, waar ben je nu mee bezig?

#00:03:37-1# respondent: vind je het goed als ik jou gewoon een interview daarover stuur, want het word anders een heel lang verhaal.

#00:03:40-3# interviewer: ja is goed.

#00:03:41-2# respondent: maar eh, in het heel kort, ik geef wel even de korte versie. Ik heet dus Gabriel .... ehm, online eh, heet ik William Presley Woodcole, maar dat is een pseudoniem die ik ooit een keer heb gekregen, eh, met dat pseudoniem doe ik ook verschillende dingen, waaronder, ik heb een bedrijf dat heet mr. woodcole en daarmee doe ik creative relations and partnerships. en eh, waarvan ehm, ik eh twee club avonden eigenlijk heb als eh, als eh, lopende projecten op het moment, Orthogon Wolf en poli(?) en voor de rest doe ik nog losse projecten en ben ik bijvoorbeeld bezig met eh, het achter de schermen helpen bij eh een festival in, bij de benkenback berg, als ik het goed zeg, eh, en natuurlijk af en toe assisteer ik een eh, fotograaf, een reclame fotograaf weetje dat soort dingen doe ik ook. Daarnaast ehm, werk ik hier, freelance als eh, creative connector voor het pr-bureau. En dat is het moeder bedrijf en die hebben ook een stichting wat ViaHenri heet. Wat ehm, eigenlijk onderdeel is van het marketing department van het pr bureau als marketing lab, en daar ben ik curator events management voor. En de reden waarom, ik deze constructie heb gekozen is

zodat ik met ViaHenri autonoom opererend kan blijven binnen het bedrijf. dus, ik doe daarmee dingen die dan niet perse ruimen met eh, de kernwaarden van het moeder bedrijf ehm, maar eh, ja om, om zegmaar we willen het stukje eh, innovatie - onderbroken door collega - we willen het stukje innovatie dus dan is het wel fijn die vrijheid te hebben dus eh, dat zodoende eigenlijk. en ehm, als laatste, soort van ontwikkeling ben ik eigenlijk sinds kort begonnen ook met dj'en, onder de naam Mr. Woodcole, dus dat is misschien de laatste ontwikkeling die eh, die dan niet in die interviews staan. ehm, dat is een beetje het spectrum van dingen die ik doe, dus dat eh, gaat heel breed. Dus dat is een beetje concept ontwikkeling, eh, art directie, productie doe ik, events management, en eh, communicatie is natuurlijk een belangrijk ... dus dat is een beetje het spectrum.

#00:06:12-2# interviewer: dat is een heleboel, Is dat, dat het zoveel is, is dat iets wat je, waar je bewust voor hebt gekozen? dat je in heel veel verschillende dingen bezig wil zijn?

#00:06:19-3# respondent: ehm, ja, dat is een beetje een soort van je en nee verhaal eigenlijk. Dat is een beetje een soort van het kip en het ei, want ik heb ehm, heel lang lopen zoeken naar eh - collega stuurt ons weg -

#00:06:39-3# - verhaal van collega, goede cupcake bakker -

#00:07:32-4# - vraag van collega - zet er ook maar in dat hij cupcakes kan bakken - creatief met cupcakes (laughing) -

#00:08:12-1# respondent: yes, ehm, waar was ik gebleven. eh..

#00:08:18-9# interviewer: je bent heel breed bezig, met van alles en nog wat

#00:08:23-6# respondent: ja ja, nouja wat het ding is zegmaar, dat ehm, op een bepaald punt toen ehm, wou ik juist doen wat ik nu, eigenlijk alles wat ik nu doe dat wou ik op een bepaald wilde ik dat heel bewust doen, maar toen ik kreeg ik van alle kanten te horen dat dat helemaal niet kon en eh, dat het gek is, en je moet gewoon een ding kiezen en eh , daar moet je gewoon lekker op focussen en eh, etc etc. Dus toen, werd het heel erg moeilijk eigenlijk om, eh, vooral te kijken naar, ok, dingen die ik tof vind en ehm, gewoon in de breedte mezelf te ontwikkelen zegmaar, dus dat heb ik ook eigenlijk een tijdje geprobeerd, maar eh, eigenlijk sloop het er ook vanzelf weer in, en dus eh, dan, heb ik een tijdje lang heb ik eh, heb ik eigenlijk puur met events bezig gehouden, en toen ging ik toch vanzelf steeds meer met ehm, grafisch ontwerpen bezig houden, en toch steeds eh, meer editen en toch ook meer filmen. en toch ook meer eh, met muziek bezig houden, en beetje bij beetje werd het toch steeds meer, omdat het gewoon toch ergens in me zit om gewoon, op die manier gevarieerd bezig te zijn met verschillende, disciplines zegmaar. En de grap is zegmaar dat eigenlijk, nu ik het een soort van, nu ik probeer om wat meer te ontwikkelen, heb ik eigenlijk ook gewoon gerealiseerd dat het ook juist weer klopt, omdat uiteindelijk wil ik gewoon eh, wat ik over een paar jaar wil worden is gewoon art-director, en dan moet je natuurlijk ook alle verschillende facetten, moet je ook een beetje kunnen en ehm, moet je ook een beetje kunnen beheersen zegmaar. En het is eigenlijk heel onbewust, begonnen, maar nu ben ik ook heel bewust bezig met gewoon ook me inderdaad te specialiseren, en verschillende disciplines om met het idee, met de gedachte dat over een paar jaar gewoon van alles in ieder geval een beetje weet en dat ik het een beetje kan, en dat dat kan samenkomen in de rol van art-director. dus ja, zo is dat eigenlijk gekomen.

#00:10:17-4# interviewer: heb je het gevoel dat dat gevarieerde en dat creatieve dat dat iets is wat, iets belangrijks is?

#00:10:23-8# respondent: ja, want voor mij, mijn passie ligt eigenlijk in een ding en dat is creatie. en ik ben gepassioneerd over creëren, en daarin leg ik geen eh, grenzen voor mezelf op, dus ik ben niet eh, dat is ook misschien de reden waarom ik soort van multi-disciplinair op een gegeven moment ben geworden, omdat voor mij creatie net zoveel zit in ja, nou heel toevallig, dus, lekker creatief bakken, maar dat kan ook zijn, een event in elkaar zetten, of het kan draaien om beeld, het kan draaien om muziek, om eh, een film, en experiences, ik weet zeker, ik heb ook ooit een beetje na zitten denken, het lijkt me heel tof om op een geveend moment ook iets te gaan doen met reizen of eh, ehm, of in ieder geval iets als gidsen doen, weetje dat je mensen ook gewoon naar plekken mee neemt, dat, je ze een beetje een soort van een lifestyle ervaring geeft, weetje dat soort dingen dus, ik bedoel op zich probeer ik me daar ook geen grenzen op te stellen ofzo, weetje.

#00:11:23-8# interviewer: en heb je het gevoel dat, dat dus naast in je, carrière pad, dat ook in andere dingen heel erg naar voren komt, dat creatieve? is dat iets wat je naast je werk, in je dagelijkse leven

#00:11:31-6# respondent: ja, voor mij is het wel een lifestyle moet ik zeggen hoor. Ik ben niet heel bewust bezig met ok, ik moet dit nu doen want dat is dan hartstikke creatief ofzo, ik ben niet, eh, ik moet me zo gedragen om eh, want dan ben ik cool, of weet ik veel, dat soort onzin dingen weetje, ik leef gewoon op een bepaalde manier en ik vind het juist, ik word het gelukkigst van, gewoon mezelf te zijn en eh, schijnbaar heb ik gewoon op de een of andere manier een bepaalde eh, radar die niet iedereen heeft, weetjewel, dus ja. en dat zeg je, en ik maak ook gewoon misbruik van mijn eigen karakter (laughing) zegmaar, snap je wat ik bedoel? want ja. Het feit dat ik er geld aan kan verdienen, dat maakt, dat is misschien van de geluks moment in m’n leven geweest, dat toen ik hier terecht kwam, dat iemand zei van ja, we willen je betalen, voor in principe gewoon jezelf te zijn. Weetje, en dat is het gewoon. En, maar ik ben daar ehm, ja, weetje ik ben daar niet continue op die manier mee eh, mee bezig zegmaar.

#00:12:35-5# - neemt telefoon op -

#00:16:16-0# respondent: zo gaat dat dus (laughing) Ehm, ja sorry.

#00:16:21-9# interviewer: Je noemde net zelf al hoe je in het leven staat echt een lifestyle. Is dat iets voor jou heel persoonlijks, of zou je dat kunnen linken aan een groep of mensen of plekken?

#00:16:29-2# respondent: bepaalde invloeden?

#00:16:31-2# respondent: ehm, nou ja, voor mij is het wel, tenminste voor mij persoonlijk is het echt een lifestyle omdat het vooral zit in de manier dat ik me open stel voor dingen. En ehm, gewoon heel belangrijk ding, wat ik heb geleerd, eigenlijk wat, eh, creativiteit is niet meer dan, eh, heel veel opties hebben eigenlijk. En mensen zien dat als, ok, dan ben je, dan kan je gek denken en kan allemaal dingen moeilijk in willen, maar dat is het helemaal niet. het ding is zegmaar als je jezelf open stelt voor een heleboel dingen, kan je voor hetzelfde scenario, kan jij, in ieder geval drie opties verzinnen omdat jij misschien met vijf verschillende opties in contact bent gekomen die ongeveer soort gelijk waren en dan dat je