MA THESIS
Television and Cross-Media Culture
June 26
th2015
(Mad)Ventures through Finnish Society and Culture:
Alternative journalism, Governmentality and Reflections on Finnish Culture
and Society
Supervisor: Leonie Schmidt
1 Table of Contents
I Introduction………2
II Theoretical Framework……….………..7
Representation and the Construction of Discourse………10
Alternative Media……….……….11
Citizens’ Media……….……….12
Radical Media……….………14
Critical Views on Alternative Journalism….………..17
Governmentality and Distribution of Power………18
III Methodology………21
IV Case Studies………....24
Case study: Madventures ‘Cuba’……….……….25
Case study: Docventures ‘Activism’……….………..31
Case study: Madventures ‘West Africa’ ……….……….37
Case study: Docventures ‘Food’……….………..44
V Discussion………49
VI Conclusion……….………50
References………..…………53
2
“Through the journey of a million kilometers, five continents and over a thousand days’ worth of documentation of Madventures one question has often come to mind: what should we really know about the world? It is not necessarily the information that is lacking, but rather the time. We are trekking through a sense crippling, successive of a postmodern information tsunami and trying to fish the pre-organized, factually valid, source critical, packed in a nutshell and above all, essential information from the whirlpool of the sea of information that the internet provides” (Rantala & Milonoff,
2014, translated from original)
I INTRODUCTION
In the contemporary era of digitalization and new media, the sphere of journalism has been experiencing major shifts and transformations in the way that it functions. Not only have the boundaries begun to blur between what is and what is not considered journalism, but the convergent nature of the contemporary media has opened the doors to nationwide discourses surrounding topics brought up in the media. Different forms of what is referred to as ‘alternative journalism’ have developed and begun to offer countless perspectives of the world and the endless information at hand.
The question of what counts as journalism in general is often under debate, which leads to the question of what, then, is alternative journalism? Logically and very broadly speaking alternative journalism can be said to fall under ‘what is not mainstream journalism’. As media and culture scholar Chris Atton describes; “Alternative journalism, at least in its ideal form, is produced outside mainstream media institutions and networks. It can include the media of protest groups, dissidents, fringe political organisations, even fans and hobbyists” (2004, 3). Definitions of what the concept involves range from the stance that it must involve some form of social, cultural, economic or political objective to the viewpoint that alternative journalism “may or may not be politically radical or socially empowering” (Couldry and Curran, 7). A general consensus includes, however, the impressionthat alternative journalism is positioned outside of the mainstream media sphere and does not require only professionals to carry out the reporting; amateurs, too, make up a group that can be considered a reliable source of information. This inevitably brings up the relevance of
3 authenticity in addition to reliability of what is presented, not forgetting about the importance of the presentation of the information.
Alternative journalism also oftentimes carries with it the affiliation with anti-capitalism. Critical of alternative journalism that lacks any radical agenda, journalist Eamonn McCann argued, “an “alternative” media project, which is not in some way, even informally, linked to a wider effort to overthrow capitalism isn’t really alternative at all” (qtd. in Harcup, 65). Aiming to break
association with a top-down system of communication, alternative journalism typically aspires to engage in horizontal communication among citizens. The emphasis on active citizens and the objective of countering capitalism raise questions concerning relations of power. Who holds power and how is power distributed within the sphere of alternative journalism?
Targeting especially the youth in the education about geography, cultures and the world at large, Finnish alternative journalists Riku Rantala and Tuomas Milonoff have been raising global issues to national light in Finland over the past decade, inciting national discourse around current and relevant topics. Beginning their activity with the travel documentary series Madventures aired first in 2002, they presented representations of different parts of the world. The program offered an unusual take on travel programming, visiting remote places in the world and promoting the
backpacker way of travel. Throughout the series the hosts emphasize the necessity to discover the world as well as acquiring information about the number of cultures and societies our world accommodates. The first season of Madventures adopted a gonzo style in its documentation of the backpacker way of travel. The series continually developed over the first and the following two seasons by providing more critical elements in the second season, and finally adding further insights into societies and cultures of extreme values in the third and final season, aired in 2009.
The follow up series, Docventures, was inspired by what Rantala and Milonoff learned throughout their travels while making Madventures. Each episode of Docventures introduces a global topic followed by the screening of a chosen documentary on the topic. A live broadcast with guest experts is then conducted where the audience is encouraged to participate in the discourse through various forms of social media, such as Twitter and Facebook. Rantala and Milonoff encouraged viewers to engage in the discourse surrounding the different themes each week, resulting in a public participatory conversation. The relevance of the global issues and the discourse
4 constructed around these issues lead to the essential question of how do Riku Rantala and Tuomas Milonoff reflect on global issues in their series Madventures as well as later Docventures? What kind of discourses do they construct around these issues, and what do these discourses tell us about contemporary national discourses in Finland? In other words, through the discourse of global issues created by their alternative journalism, how is our gaze pointed back at contemporary Finnish culture and society?
In the attempt to find answers to these questions, this thesis will trace what discourses are constructed in Madventures and Docventures’ reports on global issues through the last decade of activity. The ways in which alternative journalism is employed in the series present their
perspectives and thoughts on their discoveries about the different geographies and cultures visited. Two selected episodes from each of the series on chosen themes will be used as case studies to trace developments within the series. A narrative along with a visual discourse analysis of representation will be employed to the cases of Madventures in order to investigate what
discourses are constructed, for which Stuart Hall’s concept of cultural representation will be used as a backbone. An analysis of Docventures will follow, which will investigate its function as alternative journalism and the reflection on Finnish culture and society through an analysis of the discourse of participating audiences.Varied features of alternative journalism will be explored in relation to the analysis of Docventures: Clemencia Rodriquez’ notion of citizen media will be of relevance to
examine “the transformative processes they bring about within participants and their communities” (79). Citizen’s media in combination with Atton’s concept of alternative journalism plus Downing’s concept of radical journalism will be appropriated in order to characterize the nature of the
programme and to make sense what role the public has and whether the public role of journalism is appropriated in a constructive way educationally and/or as social activity. The limitations of each of the theories will be explored and critically assessed. Finally, Foucault’s structures of power – specifically his notion on governmentality - will be employed to understand the specific discourses that are constructed to grasp how the audience negotiates these discourses. Referring back to McCann’s rather absolute statement about what in his opinion can be considered as alternative media projects, Madventures and Docventures maintain an anti-capitalist standpoint throughout their activity. Although the programmes both function in a capitalist environment, this research will
5 suggest that the alternative journalism of Riku Rantala and Tuomas Milonoff uses its potential for social activity in ideal ways by producing critical media content as well as positive social activism.
The study has both societal and scientific relevance for several reasons. First, the popularity of Madventures and Docventures make it a relevant object for study. Rantala and Milonoff have maintained their cult status in Finland since the beginning of their activity from over a decade ago. What began as a project concerning the ideological elements of tourism has over the years
developed into global action. To provide an example of this, currently Rantala and Milonoff are in the middle of a project involving relief aid in the ongoing crisis in Nepal, which will be further
expanded on in the next section. Their activity and education are valuable examples of cross-cultural encounters, the potential of social movements, and the sharing of knowledge and raising awareness of important global issues. A critical study of their works and politics allow us to look closely at the intersections between media, journalism and social movements. Not only do Madventures and
Docventures bring up imperative subjects that require attention and have managed to successfully
persist over the years, but their shows also remain widely influential among Finland’s next generation of youth – making the critical study of the discourses they construct urgent. My thesis also contributes to the fields of journalism studies and documentary studies, which already receive little attention within media studies. Alternative journalism and specific segments of the field have gained attention in the past (Atton 2001 & 2008; Downing 2001; Harcup 2013; Rodriguez 2002), and Elfriede Fürsich has contributed to alternative travel journalism specifically (2002 & 2003). However, in my thesis the existing theories overlap and the content of the programmes I will analyse does not fit into simply one criterion of the existing theories. Therefore a redefining of the notions of
alternative journalism is necessary. Scholars such as Heikkilä & Kunelius (2005) as well as Aslama & Wllneius (2003) have been contributing to the Finnish television and journalism studies. These studies are fairly old and thus disregard developments in Finland’s alternative media since. In more recent studies, Mikkonen and Oinonen (2012) investigated the effect of travel programs on Finland’s youth and mobility. While these studies contribute to the study of Finland and are of interest and relevance, my thesis will focus on a different aspect and contribute alternate insights that have thus far been neglected. The innovative transmedia project has given rise to several different impacts: high levels of activity in negotiations on social media and participation in social initiatives occurred.
6
Docventures is a one-of-a-kind transmedia project on Finland’s public broadcasting channel.
In 2013 the programme was the most talked about phenomenon in social media and was awarded the title of the best national documentary programme in addition to the best television-act. As such the programme requires attention in both Finland studies as well as media studies. Lastly, this thesis will analyze people’s negotiations with governmental discourses. Scholars such as Ouellette and Hay (2008) contribute to the study of governmentality and citizenship with regard to television in addition to other scholars such as Miller (2007) and Lemke (2001), who investigate cultural citizenship and neo-liberal governance in relation to media studies. While many studies such as the examples I have named focus mainly on the social effects of television on viewers, my study
contributes to the specific case of Finland and how people are trained to be critical citizens through
Madventures and Docventures .
7
II THEORETICAL FRAMEWORK
In his analysis about documentary films, Finnish documentary maker and doctor of arts Jouko Aaltonen stated that one of the characterizing traits of documentaries is that it “reaches out to the external world and makes a certain claim against it” (16). The same could be said for
alternative media representations which, without exception, involve the portrayal of a perspective. Consequently, it is important to always bear in mind that the message conveyed is a claim and an ideologically charged interpretation. In the contemporary world where alternative journalism exists in countless forms, it is commonly difficult to filter out the useful or valuable from the nonsense and junk. Nevertheless, different forms of alternative journalism have been providing societies with other perspectives on many subjects and initiated discursive activity with seeming potential for social, cultural and political activity.
In light of the current crisis in Nepal following an earthquake on April 25th, 2015 the
Madventures and Docventures team made use of their visibility and reputation and reached out to
the Finnish public through social media in order to help people in crisis. They set up an account for donations and requested citizens to send in tents, sleeping bags and other necessary equipment such as water purification tools that would be of use for people in the earthquake zone. In addition they searched for companies to become involved in the charity work and collaborated with
companies involved in camping equipment, cargo shipping as well as charity organizations in taking action. The Facebook pages of both Madventures and Docventures are keeping citizens up to date on developments and the situation through informative posts and by uploading photos on a regular basis (see Figures 1.1-1.4).
This example that is currently in process will serve as the starting point in the framing of
Madventures and Docventures as a model of alternative journalism. What kinds of discourses do Madventures and Docventures construct while reporting on issues like the Nepal earthquake? What
do these discourses say about their context of production, namely Finland? And how do these discourses have a disciplinary component to them? How do they stimulate action and participation? And how are these discourses negotiated? To explore these questions I will draw on a number of theoretical concepts. These are representation (Hall), discourse (Foucault), alternative media
8 (Atton), citizens’ media (Rodriquez), radical media (Downing), and governmentality (Foucault). Below I will define each of these concepts and explain how I will use them in my thesis.
Figure 1.1
“The first worldwide Madventures- travel nation relief shipment set off toward Lamagaunia, Nepal. Do you understand that this is all because of each one of you? Look at that photo of the sleeping bags that had shown up at Varuste.net right away in the morning. This is unbelievable! Be people proud of yourselves for a moment and then on to the next! We keep you posted! Join us and send your own dispensable camp gear to Varuste.net. You can also donate directly dough to Danakosha Aid.” (Facebook, Madventures)
Figure 1.2
“We have just received information that the first support shipment of the Madventures travel-nation has arrived safely in Nepal! Ups Finland was able to transport this valuable load through a tricky international route. Now we’re in the last stage of the operation: The troops of Fida International are steering the freight toward the village of Lamagaun as we speak. This shipment contains vital tents, sleeping bags, equipment for water purification and lighting equipment. We will stay tuned and update you soon!”
9 Figure 1.3: An image of the tracker poster on
the Madventures Facebook page to provide information on the location of the shipment and its’ journey from the origin of Helsinki to the destination in Kathmandu, Nepal, from where it will still continue to the final destination of Lamagaun
Figure 1.4:
“Here again at the village of Lamagaun in Nepal HUNDREDS of tents sponsored and donated by the wonderful travel nation are
Being lifted. Up until now WAY OVER A THOUSAND people are Sleeping under shelter from the cold, rain, snakes and other creatures thanks to you. Think about it. A THOUSAND IS A HELL OF A LOT, more than the population of Pelkosenniemi!The entire village of 456 families have now been supplied with temporary accommodation…” (Facebook, Madventures page)
10
REPRESENTATION AND THE CONSTRUCTION OF DISCOURSE
It is important to keep in mind that Madventures depicts how Rantala and Milonoff experience the world through their travels and that the program is strictly limited to their perspective. Ideas and messages are conveyed through representations; most of the time the portrayal of something in television is not purely accidental or coincidental. Although
representations are often created unconsciously, the general style, effects and different audiovisual techniques are used to create the final piece in a certain way. In his work on representation Stuart Hall addresses how media functions as a tool for communication, producing “meaning through representation” (3). Hall explicates that language, regardless of whether it is in the spoken or written form or in the form of symbols, signs or images, works through ‘systems of representation’ in which the different “elements – sounds, words, notes, gestures, expressions, clothes – are part of our natural and material world… they construct meaning and transmit it… they are the vehicles or media which carry meaning because they operate as symbols, which stand for or represent the meanings we wish to communicate” (5). Hall’s concept of representation is essential for the analysis of Madventures and Docventures because of how the programs translate to the audience. The programmes would not enjoy the cult status and popularity within Finland as they do if they did not communicate something to their audiences, and it is through the narrative and visual meanings and elements in the programmes that different discourses are constructed.
In the following chapter Hall goes on to differentiate between different approaches to deconstructing representation. For the purpose of this study the appropriate approach is the constructionist approach. In this approach a distinction is made between the material world and the “symbolic practices and processes through which representation, meaning and language operate” (25). In Hall’s view “it is social actors who use the conceptual systems of their culture and the linguistic and other representational systems to construct meaning, to make the world meaningful and to communicate about that world meaningfully to others” (ibid.). The constructionist approach will be employed for the analysis of Madventures in order to evaluate how the various representational systems construct discourse. The analyses of the different visual and narrative elements, both direct and symbolic, enable to distinguish how the discourses are constructed. This will be followed by a separate analysis of Docventures
11 focusing on the discourse on social media through the alternative journalism model, and how
this reflects back on Finnish culture and society.
ALTERNATIVE MEDIA
The scope of alternative journalism is very extensive and includes a wide variety of definitions as to what is or can be labeled as alternative journalism. These range from amateur productions such as individual blogging, where according to Chris Atton, “this journalism focuses less on the journalist as professional expert; instead it proposes a relationship between writer and reader where epistemological claims may be made about the status of journalism and its practitioners...The blog has become both an alternative and a mainstream practice” (2008, 84). On the other end of the spectrum, moreprofessional methods such as privately institutionalized oppositional television channels, for instance REN TV1 in Russia, are also often considered as ‘alternative’: At the time that REN TV’s central current events programme was cancelled, the BBC reported that "Russian
mainstream national television has lost its last “alternative” voice as private channel REN TV has said that it is axing its award-winning current affairs programme, The Week with Marianna
Maksimovskaya” (Ennis) . This example comes to show how loosely the term ‘alternative’ is often made use of. It is therefore impossible to restrict the definition to one that suits all and different cases require the attention of different aspects of the existing definitions at hand. Constantly developing technological innovations and increasing modes of participatory media platforms add to the ambiguity of defining such concepts in addition to the overall confusion surrounding the
terminology. It is therefore necessary to make clear in relevance to each individual study what exactly is meant by the terminology used. As a result, the general question of what makes up alternative journalism is much too vague and not of use for the purpose of this study. Instead, the question of interest is: what kind of alternative journalism is made use of in the cases of
Madventures and Docventures, and what kinds of effects are produced socially and/or culturally?
1
REN TV is a privately owned independent television channel, and the only one which devote allocates coverage to various sides of the political spectrum and contrasts the different voices. It is considered among the last liberal media outlets in Russia. (Mickiewicz, 2008, p.174-176)
12
Citizen’s Media
Alternative and citizens’ media frequently make use of participatory media like blogs and social networks and are often misinterpreted and oversimplified by narrowing them down to as being “simply equated with the technologies they use… and without a coherent grasp of the social, cultural and political processes involved in making them transformative and sustainable” (Pettit, Salazar, Dagron, 443). In his essay ‘Raids and Reconstructions: Essays on Politics, Crime, and Culture’ (1976) Hans Magnus Enzensberger briefly reflected on the role of the media, suggesting an
alternative use of the existing media that would be free from political power (Atton, 120). This view suggests that rather than fitting in the frame of top-down journalism where the power lies mainly in the hands of state authority, a horizontal participatory model should be employed as an ideal form of media. The three defining qualities of Enzensberger’s proposed alternative include “the
interactivity of audiences and creators, collective production, and a concern with everyday life and the ordinary needs of people” (ibid.). Media and communications scholar Clemencia Rodriguez’s theory of citizens’ media follows Enzensberger’s ideas of the media as socially inclusive and encouraging in participation. According to Rodriguez:
[Citizen’s media] implies having the opportunity to create one’s own images of self and environment; it implies being able to recodify one’s own identity with the signs and codes one chooses, thereby disrupting the traditional acceptance of those imposed by outside sources; it implies becoming one’s own story teller, regaining one’s own voice; it implies reconstructing the self-portrait of one’s own community and one’s own culture. (2001, 3)
Rodriguez’s theory of citizens’ media delivers the position that a form or type of alternative media serves as the provider of the space for the public to make use of the discursive activity, which in turn is provided by the media. Alternative media such as the example of Docventures functions as a public space in which social networks are considered as the space for
participatory discourse. Anyone with the technology is able to participate and the activity is two-way, although limited: participants respond to Docventures, but Docventures also respond to some of the comments on social media. Through the interactivity that the alternative media provides, the public is given a voice and communication is horizontal. This
13 works as a tool of empowerment as well as agency for potential social, cultural or political
transformative processes.
In a talk about alternative media, Michael Albert described that “an alternative media institution sees itself as part of a project to establish new ways of organizing media and social activity and it is committed to furthering these as a whole, and not just its own preservation” (1997), which supports the conception of citizens’ media as described by Rodriguez. Citizens’ media takes into consideration the “progressive thinking that challenges the status quo and offers space for enactment of agency among marginalized communities across the globe” (Dutta, 273). The role of citizens’ media is not simply to inform and provide guidance for the public but rather to concentrate “on communication as social interaction” (Atton, 123).
In Rodriguez’s extended explanation of citizens’ media, political involvement of the citizen plays a significant role. However, for the purposes of this study the focus is not so much on political empowerment per se, but rather the potential for individuals to become socially, culturally or politically active through the distinct and participatory alternative journalism Rantala and Milonoff present. Returning to the example of the ongoing crisis in Nepal, Rantala and Milonoff’s initiative on a social media network in combination with people’s immediate responsiveness and action come to show how social activity is able to reach global levels. That fact carries considerable significance from a humanitarian
perspective by being a considerable aid for the people in crisis.
Docventures provides a participatory platform through which the public is both
permitted with and encouraged to having a say within an otherwise typically controlled space. The concept of citizens’ media allows me to investigate ways in which Riku Rantala and
Tuomas Milonoff have organized their journalism in terms of public interest.
The organizational frameworks of alternative media in general differ from those of the mainstream media. Sandoval and Fuchs explain that according to alternative media scholars, “participatory, collective organization, horizontal structures and non-commercial financing characterize alternative media” (141). These factors often come with an incorporated notion of opposition or criticism against capitalism. As Chris Atton explains, the rise of modernism and widespread reforms taking place throughout the Western world “included challenges to existing ways of addressing publics and establishing claims of authority… The development of alternative journalism thus came to refer not only to oppositional political, social, cultural and
14 economic movements, but also to claims that bourgeois journalism and the accepted
procedures and forms it relies upon were also increasingly suspect” (2008, 18). He is of the opinion that alternative media should therefore typically assume an anti-capitalist form of association in order to provide a more neutral perspective that is inclusive on a wider sphere of societal and cultural background. The analysis of the chosen case studies will demonstrate how Madventures and Docventures represent and construct an anti-capitalist perspective in addition to how a participatory model of media creates horizontal structures.Tim O’Sullivan, Professor of Media and Cultural History, supports the approach which includes an anti-capitalist message within alternative journalism, introducing “the notion of ‘radical’ social change as a primary aim of ‘alternative’ media, in the sense that they all advocate change in society, or at least critical reassessment of traditional values” (2002, 15).
However, the opposition and/or criticism toward capitalism pose several problems. First, there is often inconsistency between the message and the environment in which the message is conveyed. The current system is capitalist. Alternative media projects “are not located outside the capitalist system and therefore are dependent on financial resources for the production and distribution of their products, which can hardly be obtained without making use of commercial mechanisms of financing” (Sandoval & Fuchs, 143). While
Madventures was produced on a very low budget and not heavily relying on financing from
commercial sources; according to Milonoff the daily budget for absolutely everything involved in the show was twenty euros (‘Meidän Isoin Juttu on Rehellisyys’). Nevertheless, the show was and still continues to be broadcast on a commercial channel in Finland. In addition, the
Madventures website has a ‘store’ section through which merchandise can be purchased,
hence the show itself as a brand has a place within consumer culture. Still, capitalism can and has been used for a good end as we have seen with the case of Nepal.
Radical Media
The work of communications scholar John Downing on radical media is widely considered as an extensive study of alternative journalism (Atton, 2008, 121). Downing suggests that “the value of alternative media is found in its potential for social and political change” (ibid.), a view that follows the thought of the abovementioned principles. Downing’s radical media
15 suggests that activists, whether social or political, work toward certain goals through
communal activity. Many political cartoons serve as an example of Downing’s radical movement media, such as Finnish artist Tove Jansson’s illustrations for Garm2 magazine during the time period surrounding the Second World War: political statements and positions are often strongly interconnected to radical media (Karjalainen). Downing places emphasis on one distinctive feature, namely that within radical media the significance of the developments lie in the message as well as the organization of the movement. As Atton clarifies, “the medium itself requires transformation; the position of the work in relation to the means of production has to be critically realigned. This requires not only the radicalizing of methods of production but a rethinking of what it means to be a media producer” (121).
Downing’s theory of radical media in combination with citizens’ media are both useful for the analysis of the alternative journalism produced by Rantala and Milonoff through
Madventures and Docventures although they overlap at times and require revising in some
respects. Both programmes make use of radical media: Madventures conveys socio-political and cultural messages through its narration as well as visual effects as I will show later in the analysis, and Docventures is first transmedia project of its’ kind to raise social, political and cultural topics to national light and open discourse with the public.
Tony Harcup explains Downing’s radical media as having a dual role, namely
“expressing opposition ‘vertically from subordinate quarters directly at the power structure and against its behaviour”, and/or building “support, solidarity, and networking laterally against policies or even against the very survival of the power structure’” (139). Docventures stimulates discussion and encourages citizens’ participation while expressing opposition and a call for the re-thinking of existing power structures through their anti-capitalist manner. On the topic of citizen journalism, Luke Goode provides the viewpoint that “the heroes of ‘authentic’ citizen journalism are those who capture events on their cameras, break stories about events in their locales, expose the failings of public and private institutions and their personnel, and sometimes become celebrated opinion-leaders, having circumvented the traditional journalistic career path” (1290). Over the past decade of activity in Rantala and Milonoff’s alternative journalism one of the continually reoccurring themes is the criticism on
2 Garm was a satirical magazine that existed for thirty years around the time of both World Wars. It took political stance and opposed the wars and conservative ideology (Karjalainen).
16 capitalism and its overpowering influence in the contemporary Western world. Therefore the
view that alternative journalism aims to overthrow capitalism is vital for the analysis and deconstruction of the chosen case studies.
Taking into account the different theories mentioned above, Madventures and Docventures fall under the categories of several rather than a single definition. These theories of
alternative media suggest an inclusive and participatory role of the media. The social, cultural and political themes suggest a concern with contemporary structures in everyday life. By questioning them and instigating discourse around the topics, alternative journalism explores whether conflict or dissatisfaction exists. The discourses evaluate current situations, are reflective of citizens’ opinion, and often revolve around what can or should be done for societies to improve.
The two programs can be considered to provide a local alternative public sphere in the mainstream media sphere of Finland. Specifically Docventures offers participants otherwise scattered geographically throughout Finland, but with similar interests, a platform through which they are able to discuss and debate varying global themes and reflect on them locally together in discursive activity. Both programs involve “activism, questioning, alternative explanations, elevated experiences and the illuminating light of information” (Rantala & Milonoff, 2014). In addition, because of the unique style of production of each of the
programs that fall under what can be considered radical media, the style and narration as part of the overall production have a significant effect on how the message is conveyed to the audience. In a study about citizens’ media and communication, it is stated that “the role of alternative and citizens’ media as processes of communication, dialogue, and self-expression, by which people can create their own knowledge and alternative sources of power, is not widely understood” (Pettit, Salazar & Dagron, 444). Although further research has been carried out in the recent past, for example studies on social media platforms such as Twitter or YouTube (Poell & Bora), the specific cases of Madventures and Docventures have not been yet researched. The subject is of importance because of the ostensible effect it has had:
Docventures broke the record for having the highest activity in history on social media in
relation to a broadcast program at the time it was aired (Panttila). Therefore my thesis contributes to the specific field of alternative journalism as well as Finland studies.
17
CRITICAL VIEWS ON ALTERNATIVE JOURNALISM
Before moving on to the next section of theory, a few points of criticism must be underlined in relation to the different, largely optimistic understandings and forms of alternative journalism. First, Enzensberger’s suggestion for a politically emancipatory media arrangement is much too simple and lacks rationalization as to how such a model could exist and survive. The role of participation of citizens in alternative journalism is made indispensable, which overlooks other modes of alternative journalism that may not have a participatory character. In their criticism on alternative journalism, Marisol Sandival and Christian Fuchs name three specific limitations of a participatory media model that require attention. First, they point out “the fragmentation of the public sphere” (143). They explain that participatory forms of alternative media are too quick in their aspiration to abolish capitalism, neglecting to see the potentially constructive consequences of “capitalist skills [such as] marketing and promotion” (ibid). In the effort to escape capitalism and state control, alternative media projects facilitate the division of the public into small niche audiences. The fragmented media projects sooner or later tend to face larger organizational and financial problems; in a capitalist world where most major projects rely on visibility through advertising and distribution processes it is difficult to remain sustainable. Consequently, many such idealistic alternative media projects do not survive.
The second point of criticism lies in the idea that participatory media can take form as ‘means of profit accumulation or for advancing repressive political purposes’ (144). Although theorists such as Enzensberger are in favour of participatory media and believe that kind of alternative journalism can function as politically emancipatory, they fail to consider the contrary side of the potential:participatory media also provides a space for degenerative activity, such as extremist groups and the opposition to progressive change (ibid).
Additionally, very often in an ‘anti-capitalist’ atmosphere of alternative media, the social activity of the participants is taking place on the internet through social media. These
platforms are largely owned by major corporations such as Google or Facebook. Occasionally in the idealistically driven attempt to take down capitalism participants fail to realize that their very own activity is contributing to it.
The final point of criticism thatFuchs and Sandoval bring forth is that forcing
18 forms of alternative media that may not be participatory in nature but still have a visible social or cultural effect (145). No participatory model was implemented in production and
distribution of the three seasons of Madventures. Rantala and Milonoff documented their own travels, which were broadcast on Finnish television in the classical representative style. Studies conducted on the effect of Madventures on young people in Finland showed that the series had notable positive results in educating the youth about developing countries
(Mikkonen & Oinonen, 7). In a study about the Finnish youth, media and developing countries, Plan Finland Foundation stated the significance of Madventures to be noteworthy in the field of journalism on developing countries because Rantala and Milonoff communicate a sincere and real image of the everyday life of the destinations. Even though the facts of evidence in the show are communicated in an underground way that steps out of the mainstream, the program is not fiction (Nuoret, Media ja Kehitysmaat).
GOVERNMENTALITY AND DISTRIBUTION OF POWER
In a series of lectures from 1977 and 1978 titled ‘Security, Territory, Population’, French philosopher Michel Foucault was concerned with the function of governments in both, how they happen as well as how it is thought. Taking the existing French word
gouvernemental, Foucault used the term ‘governmentality’ in his lectures as a fundamental
concept (Bröckling , Lemke & Krassman, 1). His use of the term differed from how it was understood in the national media’s presentation of it, which was “presenting the government as the author of social relations” (ibid). Foucault’s use of the term encompasses a much wider range of factors and relations in the analysis of power and how it is distributed, and thus liberated the term from its semiological situation (ibid). Having noted two difficulties with the term’s understating of power, Foucault criticised it for its’ corrective formation on individual bodies that lack understanding for subjectification. The second point of criticism lies in its’ focus purely on state institutions, such as prison and hospitals (1-2). Such focus and analyses of power is insufficient according to Foucault and ignores the notion that “power is
everywhere; not because it engulfs everything, but because it comes from everywhere.” (1987b, 93).
19 For Foucault, a “necessary critique of the common conceptions of power” (1997a, 88)
required the introduction of governmentality as a term:
This word [government] must be allowed the very broad meaning it had in the sixteenth century. ‘Government’ did not refer only to political structures or to the management of states; rather, it designated the way in which the conduct of individuals or of groups might be directed – the government of children, of souls, of communities, of the sick … To govern, in this sense, is to control
the possible field of action of others. (1982, p.221)
For Foucault, governmentality has a negotiative utility in which it mediates between power and subjectivity, enabling analysis of the way in which systems of control are bound to what Foucault Foucault explored in his seminar (1988) ‘technologies of the self’ (Bröckling, Lemke & Krausmann, 2). Technologies of the self are the techniques by which individuals organize themselves, namely the mechanics dictating individual conduct. These technologies are based on day by day experiences and can be imposed from some direction or be natural.
In relation to contemporary neoliberal citizenship, citizenship from the angle of
governmentality may be seen as a system of “governing a global population of thousands of millions by dividing it into the smaller subpopulations of particular states” (Hindess, 1487). With increasing globalisation within the Western European nation-states through
international trade and global media among other factors, neoliberal citizenship faces a tension between political and consumer sovereignty on the one hand, and democratic governance along with citizenship on the other hand (Brzenchek, 1). There is an apparent friction as the alternative journalism of Madventures and Docventures both draw on capitalist tools in several ways, such as being broadcast on a commercial channel, by being a brand, or by using corporations in their ventures. However, they do so with humanitarian means. My study contributes to governmentality studies by looking at the alternative media model of the chosen case studies. It is left up to the audience to critically think about the documentaries and form opinions; the power distribution functions both ways in that the alternative
journalism of Madventures and Docventures imposes notions and principles. The audience is provided with tools to self-govern and provide their own insights.
In a study about citizenship and public service broadcasting, David Nolan explores the Foucaultian logic of governmentality and its applicability specifically within the ‘dispute over journalism practice’, pointing out that the definition of “government” in the Foucaultian
20 understanding requires emphasis. In this view ‘government’ is not simply understood as the
use of state authority: it can be applicable “to any practice that functions to exert influence over subjects who, in turn, exercise some degree of power in their own right” (233). The media can be seen as such a site in which power functions horizontally. Rantala and Milonoff exert their journalistic power through Madventures and Docventures, but the media site in which they function allows citizens to exert power as well, which is relevant for the final discourse analysis of the case studies. Through their ten years of activity, it could be argued that Madventures has, to a certain extent, succeeded in turning into an ideal alternative media system (see figure 2) as Docventures.
Figure 2: Two contrasting media systems as suggested by Sandoval and Fuchs
The audience reached is largely limited to the youth. Madventures, as with any other Western travel programme, is connected their “certain position within the global media culture” (Fursich, p.222). The show presents globally appealing topics and through its alternative journalism Madventures has raised important issues, creating discourse and raising
awareness. However, it does not itself escape the capitalist model of journalism, and in the end it does not have that much of an impact on capitalist hegemony that prevails in the Western world. Still, the shows both contribute to a humanitarian endeavor and train critical citizens through their activity. As I I will suggest in this thesis, through their alternative journalism, first in the construction of discourse through representation in Madventures followed later by public participatory discourse of Docventures, Rantala and Milonoff produce cultural products and use the capitalist environment for common good instead of purely commercial ends.
21
III METHODOLOGY
I selected this specific corpus on the basis that the activity of Rantala and Milonoff has for years been of personal interest to me and while living in Finland for several years I noticed the enormous excitement as well as contribution from young adults around the country to what I felt is important dialogue when Docventures first aired. It seemed extremely influential in the lives of Finnish youngsters and it was unlike any other previous programme Finland had seen; both programmes encompass entertainment and educational values that prompt discourses around meaningful topics.
Having had watched all three seasons of Madventures and the two seasons of
Docventures, I decided to re-watch all three seasons of Madventures. I also re-watched many
episodes of the two seasons of Docventures, while skipping some topics such as experimental drug use, religion and monetary greed. I did not consider those topics as imperative for my purposes compared to other ones and I do not feel that they are as prevalent in general national discourse in Finland as the chosen topics. After having spent a significant amount of time watching the episodes I made a selection of four episodes through the different seasons of both Madventures and Docventures. At first, other chosen themes included ‘Finnishness’ and ‘Humanity’, both topics that are reflected on throughout the activity of Madventures. In addition, Docventures has devoted episodes of their own to these topics. Due to limitations such as the restricted amount of time to carry out my research I narrowed the selection down to two episodes from each programme.
After the first cut of narrowing down the choices of episodes as case studies I opted for the themes of ‘Food Industry’ and ‘Activism’. There are several reasons for choosing these specific themes, the first one being that both themes are of high personal interest to me and I feel that they are very important topics in the contemporary world not just in Finland but also on a global scale. The two themes are intertwined and continuously overlap throughout the activity of Madventures and Docventures as the case studies will point out. The two chosen episodes of Docventures do not appear in chronological order in my analyses. The reason for that is because they are paired up with episodes of Madventures according to their themes. Pairing up an episode of each programme according to their themes allows me to outline the
22 evolution from constructing meaning and conveying a message to discursive outcomes that
are reflective of Finnish society and culture.
Both of these themes are confronted in daily life by people around the world: Activism makes way for development and change. Without activism many social movements such as the environmental, women’s liberation or LGBT social movements would not have happened. The theme is very significant because Madventures and Docventures themselves arguably are a form of activism. In addition to constructing discourse around different important global topics, they also take action and instigate social activity in ways that will be further discussed in the case studies.
The theme of food is brought up repeatedly over the decade of activity in discussions around corporate industries, food production and questions about ethics and animal rights. Differences of cultures and lifestyles are also often discussed around the subject of food, where comparisons between the West and other places are often made and questions of what can or should be learned from one side or the other are raised repeatedly.
In describing the nature of Docventures, the website of the production company behind the two programmes states the following:
Docventures is a transmedia phenomenon and an engaging Social Television format that curates and introduces hardcore factual content to the big audience. Docventures initiates meaningful public conversations about topics that matter. The show has curious journalistic take and educational manifesto designed to Millenials. The host is curating and introducing world-class documentary film selection under the weekly theme. The host interviews guests (substance-driven specialists, scholars, researchers..) and shares the experience with the audience. The Social Television experience creates opportunity to express opinions, participate and share the personal opinions. (Gimme Ya Wallet)
Several considerations covered in the theory of citizens’ media will be of relevance for the investigation of the case studies of Docventures for the reason that the discourses within the social media platforms question the current state of affairs on both a global and a local scale. Through providing and encouraging criticism, alternative views and thought provoking ideas, both of the programs address the potential for social change. As a result I selected several different theories of alternative journalism that are of benefit in my analysis. Madventures and Docventures both fall under the general category of alternative journalism in their unique and underground approach that step outside of the mainstream media characteristics of
23 journalism. By inciting social movements, humanitarian projects and by empowering citizens
in discursive activity the programmes also make use of citizens’ and radical journalism theories. Over the past decade of activity in alternative journalism one of the continually occurring themes is the criticism on capitalism and its overpowering influence in the contemporary Western world. Therefore the view that alternative journalism aims to overthrow capitalism is vital for the analysis and deconstruction of the chosen case studies.
The unique content of the each media project plays a fundamental role in how it communicates to and is received by its audience. Television studies began adopting a textual approach around the 1970s and 1980s, adopting the methods from the already existing film studies. It opened the doors to discussions around meanings that are translated to audiences by identifying signs and symbols that construct meaning (Bignell, 86). Bignell states that “the ‘language’ of television consists of visual and aural signs” (87). The visual signs refer to elements such as the graphics, props, camera use and for example the colour scheme of a programme. The aural signs refer to what can be heard, meaning the possible music, speech, and sound effects. In my analysis I have used a chart to note down observations of the
different aural and visual elements in the chosen episodes (see Appendix). This enables me to make use of Hall’s constructionist approach and pin down the factors conveying messages that in turn construct discourses.
In a chapter titled ‘Narrative Criticism’, Leah Vande Berg outlines two assumptions in the field of narrative studies. First, “human beings construct their understandings of
themselves and their lives, their immediate environments, and even worlds outside their direct experience using stories” (198) and second; “human beings use stories to construct coherence in the world and guides for living within it” (ibid.). Taking these assumptions as a starting point in my narrative analysis, I will examine the vocabulary used and the specific narration of Riku Rantala, which in combination with the visual and other aural factors will help understand how and what discourses are constructed. This approach also allows me to observe how the participating citizens’ make use of mediated information in discourses on social media.
The narrative and visual analysis of Madventures allows me to carry out an analysis of how the audience participates in discourses. For this section I have selected comments from social media to analyze how our gaze is turned toward Finnish culture and society through the
24 thoughts and comments of citizens participating in discourses. I chose the comments based on their immediacy; all the comments that have been selected in the analysis were either aired live on the actual live-aftermath session of Docventures or traced back from Twitter or Facebook according to their date and time, in line with the live-broadcasting. It is worthy of noting that I have translated all the comments from the Finnish language. These include not only the comments acquired from social media but also the spoken comments in all the episode case studies with the exception of the second Madventures case study on the topic of food because it is in English in its original form. I have tried to be as objective and accurate as possible in the translations. Some texts were also translated from Spanish to English for the first case study on Cuba. For this I asked several native Spanish speaking people to translate the texts.
Summing up, through their ten years of activity, Docventures encompasses the reoccurring global themes experiences through Madventures and provides a documentary with the intent to provoke discussion surrounding the various themes. While Madventures does inevitably portray a perspective of the presenters themselves, it is not always the case that the presenters are in line with what is presented on Docventures. Both of the shows have instigated activity in the audience over social media, with thousands of people participating in discourses of varying global topics. Both series prompt viewers to think about, question, criticize and evoke feelings and opinions around the topics of discussion, and it is therefore of my interest to investigate first how discourse is constructed through Madventures followed by how Docventures’ model of alternative journalism points our gaze at Finnish culture and society.
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IV CASE STUDIES
CASE STUDY: Madventures, ‘Cuba’
“Without activism we wouldn’t have a five day workweek, maternity packages, free education, and freedom of speech or anything that we now take as self-evident. Finland
wouldn’t even be independent without activism. Madventures has met civic activists in Burma as well as in Africa. Although they still have a hell of a way to reach their goals, their
faith has not ended.
Maybe we in Finland could learn something from that.” (Docventures, YLE.)
Activism lies in the heart of radical and citizens’ journalism as both aim for some form of progression, whether it is socially, democratically, politically or culturally. According to Atton and Hamilton, “the historical trajectory of ‘alternative journalism’ can be best understood as a continual response to dominant practices” (2008, 21), a kind of activism in its own right, then. Activism as a general idea has also been a part of Madventures throughout its’ three seasons of existence. Contrary to the participatory nature of Docventures, the later series based on information and knowledge gained from the years of travels and seeing the world, Madventures is a one-way rather than a participatory model of alternative journalism. It is still considered as alternative because of its unique and underground style. Written and produced by Riku Rantala and Tuomas Milonoff themselves, the two traveled and created the series. All three seasons were broadcast on the Finnish national commercial channel Sub. Additionally, the third season, which was made in English, was bought by the Travel Channel in the United States and Fiver in the United Kingdom.
In the seventh episode of the second season, which was first aired on Sub on April 4th, 2005, Rantala and Milonoff travel to Cuba. Because they are commonly known by their first names and always refer to each other on that basis, first names will be used from now on. It is noteworthy that Tuomas Milonoff goes by the nickname Tunna instead of Tuomas. The episode has a strong emphasis on the history and the revolution of Cuba. The tone of the episode is set from the very beginning through the use of close up images. Already in the first six seconds following the opening credits, images include a map of Cuba with the name of the country written above it followed by a couple of revolutionary snapshots. These are images filmed out on the streets: a text on a building translating to ‘Socialism or Death’ (see figure3.1) and close up of a billboard that is an image of Che Guevara with the text ‘Che lives in the reality of facts more than ever’ (see figure 3.2). Such images are accompanied by music of Cuba and more snapshots portraying Cuban culture in a cordial style (see figures 3.3 and 3.4). These means
26 generate a congenial outlook toward the life of the locals and immediately generate an overall pro-revolution discourse.
Figures 3.1 and 3.2: pro-revolutionary imagery from streets of Cuba
Figure 3.3 and 3.4: imagery of dance and music in daily Cuban life
As in the case with each episode, Riku begins by providing a brief introduction on where they are located and the route that they will be taking. He gives a short description on Cuba, its size and
population. The discourse that is constructed in this episode is that the revolution is considered as a very positive development, something that becomes evident through Riku’s statements such as the following; ‘Long live Cuba! Long live Fidel! And long live Revolution!’ (Madventures, ‘Cuba’). Part of this discourse is a strong anti-capitalist attitude that follows throughout the episode. The discourse is constructed through a number of audiovisual and narrative techniques, namely camera effects such as distance and angle, mise-en-scene, sound, and narration. One scene toward the end of the first half of the episode, set in Guantanamo, especially stands out in the way it constructs discourse around anti-capitalism and action against imperialism. Additionally a few other scenes from throughout the episode that heavily communicate an anti-capitalist and pro-socialist message to the audience will be analyzed systematically to illustrate how the discourse is constructed.
27 The main chosen scene is just under two minutes in length and consists of broken up imagery of Cuban scenery when not focused on Riku, standing in a tower overlooking the area of Guantanamo Bay. The scene begins with disordered clips of revolutionary billboards and clips of Cuba (see figure 3.5). The shots are filmed by Tunna holding the camera in his hand and the rawness emphasized by the instability of the camera generate a very pragmatic view with an authentic quality that invite the viewer to observe the scenery in the way Riku and Tunna themselves see it.
Figure 3.5: Shot of a billboard on the street that lasts about a second in the episode
The camera focuses on Riku who uses a direct-address and speaks directly into the camera, pulling the viewer in. The viewer is thus steered to experience his perspective.Riku provides a brief introduction on the location, pointing beyond at the area of Guantanamo Bay and says that ‘there lies the area in which international unruly politicians offend human rights and rip up international agreements’ (ibid.). Riku puts emphasis on the words ‘rip up international agreements’ by ironically smiling straight into the camera and ripping up imaginary papers in the air, provoking feelings of hostility toward the intruder.
The narration in combination with a shot of Riku (see figures 3.6 and 3.7) looking down over Guantanamo Bay with binoculars that have the text ‘FOR DISTANT VIEWING’ written on their side suggest something negative, as if the text is a warning of something. The off-putting effect is emphasized through repetitive shots of the same image from different angles, while Guantanamo Bay can be seen far in the distance.
28 Figure 3.6: A screen-shot of Riku looking down at the distant Guantanamo Bay.
Figure 3.7: Close up of the sign on the binoculars overlooking Guantanamo Bay
Through these techniques the viewer is inclined to consider the Guantanamo Bay area as intimidating. Riku then goes on to explain how the area was claimed by force, introducing the United States into the picture. He says, ‘A rogue state known for its role as a drive shaft for evil and the primary winder of inequality claimed the region as its base over a hundred years ago. Yes, Cuba cannot be spoken about without mentioning the United States of America' (ibid.). The scene is hand filmed by Tunna and has a genuine quality to it, as if watching some kind of home video. There is much movement of the camera in the form of short snapshots as well as the lens zooming in and out, to which choppy editing has been added to keep the style intact. The accompanying soundtrack “Unknown Poetry” by Furi Anga adds to the overall mise-en-scene through its fast paced drum and bass beats; the music adds to the mood of fast paced change taking place. Riku is dressed in a casual short sleeved shirt and wears a golf hat while
29 smoking a large Cuban cigar in between his narration. The overall effect is slightly amateurish although it does not undermine the information Riku provides in his narration. On the contrary, his casual,
easygoing style makes the show accessible and probably is an additional reason for appealing to the youth. The amount of research and factual information behind Riku’s metaphors and witty sentences add credibility to the series. Consequently, when a theme is scrutinized in the series discourse is constructed around the topic, which in this case becomes the discourses of anti-imperialism and liberation from capitalist occupation, as will be demonstrated.
In another scene of the episode Riku is standing before Che Guevara’s Monument and
Mausoleum. The snapshots show him saluting the statue, yet again images of revolutionary graffiti on walls, nature, the streets and the monument itself. Traditional Cuban music is playing in the background, which fades when the focus turns back to Riku. The camera is focused on him with the monument of Che Guevara just behind him as Riku sings the line ‘Santa Clara saw the morning’, again holding a Cuban cigar in his hand. After a few seconds of snapshot again, Riku speaks directly into the camera and says, ‘Here the heroic revolutionaries overthrew the Batista forces and slammed the life out of ‘the dictatorship of the flies, Trujillo flies, Tacho flies, Carias Flies, Martinez flies, Ubico flies. And so Santa Clara is deservedly the city of Commandant Che Guevara’s personnel’ (ibid.). Riku directly quotes from ‘The United Fruit Company’, a poem by Pablo Neruda about the company of the same name that had a well established monopoly and imposed its imperialism through destructive habits around certain countries in South America (Landmeier). Through such narration, Madventures criticizes capitalism and the idea of it as the dominant social system. Riku is much less subtle at the end of the aforementioned scene in Guantanamo when he says, ‘natural resources of Latin America were divided out to Ford Motors, Anaconda Mining, mhm mhm mhm mhm Incorporated, et cetera… American corporations are not however celebrating in the subversive Cuba: that is why it’s a spike up the Yankee ass’ (ibid.) He then goes on to explain how the United States attempts to crumple Cuban trade, ‘as the pig police always do when its advantages are endangered” but that despite poverty and shortage there has been no rebellion from the Cubans, the plans of what refers to as Roosterlandia3 ‘have gotten fucked’ (ibid.). The final shot of Riku zooms in on him speaking and pointing into the camera, unmistakably addressing the audience in saying, ‘I order you to also fight against American imperialism’ (ibid.).
These examples taken from the narration in the episode in addition to the underground style of documentation accomplish a certain representation that becomes ‘the meaning of the concepts in our
3 Translation from Finnish slang, rooster in this context and idiom closely related to the English saying of someone/something ‘strutting their own’
30 minds’ (Hall, 17). It was already mentioned above that in addition to the very direct instruction to fight against imperialism the episode uses subtle or metaphorical references through language, but also in the broken up imagery from the camera. The episode invites viewers to fight capitalism, although it falls short in putting forward alternative ideals. However, the episode provides Riku and Tunna with ‘ideological power to be exerted over publics’ (Nolak, 229), thus inviting a rethinking of aspects of our social and economic system.
Stuart Hall introduced ‘the constructionist approach’ as an approach to deriving meaning from language, language including not only the spoken and written form but also concepts, signs and symbols represented (1997). In this approach “it is not the material world which conveys meaning: it is the language system or whatever system we are using to represent our concepts. It is social actors who use the conceptual systems of their culture and the linguistic and other representational systems to
construct meaning, to make the world meaningful and to communicate about that world meaningfully to others” (25). Taking the constructionist approach to break down Madventures, then, would be to note that the underground amateurish style in combination to the slang language, swear words and the overall non-conformist approach of the hosts construct a language that appeals to the youth. The language spoken is very much the language of the youth themselves, which creates a sense of
authenticity that has a tendency to appeal to the youth. The appearance of the journalists can also be considered as appealing to the youth because of the, for the lack of a better word, ‘cool’ props such as a cigar, often alcohol, tattoos and Riku’s regular smoking. These stylistic factors in combination with the imagery and sharp, often satirist narration construct discourse around the theme of each corresponding episode. The implicit and explicit representations in Madventures have a governing function of steering the audience to a certain view and way of thinking. Downing states that in the case that “the implication of radical alternative media content is that certain kinds of change are urgently needed in the economic or political structure, but the present is very clearly one in which such changes are unimaginable, then the role of those media is to keep alive the vision of what might be” (8). Although Riku and Tunna explicitly express objection toward at least parts of the economic structure of the Western societies without providing potential alternatives, the following case study of Docventures demonstrates how they ‘keep alive’ and encourage their audiences to suggest and reflect on possible alternatives.
31
CASE STUDY: Docventures, ‘Activism’
In describing the function of Docventures, the GimmeYaWallet Ltd. Productions website describes that “the main goal is to create social engagement: the audience is watching the weekly
documentary together, discuss about the topic and learn & DO something new”. It is through this model that the program brings forth a different theme each week. The themes have been selected according to what global issues Riku and Tunna feel are topics that matter based on their travels through Madventures. The opening episode of the second season of Docventures was aired on 3.9.2014 on the Finnish public broadcasting channel Yle2. The topic for the week was the general theme of activism; on their collaborative website together with the broadcasting channel Yle,
Docventures provide a broad definition of what activism can be considered to be:
Activism is direct action. It is a citizen’s public operation in society. Protests and civil disobedience are activism. Activism includes also different forms of campaigning, lobbying, releasing material as well as cooperation with the political decision-makers. In the age of the internet activism has moved to the web.
In explaining what is meant by activism they add that it is precisely activism that Docventures itself is about; it is “the fight against apathy” (ibid). Furthermore, the second season of Docventures took on an extra project, namely ‘activism of the week’4: For the particular week in question Riku and Tunna set up an organization called ‘Welfare State’s Godparents’, collecting nearly ten thousand euros from anonymous ‘godparents’ made up of Finnish citizens (Hyvinvointivaltion Kummit Ry.). The significance of this example lies in the objective-oriented activism practiced by Riku and Tunna; in their aim to maintain the benefits and comfort of the welfare state as it stands in the nation of Finland and by inviting citizens to participate in the initiative, the notions of alternative radical media and citizens’ media merge in their endeavor. Docventures essentially takes social, political and cultural action through their activism, serving also as a model for citizens to follow; it also serves as a platform for citizens to voice themselves either for or against proposals on top of the option of participating in taking action. Having constructed a certain message around the topics of capitalism,
4
The activism of the week is a project Docventures takes on in correlation to the theme of the week. For the activism themed week Riku and Tunna set up a foundation that collected money to pay back to the Finnish government, with the aim of making up for some of the tax funds that have been lost due to tax avoidance by certain politicians, for example (http://hyvinvointivaltionkummit.fi/).
