K-Wave experience in Turkey

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Handling subjugation in a patriarchal

society

AUTHOR

Buket Yildiz - 1200208

SUPERVISOR

Dr. L.O. Black

DATE

7th July 2017

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Abstract

Informed by ethnographic research the purpose of this study is to examine the attitudes of Turkish women who consume Korean popular culture with regards to their identity formation and how it relates to the possible transformation of Turkish patriarchal society. The argument made in this study is that people in the K-Wave community have a skewed interpretation of South Korea, because of their admiration of the country through the K-Wave they are exposed to, but that this misconception has an impact on their resistance against patriarchy in their own country. This study argues that it is a two-edged sword: on the one hand K-Wave reinforces patriarchy through the messages it conveys, on the other hand it creates an imaginary space to which women can escape from their daily lives and encourages them to resist the socially defined masculine domination.

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1. Introduction

Popular culture is not only establishing popularity for goods and practices, but it also popularizes the incorporated worldviews and ways of thinking (Şahin, 2005). One of these worldviews contains the representation and the role of women and the question whether popular culture is reinforcing or challenging female subordination to men (Kirca, 1999). Some argue that popular culture is ingrained with patriarchal values and therefore makes female empowerment difficult, while at the same time allowing for some space created by women to free themselves from their subordinate positions (Modiri, 2012). Others argue that popular culture is part of the neoliberal order that through the notion of freedom of choice nudges women to follow the normative power that is embedded with sexist beliefs (Chen, 2013). It is the first strand of argument that this thesis is building upon by analysing the Korean Wave (K-Wave) experience among Turkish females.

Hallyu or the Korean Wave is the term gifted by China for the massive popularity of South Korea’s contemporary cultural products, such as its TV series (K-drama) and music (K-pop) that have served as a pull-factor for South Korea in many cases. The attractiveness of these products has resulted in a spillover effect for a general admiration of the whole country, and everything related to South Korea (Shim, 2008).

The hype of the Korean Wave might subside according to Nye & Kim (2013), but

Geun (2009) argues that it may not be a short-lived phenomenon given South Korea’s

economic outlook that is considered as a good indicator for its cultural potential.

One of the countries in which the K-Wave has reached immense popularity is Turkey. While there has been research conducted on the K-Wave in Turkey (Oh & Chae, 2013), it does not specifically look at how the K-Wave portrays and is interpreted in terms of patriarchy and the experiences of female audiences. This thesis aims to fill this gap, as similar to the other countries where the K-Wave has become part of the popular culture; the Turkish K-Wave community also consists mainly of (young) women (Oh & Chae, 2013). A previous study conducted by Yang (2008) has found that Korean dramas result in resistance to gender inequality and ensuing class formations among Taiwanese females. This study looks at how Korean dramas create meanings for females outside the East Asian region. Furthermore, given the similar nature of Turkey and South Korea as patriarchal countries with

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Western influences, it forms an interesting case to explore what ramifications the K-Wave experience of Turkish females has for the Turkish patriarchal society. This thesis therefore, aims to explore how the K-Wave is understood among the female consumers attracted to this phenomenon and the ramifications of this understanding

on the society at large in Turkey. The argument follows from the observation that

Turkish females attracted to the K-Wave admire South Korea. This admiration has ramifications on their acceptance of the patriarchal society they are part of, which might instigate a transformation of the patriarchal society or at least initiate a resistance to it. Hence, the main question that this thesis aims to answer is: How is the K-Wave experienced among Turkish (young) women and what ramifications does it have on the Turkish patriarchal society?

In the remainder of the thesis in section two, previous studies on the findings on the reception of the Korean Wave and the position of women in Turkey and in South Korea will be reviewed. In section three the methodological framework consisting of poststructuralist, feminist approaches and ethnographic research will be outlined. Section four is a case study on the Korean Wave community in Turkey with an analysis of the popular drama Boys over Flowers and the experiences of Turkish K-drama fans, followed by the conclusion in section five.

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2. Literature Review

2.1 Previous studies on the Korean Wave

Research conducted on Western popular culture contends that it is embedded in patriarchal values, reinforces gender inequality, and hinders female empowerment. This is related to the fact that popular culture is reflecting the issues pertaining society at large (Modiri, 2012). Moreover, the neoliberal order in which popular culture is produced, engraves the issue through the process of self-objectification of female audiences. This is, as Chen (2013) argues, related to women buying into the freedom of choice concept that is propagated on TV programs targeting female audiences seemingly in line with feminist ideals, but that in fact is enforcing the already existent gender hierarchies. This also relates to the Korean Wave with its subtle depiction of Asian traditional values mixed with Western modernity (Ryoo, 2009). The emphasis on Confucian norms in Korean dramas that reflect patriarchy and which is shared by the neighbouring East Asian countries has lead to these countries welcoming Korean cultural products compared to other non-Asian nations’ cultural products, such as the United States’ that are considered to be of different nature (Jang & Paik, 2012). In the case of Taiwan, the local media’s attention towards Korean popular culture and construction of a new form of hybrid culture consisting of Taiwanese/Korean values has helped the acceptance of the Korean Wave (Huang S. , 2011). Hybridity also affected the acceptance of the K-Wave in Turkey.

Particularly, the similar modernization processes that Turkey and South Korea have undergone and the hybrid nature of the K-Wave made acceptance in Turkey easier (Oh & Chae, 2013).

There are however some deviations noticeable between the (East) Asian reception of the Korean Wave and the reception in other regions. While the local media seems to be an important factor in promoting the Korean Wave in East Asia, in Europe it was social media that aided in the distribution of Korean popular culture (Marinescu & Balica, 2013; Madrid-Morales & Lovric, 2015). Furthermore, geographic and cultural distance and the relative unawareness about South Korea in the West has lead to less popularity of the Korean Wave compared to the Asian region (Hübinette, 2012). Another point is observed in the type of products. While K-pop is the most popular product of the Korean Wave in Europe, K-dramas have been more prominent in Asia (Hübinette, 2012; Huang S. , 2011).

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From previous few ethnographic studies on the Korean Wave reception outside the Asian region, there is a general trend in activities actively engaging fans (Marinescu & Balica, 2013; Hübinette, 2012). The effect of participation is also researched with

respect to the K-wave community in Turkey. Oh & Chae (2013) researched how

networks lead cultural flows. Their argument is that global cultural flows are no longer dominated by active promotion of entertainment agencies and state institutions, but rather that consumers are becoming active themselves and transform global cultural flows by creating new ways in the distribution and consumption of cultural contents. The authors argue that the K-Wave is diminishing the geographical distance by bolstering cultural relationships between the two countries and shifting the interest of Turkey to the East. The images and narratives sent through Hallyu products result in creating a narrative that stresses shared values. Cho & Banbal (2015) who researched how Korea is perceived in Turkey identified the Korean Wave as the third period in which the perception of South Korea has improved among Turkish people. They further argue that Turkish K-Wave fans serve as “self-assigned cultural envoys” by creating websites dedicated to the K-Wave, but also other Korea-related topics and by “protecting” K-Wave actors on social media (Cho & Banbal, 2015).

The success of the Korean Wave outside the Asian region has been mainly researched in relation to its acceptance and success and identity formation among

individuals.The studies on the local K-pop scenes have shown that the participatory

culture wherein fans are active in organizing Korea-related events instead of simply attending them are playing a prominent role in the creation of a unique K-pop experience and identity formation (Sung, 2014; Otmazgin & Lyan, 2014). The identity formation described in these studies is focused on individual identities that are influenced by K-pop and how K-pop encourages them to become active in the localization of this global phenomenon. This thesis however focuses specifically on women’s identities and how K-dramas are activating empowerment among female

viewers in a patriarchal society. In all cases, the primary consumers of the Korean

Wave have been identified as (young) women. This makes it an interesting case to explore how the gendered representations in K-Wave are being understood and experienced among the Turkish K-Wave fans, which brings it to an intersection between the K-Wave and the position of women in their own societies and the

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Korean society.

2.2 Women in patriarchal societies: Turkey and South Korea

This subsection provides an overview on the representations of women in Turkey over the years and a comparison with representations of women in South Korea. The latter is important, as it shows the similarities and differences between the two societies that might have prompted the attraction of Turkish female viewers towards the K-Wave.

2.2.1 Female representations in Turkey

In Turkey, social relations and positions of agents are determined by primarily the Islamic religion and secondly by the distinct Turkish cultural history. Muslim women are usually found to be underrepresented, underprivileged, and dominated by their male counterparts. A transformation of this representation of Muslim women was attempted in the Ottoman Empire when women demanded social change and equal rights. This however came into existence only after the transition from the Ottoman Empire towards the Turkish Republic. Yet, society continued to be dominated by men. The clash between the Republic and the people it represented in terms of female empowerment was immense. The representation of the Turkish woman in those times was of a dutiful, virtuous child-bearer while at the same time aiding the modernization principles of the Republic by actively engaging and participating in public domains. Şimşek & Öner (2015) mention that the Westernization-Nationalism-Conservatism triangle has shaped the Turkish nation-state with the man as the sole interlocutor in society. Even after modernisation, the pre-existing Islamic patriarchal society fused with the newly implemented Secular/Western patriarchal society and continued the existing gender relations.

Atakav mentions Arat’s (1999) analysis on Turkish women as partly being shaped by an ideal type dictated by power relations: “Being aware of their subordinate condition, women look up to and seek guidance from men” (p16). Exclusion took place for women who did not possess the characteristics to represent the modern Republic. This entailed women who were for example wearing veils, which was not considered as modern. In the 1980s a liberal feminist movement took place that focused beyond state feminism and embodied alternative views that also problematized women’s

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role in the private sphere (Atakav, 2007). Coşar & Yeğenoğlu (2011, p. 568) conclude that women have found a way to resist Republican patriarchy, but that “bargaining capacities with the religious-conservative patriarchy are yet to be developed”. This form of patriarchy is strongly embedded in the gender policy of the Turkish government.

The gender policy of AKP (Adalet ve Kalkınma Partisi /Justice and Development Party), which is highly contested by Turkish feminist scholars, is a form of religious-conservative patriarchal discourse showing liberal tendencies with its focus on education and increased participation of women in the labour market, while at the same time prioritising the role of women in the family. Arat (2010) argues that the combination of religion with politics endangers women’s role in society as it disseminates patriarchal values and ascertains submissive roles for women in society through public discourses and education systems. Gender inequality and domesticity for females is at the heart of these values. It is also found in the rhetoric used by the government that focuses on the reproductive capacity of women. Marriage and maintaining the family are found to be the main roles dedicated to women. This is reflected in the difficulty of getting abortion and the decreasing participation of women in the labour force (Kaya, 2015). Next to the government’s rhetoric on women’s role in society, religious focus on the education system also restricts women’s role to “traditional mothers and housewives”. Arat (2010) argues that this could pose a danger for women who do want to resist patriarchal norms.

2.2.2 Female representations compared

Similar to Turkey, gender inequality is also a persistent issue in the South Korean society. Islamic values are considered to be the reason for the persistent patriarchal society in Turkey, while in South Korea it is Confucianism that is mostly contested by feminists. “Family” is considered as the backbone of society in both societies and is felt threatened by feminism. Chin (2004) argues that women seem to have achieved equality in South Korea, but that this is not reflected in the representation of women in government. Through the modernization process of the 1960s women’s labour participation has increased over the years that followed. Still, the gender role division according to Confucianism continues to dictate the roles for men and women in the public and private spaces and also affects active political participation of women (Lee, 1996). This is similar to the case in Turkey, where Islamist beliefs dictate the role for women to be inside the house.

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The debate going on between feminists and Confucians focuses on whether the two are mutually exclusive. Confucianism is considered to be an important feature of the Korean identity that does not per se oppose gender equality, and is therefore argued to form the ideal base for creating Korean feminism that differentiates itself from mainstream Western feminism (Koh, 2008). Koh (2008) further argues that the present day practice of Confucianism that asserts gender inequality is not found in the scriptures of Confucian texts. This is also found in the Çavdar’s (2010) article on Islam and Islamism in Turkey, in which she argues that the religion Islam is contending gender equality while Islamism that is, Islam used for political purposes and practiced by governments, is demonstrating the opposite.

2.3 Conclusion

Previous studies on the Korean Wave have found that the majority of the Korean Wave fans are (young) women. Hybridity and the ensuing cultural proximity makes the K-Wave easy to accept in countries, including Turkey where similar conservative values are central. The participatory culture of the K-Wave is another facet that attracts people. The K-Wave community in Turkey is very active in promoting the South Korean (popular) culture. Given that the group consists mainly of females the participatory activities related to the K-Wave –independent of the messages that the K-Wave harbours- might prompt an opportunity to raise their voices to some extent, since the public patriarchal discourse in Turkey translates in the private sphere through assigning women primarily a role in the family. This in fact is similar to the role assigned in the Korean society, as both are affected by religion/tradition that is unjustly practiced nowadays and therefore imply gender inequality. Nevertheless, how the K-Wave is experienced among these women by the knowledge created through the K-Wave and the comparison with personal life experiences is therefore

worthwhile investigating. In the next section, the methodological framework is

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3. Methodological framework

In examining the K-Wave experience in Turkey and the meanings it creates related to masculine domination, this section provides firstly an overview on the poststructuralist and feminist approaches that will be taken in the case study section.

The research method accompanying these perspectives is among other things interviews, which forms the backbone of ethnographic research. The following sub-section provides an overview on this research method.

3.1 Post-structuralism

Post-structuralism is a critical strand of thought within international relations that serves as an approach to analysing representations, identity politics and the power-knowledge nexus. It argues for questioning the conventional conceptions defined by dominant cultures and reflecting on them. There is however more than one perspective and in comprehending particular events, narratives become important. In the post-structuralist perspective, it is further important to determine the forces that give shape to an event. This relates to the power-knowledge nexus, as claimed by Foucault who argues that power is inseparable with knowledge (Devetak, 2005; Campbell, 2007; Merlingen, 2013). The admiration of South Korea among K-Wave consumers is important in this sense to analyse as it shows how through the exposure to K-Wave the perception of South Korea and its society is formed, how this is experienced and what consequences it has on the society at large. The knowledge that K-dramas disseminate gives these dramas the power to shape viewers’ experiences.

According to post-structuralism, argument making in international relations is an act of power. This power structures the flow of social relations through shaping people’s ideas about the social truth and its meaning (Campbell, 2007). Social relations define the backbone of the systems that comprise the world. These systems exist through the world of discourses and practices (Merlingen, 2013). Discourse refers to symbolic structures that influence people’s actions and intentions. These entail representations that produce meanings and identities (Campbell, 2007; Merlingen, 2013).

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The analysis of discourses demonstrates the formation of meaning of events. It also enables examining what is being thought and articulated within a discourse and what is left out (Merlingen, 2013). As mentioned earlier, things do not have meaning. The meaning is rather constructed by people and the pre-existing discourses they are conditioned by. Language is a means to do this. It highlights how the place of things in the system is structured. Also, here power relations are important to explore. This can be done through binary oppositions, wherein one object dominates the other.

Discourses also define who has the authority to speak. Discourses therefore can also exclude. This encourages examining subjugated knowledge, which signifies alternative discourses excluded by the dominant discourse (Milliken, 1999). The way K-Wave fans speak about their world indicates how they construct the meaning of the K-Wave products, without necessarily conforming to the dominant discourses. Mori (2008) for example, found that after watching the K-drama Winter Sonata marginalized middle-aged women in Japan and China formed a transnational identity and voiced this through practices that enabled them to become cultural agents and form their own discourses about South Korea rather than accepting the official, male-dominated ones.

3.2 Feminist IR

Challenging male-dominated discourses relates to feminist studies that assert that mainstream theories in International Relations only provide a masculine view on world politics. This bias is contested through the argument that this view is reflecting partial truth (True, 2005). Feminist studies therefore narrow their focus on gender appropriations and more specifically on every aspect related to women. These aspects range from the emphasis on the women themselves such as their experiences and thoughts to how they are represented and manipulated. Also, masculinity is problematized in these theories. These aspects bring back the notion of power that is central in poststructuralist thinking. In the feminist case power that is examined is territorial and twofold: public and private. Public spaces relate to civic places such as courts and schools whereas private spaces relate to individuals’ personal places such as homes. The connection between these two spaces is what feminists look at and what appears to be important in controlling the opinions of women and the ideas behind the concepts of femininity/masculinity (Enloe, 2007).

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Another discussion that is attracting the focus of feminist studies is about the stereotypical roles assigned to males and females, so that females are designated as peaceful, emotional, passive actors while males are the opposite: aggressive, rational and active actors. Stereotypical roles continue the persistence of the association with men at the position of power while at the same time disadvantaging women. These arguments however take away attention to more important issues such as unequal gender hierarchies and the resulting underprivileged situations of women (Tickner, 1999).

Patriarchy and popular culture in particular is a contested area for feminist researchers, as popular culture is accused of reinforcing masculine domination through the objectification of females. Kirca (1999) argues that popular culture and feminist ideas can coexist and that feminist discourses embedded in popular culture allows for the expression of female voice. K-Wave with its participatory culture that mainly affects females who form the majority of its devotees creates an opportunity that allows females to become active agents. The examination of this however has to be done in local settings, since culture and history that are distinct in each society play a role in forming gender relations (True, 2005).

3.3 Ethnography

Cultural practices and discourses are the main concerns of ethnographic research. These are observed in fieldwork and subsequently examined to identify recurrent patterns to find continuities (Gusterson, 2009). Ethnographic research comprises several approaches. In this research face-to-face interviews and e-interviews are conducted for collecting data.

Attaching meanings to understand people through observing their actions and experiences allows for some insights, but this might contradict how the subject sees the undertaken action himself. Understanding follows from gaining access to the subjective understanding of the observed person, namely how he views the experience himself (Gusterson, 2009). This can be accessed through interviews.

The reason for using semi-structured e-interviews is that it allows for more insight in the exact language used by the interviewees and also the interviewees are provided a more natural setting in which they can tell their story (Gusterson, 2009). The target of

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this study, the Turkish K-Wave community, that consists mainly of young people (90% according to Oh & Chae (2013)) is very active online. E-interviews provide a natural setting wherein the subjects can answer with convenience and have time to formulate their opinions and recollect their experiences. This also allows for less intrusion. The method does however have the drawback that the spontaneity of a face-to-face interview is absent. Another limitation of the e-interview is that the interviewer cannot infer the way the subjects respond from the body language and voice. A solution is the use of emoticons that create a more personal environment. Delay in responses might be another drawback. Limiting the number of questions per e-mail is suggested to keep the conversation going smoothly (Bampton &

Cowton, 2002). A general drawback of the interview method is the effect that the

interviewer and the situation have on the reconstruction of the experience. Circumventing this is a difficult task as the interviewer partly influences the meaning attached to a particular behaviour or experience through the interview (Seidman, 2006). Therefore, this limitation has to be acknowledged.

Ethnographic research can be approached in different ways. Cohn (2006) for example used the approach of multi-sited ethnography for her analysis on gender and national security discourses, as these discourses are formulated in several sites. She interviewed different people to get their opinions on how they perceive gender in the military and tried to understand the experiences that shaped these opinions. Through this approach she could formulate the research question while she was collecting the data. Neumann (2007) used a one-site ethnography to examine the speech writing process in the Norwegian Ministry of Foreign Affairs. He mainly used participant observation and also supplementary interviews. This enabled him to become part of the organization and experience the issue first hand. Supplementing his observation with interviews allowed him to understand the inefficient behaviour related to the speechwriting process within the Ministry.

The aim through these methods is finding out the hidden obvious in South Korea’s admiration among female K-Wave fans in Turkey, that is insights that are obvious only after you point them out (Isaacs, TedxBroadway). In her talk on ethnography, Isaacs mentions how she has found out the hidden obvious of parking problems by observing cars. Signs developed for showing time frames when people are or are not allowed to park were found to be too difficult to comprehend. By changing how

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information is formulated on the signs, most importantly by trying to understand the user’s experiences, what had been hidden became obvious.

In order to find the hidden obvious in this research, the Turkish K-Wave community’s experiences have to be understood. I will use a one-site ethnography in order to examine how Turkish women understand the K-Wave. Understanding how experiences with the K-Wave shapes opinion about Korea and translates into the personal experiences and society allows for exploring the ramifications of a globalized cultural phenomenon, such as transforming patriarchal relations.

3.4 Data sampling

The interview subjects were selected through snowball sampling. The first person selected for interviews is a former administrator at the JYJ Turkey fandom. Through her the interviewer has approached other subjects in the K-Wave community. There

were in total 10 females interviewed, 2 face-to-face and 8 through Facebook. The

subjects are asked about their lives and early engagements with the K-Wave, the contexts of present experiences with the K-Wave, and their thoughts on gender relations in Turkey. The interviews were conducted in Turkish; therefore the examples used in the case study are translations of the statements made in Turkish.

Additionally, the interviews were conducted through embracing Gusterson’s (2009) advice of using two approaches to conduct semi-structured interviews: branching and building. The former means that interviews should be tailored to individuals. The latter entails building interviews upon earlier conducted ones, as the aim is to gain insights from a discourse community. This approach also reflects the changing nature of the interviewer who gains more insights about the topic as the research progresses.

Next to the interviews, this thesis has used secondary literature, news articles and blog posts as data sources. In order to demonstrate the patriarchal content of dramas the drama Boys over Flowers is selected for further analysis, because this K-drama is found to be one of the most popular K-K-dramas watched in Turkey.

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3.5 Ethical considerations

The procedure of the interviews was clearly explained to the subjects prior to conducting the interviews. They were also asked to sign a consent form that explains the purpose of the study and also accounts for privacy concerns. The purpose of this research is examining the experiences of individual community members. Therefore, they are explicitly asked to provide their names and in all cases their consent is received.

3.6 Limitations

The nature of this research method and my position as part of the Turkish K-Wave community is not value-free. To be as objective as possible in this research, I will embrace the notion of practical reflexivity as suggested by Berling & Bueger (2013). This relates to “being transparent about one’s own position in social and political context. It is to reflect on the relation of one’s own practices to others” (p. 116). I will use the strategy of the curious expert and take a “quizzical” stance throughout the research by questioning discursive practices that shape narratives, to be critical and reflexive about the existing gender relations and patriarchal values.

The sample used in this research is not representative, but it provides for understanding the multifaceted phenomenon of globalized popular culture and its developments on the experiences of oppressed females and the consequences thereof. It proves that international relations is not only confined to states - as argued by feminist IR - but that it also relates to the interactions of the people all around the world. The thesis aims to show that these interactions can transform patriarchal societies or at least provide a form of resistance to it. A further limitation of the methodology used in this research is that 10 interviews are not sufficient for ethnographic research. Therefore, this study forms a start to explore further the ramifications of popular culture on gender issues.

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4. Case Study: Analysis on the K-Wave in Turkey

Previous studies have found several effects of the K-Wave such as a unique experience and identity formation through active engagement of fans. Given the fact that the main audience of K-Wave products is female, it is important to examine the knowledge disseminated through K-dramas and the experience and meaning that the female audiences attach to these dramas and what ramifications that has on the transformation of patriarchal societies. The case study particularly focuses on the relationship between K-dramas and women’s subjugation in Turkish society. This section provides an analysis informed mainly by ethnographic research based on the interviews conducted with Turkish K-Wave fans and supplementary material based on secondary literature.

4.1 Gendered representations

Korean dramas are a major medium that spreads knowledge on South Korea and on life beyond one’s own direct environment. The first knowledge that is created among Turkish viewers that have no prior knowledge on (contemporary) South Korea is catered through Korean dramas. While almost everyone in the community has watched at least one historical K-drama, the switch towards the contemporary dramas happens swiftly, which are light-hearted and less prolonged compared to historical dramas. This is partly explained by the cheerfulness of (romantic) comedies, as one of the interviewees, Feyza (26) describes it as: “(Opening) a door into

a different world”. This different world relates to the narration of Korean dramas that

focus on the female character, which is found exceptional. An example is the drama Boys over Flowers. Çiğdem (47) mother of two daughters, one of whom is also a K-Wave fan states that her opinion on the world changed after watching the drama Boys over Flowers, as it created a space for her to experience feelings, which she had not experienced before.

The story unfolds as the female lead character from a working-class family encounters a group of four guys. The group treats everyone badly at first and throughout the series the main female character helps in transforming the lives of these four guys by aiding them in becoming compassionate and facing their insecurities. While her strong demeanour received appreciation and admiration

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among female audiences, the underlying text of the drama that privileges the male

characters and underpins masculine domination is overlooked. As has been argued

by Chen (2013) the popularization of feminist ideals, such as gender equality is used to reinforce patriarchal norms. This is also true in K-dramas.

Miyose & Engstorm (2015) argue that this series has transformed the masculinity of Korean men into a more egalitarian feminine type, but that violence and protection continues to be a major trait of the male characters in the series. They state (2015, p.

7): “As described by Jan Di [the female character] in the concluding episode, Woo Bin [the

Don Juan] is the “backbone” of F4 who uses his physical strength to protect all of its members, as well as Jan Di”. This particular example demonstrates that the male character is portrayed as protecting, while the female character needs to be protected. By letting the female character that is portrayed as a strong, unfeminine character making this statement, the subconscious acceptance of masculine domination is further established.

This series has received immense popularity among K-Wave consumers in Turkey. As such, the series was also broadcast on TRT Okul, one of the channels of the Turkish state-run radio and television network, upon the request of these K-Wave enthusiasts (TRT.net). The description of the series on TRT’s website is as follows:

“The four members of the ruthless, arrogant, and sumptuous group that on the one hand is feared,

and on the other hand is idolized! F4… The grandson of a former President that possesses musical talent… The lady-killer son of the owner of the country’s biggest art museum… The Don Juan of a family that manages a big construction company and that has connections with the mafia… The heir of a global firm, the most popular of the school and the leader of the group… And against these four youngsters, there is a naïve, innocent, obstinate “Wild Flower”.”(TRT.net)

Upon further inspection, the predicates concerning the description of the characters are all imposing patriarchy. The four male characters are not only ruthless, arrogant, rich, being born in affluent, powerful families, but they are also possessing personal skills such as musical talent or leadership skills. These traits privilege their position compared to the naïve and innocent female character, which underpins the femininity concept disseminated in patriarchal discourses. The conventional stereotypes associated with males and females, which are contested by feminist researchers (Tickner, 1999), are found here.

Although, it is argued that the Korean series somehow transformed the masculinity of Korean men, the Turkish description of the series is still reinforcing the prevalent

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gender relations. The association of “Wild Flower” to the female character, which is also the title of the series in Turkish, is an example of this. Flower is used as a symbol for femininity, and the predicate Wild signifies the unfeminine behaviour of the female character, namely standing up against the strong and powerful male characters. This is in contrast with the original Korean series, where the flower in the title Boys over Flowers relates to the male characters and is also observed through the metrosexual appearances of the so-called flower boys. While Miyose & Engstorm (2015) argue that the title Boys over Flowers suggests the privilege of character over handsomeness, it can also relate to the privileging of Boys over Girls, as the story focuses on the development of the female character that receives guidance from the F4 members, which highlights the secondary role of women.

In this sub-section the drama Boys over Flowers is shortly described as an example to demonstrate that patriarchal values are seemingly challenged in the story of the drama, yet in fact reinforced. This happens not only in the story of the drama, but also in the way it is presented to Turkish audiences. The next sub-section describes how Turkish women are consuming these messages and use it in a way to handle their subjugation in society.

4.2 Handling subjugation

Feminist studies have shown that women do not merely consume messages spread through media channels as a form of escape, but that these messages are actively shaping women’s experiences. The gratification that women experience from consuming popular culture has paved the way to handle their subjugation. This gratification is for women an opportunity to escape from boring repetition of daily life and oppression. It also serves as a channel to socialize or to make sense of their experiences (Çelenk, 2010, p. 232). Media is therefore important for female viewers to compensate for their personal life deficiencies, and becomes a medium in which they can express their desires (Lin & Tong, 2008). Additional to this, meeting new people and sharing similar interests and experiences is another facet of the K-Wave. Hence, K-dramas are not only a medium for disseminating knowledge, but also a medium of self-discovery and a medium of expression for handling subjugation.

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4.2.1 Medium of self-discovery

Although the messages disseminated in K-dramas reinforce patriarchal values, the meaning attached to South Korean popular culture relates to the creation of personal space in which the fans can express themselves and see it as a form of resistance and challenge against the social order they are part of. Asya (28) describes it as: “For me, being a Korea fan means surpassing myself. Therefore it implies discovering myself”. Şahika (20) describes it as: “Being a Korea Fan is a breathing space for me. [It is] a space to where I can escape from life’s responsibilities and learn while having fun and meet new people.” These are passive forms of resistance in which the viewers engage in self-discovery and attempt to change their situations by creating new spaces to handle their subjugation.

Socialization that K-dramas bring has two faces: on the one hand it allows for sharing similar experiences with like-minded people, on the other hand it confines the members into a state in which they are drawn away from real life. Nevriye (27) who is working as a product support engineer and engaged in the Turkish K-Wave community since 2008 states: “I assumed that my interest in Korea would fade away as quickly as it started. But instead of disappearing my interest expanded like an epidemic virus”. Her life before her interest in South Korea was like any other person. Playing volleyball and table tennis were just some of the activities she engaged in. She realizes after reminiscing about these past memories that Korean dramas have dominated her social life. Calling her interest in South Korea an “epidemic virus” is an example of this. Likening it to a disease that expands quickly and takes over the body of the person inflicted with it, so too K-Wave is perceived to take over the person exposed to it.

What draws the viewer into K-dramas is the meaning attached to them and this is what makes it distinct compared to other kinds of TV-series. The struggle experienced by the main characters, optimism, strong female characters and achievements are themes that attract and influence viewers and in particular female viewers. The hidden message that these dramas give is that determination is key and nothing is impossible. The focus on strong women especially draws much attention among Turkish viewers, which can also be observed in the post “13 characters that have taught us to be strong” in which Korean dramas with strong female characters are introduced to drama viewers (Korezin.com). The strong women message of

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K-dramas has encouraged both Şule (27) and Asya (28) to chase their dreams. Şule (27) who graduated in Biotechnology could not find a job, because male counterparts dominate her field. She aims now to become a civil servant and is studying for the exams. After getting hired she wants to travel around the world. What is problematic about this is that while believing that K-dramas open up spaces to resist normative culture and allows for chasing dreams, in this particular example it demonstrates the opposite. Namely, that she is urged to embrace the existing order and adjust to it. This is however experienced differently, as she states: “K-dramas that show characters that are always chasing their dreams no matter their circumstances encouraged me to do so as well.” She continues: “[…] the female characters get to realize their careers and dreams”. The fact that men dominate her field is something that is a particular trait of a patriarchal society, since women are not considered to be capable of doing certain jobs. Being driven out from realizing a career because of the constraints laid upon her by society is something she accepted and decided to move on. While she could not realize her dream to become a Bio technician, her dedication to study further and change her career path rather than giving up entirely is something she has learned in K-dramas. In this case, handling her subjugation is accomplished by K-dramas that encouraged her to always chase her dreams no matter the circumstances. These dreams also entail traveling around the world alone. This is unthinkable in the society she is part of, in which females do not even dare to go outside alone at night. Şahika (20), Çigdem (47), Şule (27), Ceren (21) all complain about this situation, which confines women to their homes and abstains them from exerting their basic human rights.

4.2.2 Medium of expression

Taking part in the K-Wave enables Turkish women to express themselves. For Feyza (26) who has created a fandom from scratch, which she calls family signals actively engaging and creating a means to fight subjugation, rather than passively escaping it. It is a form of dissent, representing the nation as an active female citizen in contrast to the prescribed role of a virtuous woman, daughter, or wife. The feeling of accomplishment that this brings plays a big role in the quest for emancipation. It also creates the opportunity for expressing the “self” globally. Instead of focusing solely on South Korea and its culture, Feyza (26) aimed at creating awareness for Turkey, making a name for the Turkish fan club of the boy band JYJ that would stand out

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among the other countries’ fandoms, to be a “voice of Turkey”. She has undertaken countless projects together with her JYJ “family members”. One of these projects was sending a message on a USB stick into space that was also covered on Korean websites and received mixed reactions from both South Korean and Turkish audiences. While she argues it as being a “voice of Turkey”, it rather reflects her voice. Her voice demonstrates that women cannot be confined to the borders of a house or even a country.

Çiğdem (47) states: “since we experienced unhappiness in the other world, it [the fandom] is an alternative and blissful world that we’ve created ourselves”. She calls the real world, the other, and highlights the optimistic nature of the world they have created themselves through the K-Wave. It is the creation of a world in which they can express their concerns, problems, and happiness. This is called the “politics of sisterhood”, which allows women to express themselves and find comfort by each other (Modiri, 2012).

4.3 Between preservation and change

Turkish (young) women experience struggle for on the one hand change towards their role in society, which they comprehend in the messages that K-dramas propagate and on the other hand the maintenance of the national culture and so too the consequences this culture has on their position in society. What makes the K-Wave distinct is the active engagement of the fans that create their own participatory culture instead of consuming products catered through mass media, as has been found in previous studies. Furthermore, the Asian cultural identity that has been underpinned by previous studies that focus on conservative traditional sentiments is found more plausible than Hollywood movies (Oh & Chae, 2013).

Şeyma (23) who has been to South Korea two times already and is preparing for her next trip at the time the interview was conducted, confirms the fascination of female viewers for K-dramas with her statement: “mainly girls are interested. They perceive South Korea as a “dream country” through the dramas they’ve watched and the music groups they listen to”. Korea is perceived as a country that Turkish women are dreaming of, which is realised through dramas. The knowledge disseminated through K-dramas that focus on strong female characters chasing their dreams without any repercussions is influential in creating the image of a country in which dreams are realised. This also encourages Turkish female viewers to demand more from the

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roles assigned to them. The fact that Çiğdem (47), a wife, a mother can visit Korea all by herself without her family, is a sign of refutation of traditional norms dictated by the patriarchal society, which would not permit it.

Except for the “dream country” effect, the disappearance of Turkish cultural values in Turkish dramas, and how Korean dramas are actively promoting their culture and preserve their traditions and values attract K-Wave consumers.

“When we watch [Turkish] TV now our TV series and music do not represent our culture so much. Entering houses with shoes on in TV-series… In our culture we don’t enter houses with shoes on, but in K-dramas even in the home of the richest person the shoes are taken off and slippers are worn. Our series are also watched in Arab and Latin American countries, but how much do we show our culture? We have one of the biggest cuisines in the world. In how many dramas can you see a character preparing sarma or dolma? While in K-dramas you learn about all kinds of Korean food from

kimbap, kimchi, to japchae”. – Şule

Here, the part of the “self” that is perceived as lost in modern times is projected towards and found in the “other”. Yang’s (2008) article on K-dramas and gendered representations makes a distinction between low educated women who watch K-dramas that focus on domesticity and highly educated women who watch K-K-dramas with the focus on career development. The highly educated ones are seen to be less keen on traditional values that they call “backward” and are considered more critical in terms of the position of the women in the hierarchic ladder. In the case of the interviewed Turkish females this does not seem to hold, as traditional values are still considered to be important regardless of the social class of the females. This can relate to the importance of traditional values, which is embedded in the pre-existing religious-conservative discourse in Turkey, and its dominance in shaping the

thoughts of Turkish females. Davies & Gannon (2005, p. 319) refer to Butler (1997)

and state: “we come to see them as our own, to defend them, to desire their maintenance, to understand ourselves in terms of them. Subjectification involves the simultaneous imposition and active take-up of the gendered conditions of existence.” This active take-up of gendered conditions and the thoughts in which women express how they understand the world around them demonstrate how external forces have formed these thoughts, but are acknowledged as shaped from the inside.

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5. Conclusion

Mostly women are influenced by the Korean culture they are exposed to through the K-Wave and use it in a way to challenge their current positions in society by engaging with fandom activities. The interviews conducted in this study show the relation between knowledge and power in a conservative patriarchal society experienced by (young) women and their endeavour to handle their subjugation by articulating their voice through the K-Wave phenomenon.

It is important to understand the normative authority that enables the encouragement of certain behaviour from a TV-series and its audience that accepts storylines that on the one hand problematize gender perceptions and on the other hand reinforce certain patriarchal aspects related to gender roles. The connection between knowledge and power is made through the reciprocal relation between the knowledge in the form of public opinion that such dramas generate and sustain and the soft power of these dramas that is able to dictate social norms. The drama that has been described in this thesis, Boys over Flowers is one of the many examples of Korean dramas that reinforce patriarchal values. While it can be contested that there is some progress made with regards to the femininities and masculinities depicted in dramas, the masculine domination is still present.

In this study, it is found that Turkish (young) women handle their subjugation through the consumption of and active engagement with the K-Wave phenomenon. The K-Wave experience however perpetuates the values prescribed by the religious-conservative patriarchal discourse that is prevalent in Turkey, which while being lenient and encouraging for female participation in public spaces to some extent, prioritizes the role of women in the family and their subordination to men. With this in mind, Turkish female viewers apparently do not problematize patriarchy in K-dramas and even consider the cultural norms, such as family relations that prescribe patriarchy as something valuable. The trigger of chasing dreams and realizing them draws the focus from the perpetuation of patriarchal values that are embedded in K-dramas. These standards are normalized and even valued among Turkish K-drama viewers. The effect of K-dramas on gender relations in Turkey is therefore minimal, except for it forming spaces for handling their subjugation.

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The major limitation of this study is that while it is informed by ethnographic research, the findings show a little scope of generalization. It does however point number of things to be developed in further studies. One of these points is an extensive analysis on the use of language. While this study attempted to analyse the language, it is limited. A thorough analysis will show a coherent picture of how K-Wave consumers speak about their world. Additionally, a complementary analysis on K-pop is also recommended, since the focus of this study was mainly on the knowledge conveyed through K-dramas.

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K-Wave experience in Turkey - Handling subjugation in a patriarchal society