A MODERN TREND IN NIGERIAN ARABIC LITERATURE THE CONTRIBUTION OF CUMAR IBRAHIM
BY
MOSHOOD GBOLA ADENIYI RAJI
Thesis submitted f o r the degree o f Ph D in the U n iv e r s ity o f London
School o f O rie n ta l and A fric a n Studies June 1986
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ABSTRACT
This th e s is i s a research in t o the growth in N ig e ria o f Modern Arabic L it e r a t u r e , from the impact o f modern secular thought on the medieval A ra b ic -Is la m ic l i t e r a r y t r a d i t i o n . In chapter one the spread to N ig e ria o f Islam and the growth w it h in i t s c u lt u r a l context of Arabic l i t e r a t u r e are discussed in the l i g h t o f the c la s s ic a l Arabic l i t e r a r y th e o ry . C u ltiv a te d as an in t e g r a l p a rt o f Isla m ic t r a d i t i o n a l
sciences, Arabic l i t e r a t u r e throughout i t s development in N ig e ria had remained the fu n c tio n o f Isla m ic r e l i g i o n . A ll the l i t e r a r y men were e s s e n t ia l ly Muslim j u r i s t s (a l-fu q a h a *) w r it in g in a sacred medium. The various aspects o f t h i s r e li g io u s l i t e r a r y t r a d i t i o n , a l - t a g ! i d , are described w ith i l l u s t r a t i o n s in chapter two.
In chapter th re e the process o f how modern European l i t e r a t u r e had given b i r t h in Egypt and Greater S yria to Modern Arabic
L it e r a t u r e , and i t s major cu rre n ts are described. Thus in s p ir e d , Modern Arabic L it e r a t u r e i s not Islam ic but Arab n a t i o n a l i s t
o rie n te d w ith very l i t t l e to o f f e r the non-Arab Muslims in the name of the Is la m ic Commonwealth. The non-Arab Muslims have a cco rdin g ly embarked on developing t h e i r own na tion a l l i t e r a t u r e in E n g lish , French or a v e rn a c u la r. This phenomenon, seen in Turkey, Iran and Senegal is also demonstrated in N ig e ria by the b i r t h o f modern Hausa l i t e r a t u r e instead o f A ra b ic. This development i s discussed in chapter fo u r w it h in the context o f the Western c u lt u r a l impact on Islam ic N ig e ria .
But the study o f Arabic and Islam ic r e l i g i o n in secular
i v
i n s t i t u t i o n s imposed by modern p o l i t i c a l order has begun to challenge the e x is t in g r e l i g i o u s l i t e r a r y t r a d i t i o n . N ig e ria has now produced some A r a b is ts , in c lu d in g C h r is tia n s , in whose l i t e r a r y innovations Arabic language and l i t e r a t u r e i s no longer an e x c lu s iv e fu n c tio n o f Islam ic c u lt u r e . Influenced by n e o -c la s s ic a l Arab w r i t e r s , the most outstanding c o n tr ib u tio n to t h i s new tre n d i s the diwan
C M w
(anthology) o f Umar Ibrahim, the l i t e r a r y e x p o s itio n o f which is made in chapter f i v e . In co n clu sion , the scope o f the l i t e r a r y innovations introduced i n t o Nigerian Arabic l i t e r a t u r e i s h ig h lig h te d w ith an attempt to determine i t s prospect.
V
ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS
My acknowledgement is due, in g e ne ra l, to a l l the authors whose ideas have c o n trib u te d in one way o r another to t h is th e s is . They are legion most o f whose names and works appear in my b ib lio g r a p h y .
Without the immediate a tte n tio n o f my s u p e rv is o r, Professor H T N o r r is , however, most o f these ideas and my own a n alysis o f them would have remained in shambles. I am, th e r e fo r e , indebted to his prompt
assistance, care and mature sch o la rsh ip which has given shape to t h i s t h e s i s .
My sincere g r a titu d e goes to my sponsor, the Commonwealth Scholarship Commission in the United Kingdom through the Federal
M in is tr y o f Education; and to my employer, the Ahmadu B e llo U n iv e r s ity . Without the f i n a n c i a l support provided by the former and the study leave granted by the l a t t e r , i t would not have been p o ss ib le f o r me to conduct t h i s research here in London U n iv e r s it y . I am p a r t i c u l a r l y poor o f thanks to my head o f department, Dr Dalhatu Muhammad f o r the r o le he played to f a c i l i t a t e my release by the Ahmadu B e llo U n iv e r s ity .
I owe Professor Ogunbiyi special g r a titu d e f o r a llo w in g me to study his l i t e r a r y p ro d u c tio n ; and al-Qad?cUmar Ibrahim h is diwan which he took pains to discuss w ith me. Both o f them to t h i s study, are a source o f i n s p i r a t i o n to which I am f o r ever indebted. Others to whom I remain g r a te fu l inclu d e Mai am Haruna Musa, the former Nigerian Ambassador in Iran and Cairo w ith concurrent a c c r e d ita tio n to Ir a q , Lebanon, S yria and Libya. Through a s e rie s o f discussions
vi
w ith him, I am able to e n ric h my knowledge o f the contemporary Is la m ic w orld and t h e i r r e la t io n s h ip w ith N ig e ria . Others are Professor Shehu Galadanci f o r h is encouraging remarks a f t e r reading some o f my d r a f t ; and a l l my N igerian and Arab colleagues f o r a s e rie s o f r e l i g i o u s , l i t e r a r y and p o l i t i c a l d iscussions.
V I 1
TABLE OF CONTENTS
Page
ABSTRACT i i i
ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS v
TABLE OF CONTENTS v i i
ABBREVIATIONS x
SYSTEM OF TRANSCRIPTION xi
INTRODUCTION 1
CHAPTER ONE
THE GROWTH AND MATURITY OF ARABIC LITERARY TRADITION IN NIGERIA
I The P enetration o f Islam 18
I I The C u lt iv a t io n o f Arabic Language Through Isla m ic
Scholarship T r a d it io n 21
I I I The M a tu r ity o f A ra b ic -Is la m ic L it e r a t u r e in N ig e ria 26 IV The Concepts o f A e s th e tic s , C r e a t iv i t y and C r it ic i s m
in C la ssica l Arabic l i t e r a r y Theory
A. Poetry 34
B. L it e r a r y Prose 44
V The C l a s s i f i c a t i o n o f Nigerian Arabic W ritin g s 49
CHAPTER TWO
TRADITIONALISM IN NIGERIAN ARABIC LITERATURE
I The Isla m ic O rie n ta tio n o f Arabic L it e r a t u r e 65 I I The T r a d itio n a l Methods o f Composition:
A. a l - c aqd and Hallu M-manzum 68
B. Mucaradatu ’ 1-kalam 69
C. The Iq tib a s and Tadmin 71
D. - —The T a s h tir and Takhmis - « ... 72 I I I The Poetic Techniques:
A. T r a d itio n a l Rhyme and Metre Schemes 75
B. The Opening, and Closing Doxology 78
C. The A r t o f Playing upon le t t e r s : { i ) A c ro s tic Verses
( i i ) The Chronogram T r a d itio n 82
v m
IV Themes in N igerian Poetry 83
A. Panegyric 86
B. Elegy 88
C. Boasting and S a tir e as Sub-Themes 90
D. Amatory Verses 92
IV Language and Imagery 93
IV L i t e r a r y Prose 100
( i ) E p is to la r y 102
( i i ) L it e r a r y H is to r y , Biography and D es c rip tio n 103
CHAPTER THREE
MODERN LITERARY TRENDS IN THE ARAB WORLD
I The Contact o f Islam w ith Western C i v i l i z a t i o n 114 I I The Growth o f Modern Arabic L it e r a t u r e 117
A. The Pioneers 119
B. The Roles o f the P r in tin g and T ra n s la tio n 122 I I I Some Fundamental D iffe re nce s between European and Arabic
L it e r a r y T r a d it io n 124
IV The M a tu rity o f Modern Arabic L it e r a t u r e
A. Romanticism 131
B. Modern L y r ic a l Poetry 134
C. N a rra tiv e and Epic Verses 137
D. Realism and Commitment 139
E. Drama 140
F. The Transformation o f the QasTda 144
G. Some General C h a r a c te r is tic s o f Modern Verses 150
H. Short Story and Novel 152
CHAPTER FOUR
MODERN ARABIC LITERATURE IN NIGERIA
I Modern Arabic L it e r a t u r e in the Contemporary Muslim World 168 I I The Impact o f Western C ultu re on Islam ic N ig e ria
A. The General Response to Western C ulture 172
B .
I n d i r e c t Rule 177C. The P o l i t i c a l and Educational Awakening: The N a t io n a lis t
Current 181
i *
I I I The Modernization o f T r a d itio n a l A ra b ic -Is la m ic Scholarship
A. The Modern Arabic Schools 186
B. Arabic Studies in Secular Schools and U n iv e r s it ie s 189
C. Nigerian Students in Arab U n iv e r s it ie s 193
IV T r a d itio n a l Resistance and C r it ic i s m o f Secular
Education 196
V L i t e r a r y Production 201
A. Displacement o f Arabic by Modern Hausa L it e r a t u r e 206 B. The N a t io n a lis t S p i r i t in Modern Nigerian Arabic
Poetry 211
C. Modern Prose 217
D. Shuwa Arabic W ritin g 223
CHAPTER FIVE
CUMAR IBRAHIM'S DIWAN: A LITERARY RESPONSE OF ISLAMIC NIGERIA TO MODERN SECULAR THOUGHT
I Family Background 236
I I Childhood and Education 238
I I I Career and Travels 243
IV Modern Secular Thoughts in cUmar Ibrahim 246
V His Diwan: Hadiqatu M -azhar (The Garden o f Flowers) 251 VI S p e c ific Influ e n ces o f Modern Arab w r it e r s on c Umar 253 VII Modern L i t e r a r y Innovations in the Hadiqa:
A. Poetry 256
B. L i t e r a r y Prose 290
CONCLUSION APPENDICES BIBLIOGRAPHY
308 318 345
X
ABBREVIATIONS
AAS Asian and A fric a n Studies
BSOAS B u l l e t i n o f the School o f O rie n ta l and A fr ic a n Studies BSOS B u l l e t i n o f the School o f O rie n ta l Studies
HSNBN H is t o r i c a l Society o f N igeria B u l l e t i n o f News IJMES In te r n a tio n a l Journal o f Middle East Studies JAH Journal o f A fric a n H is to ry
JAL Journal o f Arabic L it e r a t u r e
JAOS Journal o f the American O rie n ta l Society JARS Journal o f Arabic and R eligious Studies JHSN Journal o f the H is t o r ic a l Society o f N ig e ria JNES Journal o f Near Eastern Studies
JRAS The Journal o f the Royal A s ia tic S ociety
MSS Manuscript ( i n d i v i d u a l l y described and located) NATAIS Journal o f the Nigerian A ssociation o f Teachers o f
A rabic and Is la m ic Studies
RBCAD Research B u l l e t i n o f the Centre o f Arabic Documentation WAJE West A fric a n Journal o f Education
WASC West A fric a n School C e r t if ic a t e
SYSTEM OF TRANSCRIPTION
The fo llo w in g E nglish e q uiva le n ts o f Arabic l e t t e r s , based on the new e d it io n o f Encyclopaedia o f Isla m , have been adopted. In some cases, however, A n g lic iz e d proper names, except when in Arabic t e x t , are not tra n s c rib e d .
Arabic Symbol E quivalent
%
x n
Arabic Symbol
(jP
U °
)e>
t I
<3
c i >
j 6 r
£ >
y
c s
Short Vowels: a
Long Vowels: a
Dipthong: ay
Equivalent
s
d
t
z
c
gh
f
q
k
i
m
n
h
w
y
i u
i u
aw
INTRODUCTION
Although the o r ig i n o f Arabic l i t e r a t u r e (p o etry) antedated Islam, i t s eventual development was p r im a r i ly motivated by the need to s ta n d a rd is e Arabic language f o r the sake o f the Holy Qur'an. The growth of Arabic l i t e r a r y theory thus proceeded from the c o d if ic a t i o n o f Arabic grammar, p h ilo lo g y , r h e to r ic s and prosody to which, under the in flu e n c e o f the A r i s t o t e l i a n R hetorics, the a r t o f poetry was reduced. I t was then in c o rp o ra te d , l i k e Rhetorics in medieval
T rivium , i n t o Is la m ic t r a d i t i o n a l sciences as a c r a f t in which form i t had been d iffu s e d through Egypt, North A fr ic a and the Maghrib in t o Nigeri a.
Introduced in t h i s form, Arabic language and l i t e r a t u r e had remained the p e r q u is it e o f only the learned malams, composing in Arabic, 'th e very language o f God'. A ll the w r it in g s in verse or prose, a c c o rd in g ly , had remained e x c lu s iv e ly the fu n c tio n o f Isla m ic c u lt u r e u n t i l the c o n ta ct o f Is la m ic N ig e ria , t h i s ce n tu ry , w ith Western c u lt u r e . Under the in flu e n c e o f modern p o l i t i c a l order to which the Sokoto C aliphate had given way, t h i s old l i t e r a r y tre n d is now being challenged by the study o f Arabic and Is la m ic r e l i g i o n in secular i n s t i t u t i o n s , A number o f secular o rie n te d l i t e r a r y
innovations have also emerged the discussion o f which i s the c e n tra l theme o f t h i s study.
This study i s , th e r e fo r e , an extension to N ig e ria o f the processes o f modernization and s e c u la r iz a tio n o f medieval Arabic l i t e r a t u r e , which has marked the Arab world since the middle o f the
l a s t c e n tu ry. Unlike most o f the previous studies o f Arabic l i t e r a t u r e in N ig e ria , i t i s secular o rie n te d having been in s p ir e d by secular thought. I t i s w r i t t e n , th e r e fo r e , n e ith e r w it h in the medieval Isla m ic c u lt u r a l con te xt nor w ith the goals of promoting or
demoting Islam, an impression which i t s secular o r ie n t a t i o n might wrongly convey. More or less a r e v o l t against the e x is t in g r e li g io u s t r a d i t i o n , t h i s study i s c r i t i c a l in i t s d e s c r ip tiv e approaches. I t i s e q u a lly a n a ly tic a l w ith most o f i t s inferences and conclusions derived from the 'mother o f the books'.
This study aims at h ig h lig h t in g the process o f s e c u la r is in g Arabic in N ig e ria so t h a t i t i s p ossible to be studied in a secular context alongside E n g lish , French, Hausa, Yoruba and oth e r languages and l i t e r a t u r e s in N ig e ria . I t would favour the view th a t Arabic language and l i t e r a t u r e should be studied f o r i t s own sake and not f o r the sake o f the Arabic Qur'an which can now be understood in English or d i f f e r e n t Nigerian languages. This s e c u la r is a tio n is arguably the on ly hope f o r the s u rv iv a l o f Arabic language and l i t e r a t u r e ou tside a r e li g io u s context in Contemporary N ig e ria .
Being secu la r o rie n te d , t h i s approach c o n s titu te s a departure from most o f the previous studies on Nigerian Arabic l i t e r a t u r e . Without those works which take a ' r e l i g i o u s ' view, however, the undertaking o f t h i s study would have been p r a c t i c a l l y impossible since any modern tre n d must have proceeded from the o ld . In a l l re sp ect, th e r e fo r e , t h i s study is born o f a l l the previous studies and to them a l l , i t i s indebted. Formost among such works is
c * — 1 £ 2
Dr. A li Abubakar's study described by Umar Jah as an indispensable book on Nigerian h is t o r y , r e l i g i o n , l i t e r a t u r e and o th e r non-m aterial.
A fric a n c u lt u r e . I t i s in t h i s book th a t I had my f i r s t acquaintance.
w ith A m a r Ibrahim whose dTwan, HadTgatu M - a z h a r , 3 I have used in t h i s study, to i l l u s t r a t e the main modern tre n d in Nigerian Arabic
l i t e r a t u r e .
There are a la rg e number o f h i s t o r i c a l and r e li g io u s studies 4
most o f which are e s s e n tia l to the understanding o f the development o f Islam ic c u lt u r e in N ig e ria . But o n ly a few l i t e r a r y stu d ies o f major importance have so f a r been undertaken, since l i t e r a r y a r t is more or less a secondary c h a r a c t e r i s t i c o f Nigerian Arabic w r it in g s . Those few indispensable studies inclu d e the works o f Shaikh Adam cAbdullah a l - l l u r i , 3 Professor M. H is k e tt ,^ Dr. A.D.H. B ivar^ and
8 9
Professor S.A.S. Galadanci. A number o f unpublished theses on Arabic l i t e r a t u r e have also been w r it t e n in a d d itio n to a few l i t e r a r y a r t i c l e s which have begun to appear in some o f the N igerian academic j o u r n a l s . ^ These are the main source o f my knowledge o f the growth o f A ra b ic -Is la m ic l i t e r a r y t r a d i t i o n in N ig e ria .
Making use o f a number o f c la s s ic a l and modern works on Arabic po etics and l i t e r a r y t h e o r y , ^ t h i s study has described how poetry had been reduced to mere r h e t o r ic and incorporated i n t o Is la m ic t r a d i t i o n a l sciences in which form i t had come to N ig e ria . The c la s s ic a l concepts o f l i t e r a r y a e s th e tic s , c r e a t i v i t y and the various methods o f pla yin g the sedulous ape, by which Nigerian scholars have le a r n t to be poets,
are discussed w ith i l l u s t r a t i o n s mainly from the Shaikh A b d u lla h 's po etry . 12 Other aspects o f l i t e r a r y t r a d i t i o n a l is m in Nigerian poetry are also h ig h lig h te d . The p o e tic theme, language, s t y l e and imagery are a l l subjected to s t r i c t Isla m ic t r a d i t i o n and sufT ethos since the w r it e r s as observed by most o f my p re d e c e s s o r-w rite rs , are not
poets but Muslim j u r i s t s ( a l- fu q a h a * ). While panegyric and elegy fo r.
the Prophet and h is best fr ie n d s flo u r is h e d very w ell f o r example, bacchanalian verses were simply unknown.
Other prominent fe a tu re s inclu d e the opening and c lo s in g o f verses w ith a doxology, extensive q u ota tion from the Qur'an and Hadith, a c r o s tic compositions and chronogram t r a d i t i o n . Prosodic ru le s are s t r i c t l y adhered to except in a very few cases such as when the q a fiy a i s repeated ( a l - M t a ’ ) or the enjambment (al-tatmTm)
v io la te d . With a very few exception, the ideas, emotions and images are g e n e ra lly poor, conventional and t r i t e , a phenomenon which can be traced to the l im i t e d scope o f the c u rric u lu m allowed by the s t r i c t orthodox sch o la rsh ip t r a d i t i o n .
The main source o f l i t e r a r y in s p i r a t i o n was p r e -Is la m ic poetry 13 which were studied not as c r e a tiv e w r it in g s but m ainly as c la s s ic a l references f o r grammatical e x p o s itio n s (1 ugha). The N igerian poets also c u lt iv a t e d most o f the e a r ly Is la m ic verses such as the poems o f Kacb b. Zuhayr, Hasan b. Thabit and a l-K h a n s a \ They were in c o n ta c t, o f course, w ith the bulk o f the r e li g io u s poetry o f the Age o f
Decadence, Ibn Durayd, a l- B u s i n and a l-F a z a z f's works being
outstanding examples. But they were not g e n e ra lly in flu e n c e d by most o f the Umayyad and Abbasid poetry o f which orthodox Islam has not approved. The i d e n t i f i c a t i o n by Dr. Sambo^ o f the in flu e n c e s o f such poets as cUmar b. Abi RabTc a and a l - J a r i r in Nigerian verses must, t h e r e fo r e , be considered e x c e p tio n a l.
The Maqamat o f a l - H a r i r i mte also c u lt iv a t e d but the archaism o f t h i s work,and such p r o f a n it y as dramatised by Abu Zaid a l-S a ru jT ,
could not have impressed any p u r it a n . Its in flu e n c e , a c c o rd in g ly , was' lim it e d to the strange vocabularies which are employed to meet the demand o f rhyme. Rhymed prose, except in opening o r c lo s in g doxology, t i t l e s and r e li g io u s sermons, was unknown. Indeed, f o llo w in g the c la s s ic a l t r a d i t i o n , Arabic l i t e r a t u r e in N igeria can be said to be apparently confined to p o etry. The o n ly prose w r it in g s which may be considered b e l l e s - l e t t r e s are a few correspondences, 1i t e r a r y h is t o r y in c lu d in g biography ( a l-s T ra ) to which ‘ d e s c r ip t i o n 1 may be
inco rp o ra te d . A ll these fe a tu re s are v i v i d l y described in chapters one and two o f t h i s th e s is .
The second major section o f t h i s study is the modern tre n d in Islam and Arabic l i t e r a t u r e the a v a ila b le m a te ria ls on which in A rabic, E n g lish , French and German, are in e x h a u s tib le . I t can indeed be said th a t the various discussions on the growth and
development o f modern Arabic l i t e r a t u r e have v i r t u a l l y been exhausted by the Arab and O rie n ta l l i t e r a r y c r i t i c s and h is t o r ia n s . 15 This study i s indebted, f o r most o f i t s conclusions and in fe re n c e s , mainly to the Arabic and English sources to which references are duly made. Since modern Arabic l i t e r a t u r e i s a conscious i m it a t io n o f modern European l i t e r a t u r e , a l l I have attempted here, a f t e r d e s c rib in g the contemporary p o l i t i c a l c u lt u r e , i s to h ig h l ig h t the id e o lo g ic a l and l i t e r a r y d iffe re n c e s between c la s s ic a l Arabic and modern European (E n g lish ) L it e r a t u r e . I t i s thus p o s s ib le to determine the exact elements o f the European l i t e r a r y t r a d i t i o n in modern Arabic l i t e r a t u r e and the extent to which N ig e ria has also
im ita te d such modern elements.
Dr. CA1i Abubakar, Shaikh a l - I l u r i and Professor Galadanci among others have tr e a te d the impact o f Western education on Nigerian A r a b ic -Is la m ic C ulture ( l i t e r a t u r e i n c lu s iv e ) as
subthemes in t h e i r studies from which I have proceeded. Of these works, on ly Professor Galadancil s study can be said to have discussed the response o f N igerian Arabic p oetry to Western education, w ith l i t t l e reference to the modern l i t e r a r y movement in the Arab w orld.
According to him 'th e wind o f the l i t e r a r y renaissance which began to appear in Egypt w ith al-B arudi and which l a t e r become f r u i t f u l w ith the succeeding generation prominent among which was Ahmad Shawqi' did not reach N ig e ria e a r ly enough.16
Apart from the obsoleteness o f t h i s o b serva tio n , the study was w r it t e n in Arabic, which has l im i t e d i t s re adership. And as h in ted above, the study was undertaken w it h in the context o f medieval
Isla m ic thought which makes h is approach to be d ia m e t r i c a ll y opposed to the present study. Above a l l , the impact on Is la m ic N ig e ria , o f such major events as the Renaissance, Reformation, In d u s t r ia l
Revolution and E n g lig h te nm e n t,w h ich have r a d i c a l l y transformed the l i f e o f mankind,in our own view, deserves an independent study o f t h i s type. In t h i s re s p e c t, t h i s study is also indebted to a number o f works on contemporary Nigerian h is t o r y , p o l i t i c s , r e l i g i o n and e d u c a tio n ^ most o f which have proceeded from the impact o f Western c u lt u r e on N ig e ria .
Above these contemporary sources i s the f a c t th a t the h is t o r y o f A r a b ic -Is la m ic l i t e r a t u r e in Contemporary N ig e ria c o n s titu te s a p a rt o f t h i s w r i t e r ' s biography. I t i s a drama in which he has remained an a c to r since n e a rly th re e decades. Born in 1951 under
the f u l l l i g h t o f the c o lo n ia l regime, t h i s w r i t e r had attended both' the Q u r'a n ic , as w ell as the secular school f o r h is primary
education. He had proceeded to one o f the modern Arabic schools18 a f t e r graduating from which he also attended a secular Grammar school 19 where Arabic and Islam ic r e l i g i o n were ta u g h t. He l a t e r attended U n iv e r s it y o f Ibadan w ith a l l i t s s e c u la r is in g
p o t e n t i a l i t i e s described in chapter fo u r . A ft e r graduating from Ibadan U n i v e r s it y , hehadsince 1977 moved to the Is la m ic North, where he remains to date between Ahmadu B ello and Bayero U n iv e r s it ie s as an A ra b ic -Is la m ic s c h o la r.
In s p ire d by i t s contact w ith modern European (s e c u la r) l i t e r a t u r e , the t r a d i t i o n a l concepts o f A ra b ic p o e try , prose,
l i t e r a r y a e s th e tic s , s t y l e , d i c t i o n , images, vocabulary and prosody in modern Arabic l i t e r a t u r e have a l l been s y s te m a tic a lly transform ed.
In p o e try , n a r r a t iv e , epic and dramatic verses were introduced to the e x is t in g l y r i c which in i t s e l f has been subjected to romanticism, re a lis m , commitment and sutrealism. In the process o f t h i s
tra n s fo rm a tio n , the c la s s ic a l prosodic d e f i n i t i o n o f poetry was c r i t i c i z e d , r i d i c u l e d and destroyed. The conspicuous gasida form, in which a l i n e (bayt) o f poem is o fte n made o f two h e m is tic h s
/*%
( a l-s a d r and a l - a ju z ) , a f t e r a se rie s o f experim entation described in chapter th re e , was e v e n tu a lly e lim in a te d . I t was replaced by a s in g le l i n e ( a l- S h a tr ) the length o f which is l e f t to be determined by p o e tic emotion.
The e a r ly attempt to abandon the t r a d i t i o n a l rhyme and metre schemes a lto g e th e r f a i l e d ; e ig h t instead o f the sixte e n t r a d i t i o n a l metres w ith s tro p h ic rhyme scheme are now employed. Like the length*
8
_ c—
o f p o etic lin e s which they o fte n determine, the fe e t ( ta fa i l ) o f - these e ig h t new metres are not combined in the t r a d i t i o n a l r i g i d formulas but subjected to the length o f p r o p o s itio n as propagated by Nazik a l-M a la ’ ik a . This new prosodic metre scheme i s described in some d e t a il s in chapter th re e .
Encouraged by language Academies, jo u rn a lis m , t r a n s l a t io n and adaptation o f European l i t e r a r y masterpieces, modern prose had developed very e a r ly to replace the time-honoured rhymed prose.
Having l o s t t h e i r s a n c t it y to secular thoughts, most o f the n a r ra tiv e s in the Qur'an were reduced to Isla m ic mythology and legends the im it a t io n o f which W e no longer s a c r ile g io u s . The e lim in a tio n o f t h i s r e li g io u s b a r r i e r made i t p o s s ib le f o r c r e a tiv e w r it in g s in o rd in a ry prose in p a r t i c u l a r to be ra ise d to the modern l i t e r a r y standard as short s t o r i e s , novels and p la y s . These modern prose genres which are v i v i d l y described in chapter th re e can be said to have overshadowed p oetry today in Arabic l i t e r a t u r e .
The main c u rre n t which has generated t h i s l i t e r a r y r e v o lu tio n is the impact, on Isla m ic thoughts, o f modern secular education which, in
Isla m ic N ig e ria , has continued to be r e s is te d even at the u n iv e r s i t y l e v e l . But even i f the Nigerian malams had s u f f i c i e n t l y c u lt iv a t e d i t , they would c e r t a i n l y have d ire c te d i t s advantages towards
developing a n a tio n a l, ra th e r than r e li g io u s l i t e r a t u r e as i t did happen in the growth o f modern Hausa l i t e r a t u r e . As a p a r t o f i t s re s is ta n c e to Western education, Isla m ic N ig e ria had clung to the conservative movements in contemporary Islam and o f course, to i t s medieval l i t e r a r y h e rita g e . Discussing the f a i l u r e o f the la t e S ir Ahmadu B e llo to attempt a modernization o f Islam in N ig e ria ,
t h i s study has attempted in chapter f o u r , to i d e n t i f y the reason f o r ■ the tenacious attachment o f Isla m ic N igeria to medieval Islam ic
t r a d i t i o n to the e xte n t o f p a rtin g w ith the Arab modernists.
With the Is la m ic North apparently being consumed by the encroaching v i o l e n t wave o f n a tio n a lis m and a g it a t io n f o r
d e c o lo n iz a tio n unleashed from the south, Western education could no longer be r e s is t e d . I t indeed became a sine qua non f o r Islam ic North i f i t must e x is t as a p o l i t i c a l e n t i t y in the proposed independent N ig e ria . Thus compelled by p o l i t i c a l pressure, some Nigerian Arabic scholars had to c u l t i v a t e Western education from which they e v e n tu a lly le a r n t to d i f f e r e n t i a t e between t e r r i t o r i a l n a tio n a lis m and pan-1 si arnica. They were also encouraged by
Dr East, 20 a c o lo n ia l education o f f i c e r 3to d ir e c t the advantages o f t h e i r Western education towards e volving modern Hausa l i t e r a t u r e instead o f modernizing A rabic. Modern Hausa l i t e r a t u r e has
a c co rdin g ly replaced, today, the medieval Arabic in Is la m ic Northern N ig e ria . But th e re are a few oth e r Western educated malams who have proceeded d e s p ite the t r a d i t i o n a l re s is ta n c e , to modernize Arabic l i t e r a t u r e as described in Chapter fo u r .
I n c i d e n t a l l y , the pace o f modernization o f Islam and the A ra b ic -Is la m ic stu d ies has been more ra p id in the South than in the North. T r a d it io n a l Islam had not matured in th e south before the in t r o d u c tio n o f C h r i s t i a n i t y and Western education. The Muslims, f o r economic, s o cia l and p o l i t i c a l reasons, at the cost o f t h e i r f a i t h , had thus plunged in t o c u l t i v a t i n g secular education. The most compelling fo rc e was perhaps, the C h ris tia n dominated p o l i t i c a l , and economic atmosphere which was f a s t reducing the Muslims to
second-class c i t i z e n s . Other modernizing cu rre n ts in c lu d e the advent o f the Ahmadiyya movement and the re tu rn in t o Yorubaland o f some Western educated Muslim ex-slaves from B ra z il through Sierra-Leone.
There was above a l l , the establishm ent o f the U n iv e r s it y o f Ibadan which since 1962 had continued to a llow C h ris tia n s to study Islam and Arabic language. A ll these fo rc e s , which were unknown in the Isla m ic North, had compelled the course o f medieval Islam in
Yorubaland to proceed in the l i g h t o f Western c i v i l i z a t i o n . In these circumstances, the Is la m ic South w ith v i r t u a l l y no p r e -c o lo n ia l record o f Arabic l i t e r a t u r e has now begun to p la y , l i k e the Greater S yria in the Arab w o rld , the leading r o le in modern N igerian A r a b ic -Is la m ic c u lt u r e .
Imposed by n a tio n a l economic and p o l i t i c a l developments on Islam ic N ig e ria , Western education has continued to be g in g e r ly c u lt iv a t e d in such a way th a t i t has not penetrated beyond the skin o f most o f the Muslims. Modern secular thought th e r e fo r e , has not been able to in flu e n c e consid e ra bly the medieval Isla m ic t r a d i t i o n which has i n e x t r i c a b l y mixed w ith the indigenous Hausa, F u la n i, Kanurs Nupe, Yoruba and oth e r c u lt u r e s . The t r a d i t i o n a l A r a b ic -Is la m ic education was modernized through the establishment o f the Kano Law School and s i m il a r ones a l l over the country. Arabic and Islam ic studies have also been introduced in secular i n s t i t u t i o n s in c lu d in g the u n i v e r s i t i e s . But the f a c t remains th a t the secu la r impacts o f t h i s education have continued to be swallowed up by the overwhelming in flu e n c e o f the medieval Muslim community. An attempt is made in chapter fo u r to describe how most o f the Nigerian u n iv e r s i t i e s o f f e r in g Arabic and Is la m ic studies have been to rn apart by the inh e re n t c o n f l i c t in t h e i r s e c u la r, against the r e l i g i o u s o r ie n t a t io n
11
o f the Muslim communities they are meant to serve. The s p i r i t o f the medieval Isla m ic thought which Muhammad ‘Abduh had sought to modernize in Egypt;which Muhammad Iqbal had sought to
re c o n s tru c t in In d ia , and which Kemal A ta turk had v i r t u a l l y
destroyed in Turkey has, a c c o rd in g ly , continued to wax stronger and stronger in Isla m ic N ig e ria .
I t is from t h i s apparently f o s s i l i z e d medieval A ra b ic -Is la m ic l i t e r a r y c u lt u r e t h a t cUmar Ibrahim has d r a m a tic a lly emerged. Born in Zaria around 1922, Umar had some acquaintance w ith English C
education through which, by sheer p e rsom l e f f o r t s , he managed to acquire 'th e key' to Western secular thought. But h is formal education took the t r a d i t i o n a l way. A ft e r his t r a d i t i o n a l Islam ic education, he had graduated not from Ibadan, Ahmadu B e llo , Bayero or any other u n iv e r s i t y . He on ly attended the Kano Law School where he was tr a in e d as a Qadi since 1942. I t was here that^Umar became acquainted w ith some o f the c la s s ic a l Arabic masterpieces to the study o f which r e li g io u s t r a d i t i o n had not h it h e r t o allowed him an access. He was also introduced to the modern tre n d in the Arab world through the works o f the n e o -c la s s ic a l and the pre-rom antic Arab w r it e r s .
Through these modern Arab w r it e r s , \lmar was f u r t h e r encouraged to c u l t i v a t e modern secular education. He has since then thrown h im s e lf headlong i n t o the study o f Greek mythology, Western
philosophy, c la s s ic s , n a tu ral sciences, astronomy, modern h is t o r y , p o l i t i c a l th e o ry and English l i t e r a t u r e , a l l o f which he has
displayed in h is anthology. His works, to which chapter f i v e is ewd those o f a C h r is tia n Nigerian A ra b is t and a few other
c o n t r ib u t i o n s , c o n s t i t u t e the main examples o f modern N igerian Arabic compositions.
In conclusion an attempt i s made to summarise the main l i t e r a r y innovations introduced in t o Nigerian Arabic l i t e r a t u r e by *Umar and h is contemporaries. Considered as a process o f s e c u la r iz in g Arabic language and l i t e r a t u r e , t h i s new tre n d is d ia m e t r i c a ll y opposed to the e x is t in g r e li g io u s l i t e r a r y t r a d i t i o n in N ig e ria . I t has been provoked by modern secular thought which had also transformed the s o c i o - p o l i t i c a l and the economic l i f e o f Isla m ic N ig e ria to a
considerable e x te n t. The main development imposed is the n a t i o n a l i s t orie n te d p o l i t i c a l order which has sought to d ivo rce Arab n a tio n a lis m from Islam. Under i t s educational programme, i t is p o ss ib le to know
Islam today w ith o u t n e c e s s a rily being p r o f i c i e n t in Arabic language.
I f the i n i t i a l c u l t i v a t i o n o f Arabic language and l i t e r a t u r e in N ig e ria , as discussed in chapter one, had e s s e n t ia l ly been motivated by Islam, t h i s r e l i g i o u s motive does not e x is t today any lon g e r. The modern p o l i t i c a l and economic order has also replaced Arabic w ith English in which case Arabic cannot as well be c u lt iv a t e d f o r p o l i t i c a l o r economic reasons. What f u tu r e then has Arabic in Nigeria? Can Dr Muhammad Ta h ir Liman convince Is la m ic N ig e ria to tr a n s f e r i t s p o l i t i c a l a lle g ia n c e from pan I si amism to t e r r i t o r i a l nationalism ? Can4Umar Ibrahim succeed in checking the resurgence o f the medieval A ra b ic -Is la m ic educational system in N igeria? Can he persuade Is la m ic N ig e ria to c u l t i v a t e , in the name o f l i t e r a r y a r t , the pagan Greek mythology, c la s s ic s , modern European or even the secular Arab n a t i o n a l i s t o rie n te d modern Arabic l i t e r a t u r e ? Is N ig e r ia n a tio n a l education p o lic y ready to t r e a t Arabic l i k e other languages in Nigeria?
13
I f by a m ira c le , our answers to the above questions were to be in the a f f i r m a t i v e , Arabic must then have s u c c e s s fu lly , been
se cularised and reduced to a common fo re ig n language l i k e French or E nglish. Considering th a t English as a l i t e r a r y medium,after p la y in g i t s p a r t , i s now f in d in g i t s e x i t from N ig e ria to give way to an
indigenous l i t e r a t u r e in an indigenous language, what chance has Arabic then to compete w ith Hausa or Yoruba at c u lt u r a l le v e l?
Answers to t h i s and oth e r questions can be found in the course o f t h i s study and in i t s conclusion.
C ertain nomenclatures, to the meaning o f which no emotional r e li g io u s connotations are attached, have been used in t h i s study.
But such terms, unless explained, may be misunderstood e s p e c ia lly by r e li g io u s men. By 'N ig e ria n Arabic l i t e r a t u r e 1 is meant any
l i t e r a r y a r t i s t i c compositions in Arabic language, produced by Nigerians, the su b je ct m atter o f which also deals w ith l i f e in N ig e ria . I t i s on t h i s account th a t the works o f Al-M aghTli and other immigrant c o n tr ib u to r s 21 to the growth o f Arabic l i t e r a t u r e in N ig e ria have been excluded. This term, however, does not r u le out the use o f 'A ra b ic l i t e r a t u r e in N ig e r ia 1 as in the l a s t sentence where t h i s i s demanded by s ty le and c l a r i t y .
The term 1A ra b ic -Is la m ic l i t e r a t u r e 1 had e a r l i e r been proposed f o r d e s c rib in g Nigerian Arabic l i t e r a t u r e since i t i s g e n e ra lly r u le d , u n t i l r e c e n t ly , by Isla m ic s p i r i t . But t h i s term was dropped when my su p ervisor c a lle d my a tte n tio n to the f a c t th a t Arabic
l i t e r a t u r e , in general, since the advent o f Islam, has continued to be ru le d by i t s s p i r i t . Nevertheless, I have been o b lig e d to use t h i s term whenever 'A r a b ic ' or 'I s la m ic ' alone cannot adequately convey my
intended s i g n i f i c a t i o n . S i m il a r ly , the term 'N ig e ria n Islam ' has been used here to d e fin e Islam not from the p o in t o f view o f i t s p r in c ip le s which are one and the same everywhere. But the
s o c i o - p o l i t i c a l i n s t i t u t i o n s in p r a c tic e vary from one c u lt u r e zone to another, a t r a i t which t h i s term intends to emphasize. The term,
' p o l i t i c a l Islam'has also been used in a s im il a r manner since in Yorubaland, f o r example, Islam had not acquired a p o l i t i c a l fo rc e u n t i l the advent o f the B r i t i s h .
There should be l i t t l e misunderstanding in the use o f the term 'Is la m ic N ig e ria ' which simply draws a l i n e between the Nigerian Muslims and non-Muslims. In order to d is t in g u is h the Isla m ic
c u lt u r a l h e rita g e before al-nahda (the Arab Renaissance) a f t e r which the term, 'modern' i s intro du ce d , I have employed the term
'm edieval' or ' c l a s s i c a l ' almost interchangeably. Since modern thought is e s s e n t ia l ly se c u la r, I have considered the d i s t i n c t i o n between 'm o d ern iza tion ' and 's e c u la r is a t io n ' as a m atter o f the degree to which the medieval thought ( e s s e n t ia lly r e l i g i o n ) is subjected to modern thought. These two terms, th e r e fo r e , have also been used almost interchangeably.
But a s i m il a r term, 'W e s te rn iz a tio n ' has been avoided as much , p o ssib le because o f i t s wider c o n no tatio n .\n tie Is la m ic w o rld , no d i s t i n c t i o n i s o fte n made between 'Modern secular th o u g h t' and
'Western c u lt u r e o r c i v i l i z a t i o n ' which is e s s e n t ia lly a compromise between secu la r thought and medieval C h r i s t i a n i t y . This i s the form in which secular thought was introduced to the Muslim world by the C h ris tia n m issio n a rie s, aided in most cases,by the c o lo n ia l
admini s t r a t o r s .
I have fo llo w e d the method o f t r a n s l i t e r a t i o n adopted by the Encyclopaedia o f Is la m , the system o f which is prefaced to t h i s th e s is . E f f o r t s are also made e it h e r to give in parentheses or fo o tn o te s the meanings o f most o f the Arabic te c h n ic a l terms employed f o r p re c is io n or want o f an English e q u iv a le n t. But the extensive q u ota tion s in Arabic has made any special g lo ssa ry a form idable ta s k . I t i s hoped, however, th a t both the con te xt and fo o tn o te s would f u r t h e r guide most o f the readers to understand such passages which are r e s t r i c t e d to p u re ly l i t e r a r y d iscu s s io ns . In oth e r d is c u s s io n s , q u otations are given in t r a n s l a t i o n . Above a l l , the t r a n s la t io n s o f most o f the Arabic verses quoted in chapter f i v e are also appended to the th e s is .
16
FOOTNOTES TO INTRODUCTION
1. cA li Abubakar, A l-th a q a fa tu M - Carabiyya f i N a y jir iy a {C a iro , 1972).
2. cUmar Jah, 'A Review o f cA li Abubakar's Arabic C ultu re in.
N ig e r ia ', Kano s tu d ie s , NS I , 2 (1974/75), pp. 69-73.
3. Mss in the a u th o r's and t h i s w r i t e r ' s p r iv a t e c o l l e c t i o n . See chapter f i v e f o r more d e t a il s on t h i s work.
4. They in c lu d e the works o f Ahmad Baba of Timbuktu, eAbdu ’ 1-Rahman al^-Sacd i , Muhammad B e llo b . ’ cUthman, eAbdul 1 ah b. Muhammad
Fudi, Abdullah (H F C ) Smith, J F A A jayi and M Crowder eds, J 0 Hunwick, Murray Last, M A A l - H a j j, H R Palmer, J S Trimingham M H is k e tt etc to which references are duly made.
5. A A a l - I l u r i , Misbahu M - d i r a s a t i *1-adabiyya f i al - d i y a r i
» 1 -N a y jiriy a (Agege, n . d . ) .
6. M H is k e tt , 'M a te ria l R ela tin g to the State o f Learning among the Fulani before t h e i r J ih a d 1 j.being an e d it io n and t r a n s l a t i o n o f ‘Abdullah b. MuhammadJ_s Idacu ’ 1-nusukh), BSOAS, XIX, 3
(1957), pp. 550-78; ed. TazyTn al-Waraqat b y ‘Abdullah b.
Muhammad (Ibadan, 1963). Because o f the fre q u e n t reference to i t j t h i s work w i l l henceforth be re fe rre d t o , sim ply, as the TazyTn.
7. A D H B ivar and M H is k e tt , 'The Arabic L it e r a t u r e o f N ig e ria to 1804: a P ro v is io n a l A ccount', BSOAS, XXV, 1 (1962), pp. 104-48;
'A rabic Documents o f Northern N ig e r ia 1, BSO.AS, XXII (1959), pp. 324-49.
8. S A S Galadanci, Harakatu * l - l u g h a t i * l - c arabiyya wa’ adabiha f i N a y jir iy a (C airo , 1§82).
9. In c lu d in g : H K Bidmus, 'A L it e r a r y Appraisal o f the Arabic W ritin g s o f the Yoruba cUlama51, M A Thesis (Ibadan U n iv e r s it y , 1972); S W Junaidu, 'Madhu , l - cu?ama' fT Wilaya Sukka', M A Thesis ( U n iv e r s ity o f Khartoum, 1979), 'The Sakkwato Legacy of Arabic Scholarship in Verse between 1800-1890', Ph D Thesis
(London U n iv e r s it y , 1985); R D Abubakre, 'The C o n trib u tio n o f the Yorubas to Arabic L i t e r a t u r e 1, Ph D Thesis (London
U n iv e r s it y , 1980).
10. They in c lu d e D ira s a t cArabiyya and Kano S tu d ie s , both from Bayero U n iv e r s it y , Kano; a l - F i k r and The Research B u l l e t i n o f the Centre o f Arabic Documentation, both from Ibadan U n iv e r s ity ; The Journal o f Arabic and Isla m ic S tu d ie s , U n iv e r s it y o f I l o r i n and the Journal o f the N igerian A ssociation o f Teachers o f Arabic and Isla m ic Studies'! References have been made to al 1
"these jo u rn a l s.
17
11. My c la s s ic a l sources in c lu d e the Holy Qur’ an, the works o f Ibn Qutayba (d. 889 AD), a l- J a h iz (d. 869 AD), Abu H ila l a l - cAskari
(d. 1005 AD), Qudama Ibn dacf a r (d. 922 AD), Ibnu ’ 1-Rashiq (d. 1064 AD), Ibnu »1-Miictazz (d. 908 AD), a l- B a q il 1 anT,
(d. 1012 AD) ‘Abdu ’ l- Q a h ir a l-J u rja n T (d. 1078 AD) e tc . to which references are d u ly made in the th e s is . On some o f my sources on modern Arabic l i t e r a t u r e see below, note no. 15.
Ta zyin , passim, being generally acclaimed the most c la s s ic a l example T n N ig e ria .
13. Of Imru’ u ’ l-Qays, Nabigha al-Dhubya n i , cAntara I'b n
Shaddad, Tarafa Ibnu 5l - cAbd, Zuhayr Ibn AbT Sulma and Alqama b. cAbd,the in flu e n c e s o f whcrnhave been i d e n t i f i e d on Nigerian verses in most o f the studies above mentioned.
14. S W Junaidu, 'The Sakkwato Legacy1, op c i t , pp. 61, 62, 68.
15. This study i s p a r t i c u l a r l y indebted to the works o f Professors H A R Gibb, G E Von Grunebaum, R A Nicholson, A J A rb e rry , S Moreh^among oth e r o r i e n t a l i s t s , and to those o f Taha Hussain, a l - cAqqad, M i k h a i l Nuc aima,_ Umar al-D asuqi, Muhammad Mandur, Mahmud Taymur, Mustafa Badawi and Nazik a l- M a la n k a among other modern Arab w r i t e r s .
16. S A S Galadanci, op c i t . p. 177.
17. Such as the works o f Professors J F A Ajayi and E A Ayandele on the advent o f C h r i s t i a n i t y i n t o N ig e ria ; R A Adeleye on the f a l l o f the Sokoto C alip ha te ; J S Coleman on the growth o f Nigerian n a tio n a lis m ; J N Paden on the impact of Western C ultu re on r e l i g i o n and p o l i t i c s in contemporary Kano; T G 0 Gbadamosi on the growth o f Islam and i t s clash w ith C h r i s t i a n i t y in
Yorubaland; S F Graham and Babs Fafunwa on Education in modern N ig e ria ; and A lb e r t Gerard on the growth o f the contemporary Nigerian l i t e r a t u r e in E n g lis h , Yoruba and Hausa.
18. Arabic I n s t i t u t e o f N ig e ria , Ibadan est 1963 as an o ffs h o o t o f Adam a l - I l u r i > s Arabic T ra in in g Centre, Agege, est 1952.
19. Ansar-Ud-Deen High School, Saki est 1967 by the Muslim
community in p ro te s t against the conversion o f t h e i r c h ild re n by the only e x is t in g B a p tis t High School in the area.
20. See: R P East, 'A F i r s t Essay in Imaginative A fric a n L i t e r a t u r e ' , A f r i c a , IX, 3 (1936), pp. 350-57.
21. Such as discussed in A D H B iva r and M H is k e tt , 'The Arabic L it e r a t u r e in N ig e ria to 1804', op c i t , pp. 106-113; A a l - I l u r i , Misbah, op c i t , pp. 10-19.
CHAPTER ONE
THE GROWTH AND MATURITY OF ARABIC LITERARY TRADITION IN NIGERIA
I . The P enetration o f Islam
The phenomenal expansion which too'k Islam w it h in a century o f i t s e v o lu tio n to North A f r ic a and the Maghrib came to a h a lt at the northern f r o n t i e r s o f Biladu ’ 1-SudanJ By the time i t s f u r t h e r expansion was resumed th re e to fo u r ce n tu rie s l a t e r , the fo rm a tiv e period o f Is la m ic thought was believed to have been over. Among other th in g s , the development o f i t s legal and th e o lo g ic a l th e o rie s had been completed and a ban placed on f u r t h e r development. I t s p r i s t i n e stre n g th and u n it y which had sustained i t s e a r ly
r e v o lu tio n a r y zeal had also been re n t by s e cta rian d is p u te s . R ationalism , above a l l , had given way to ascendancy o f s u fi ethos and u n c r i t i c a l f a i t h in t r a d i t i o n ( a l - t a q l i d ) . These two s p i r i t s had remained the main c u rre n t o f A ra b ic -Is la m ic thought u n t i l i t s contact in the l a s t century w ith Western c u lt u r e .
As e a r ly as the n in th century AD, Islam must have penetrated Kanem-Bornu through i t s commercial i n t e r a c t io n w ith the Ib a d ite Berbers o f Tahert. 2 W ritin g around 1067 AD, the Spanish geographer,.
a l- B a k r i, r e p o r t s the presence in Kanem o f some Umayyad descendants
3 p „
who s t i l l preserved t h e i r Arab customs. A l- Umari (d. 1349 A D ) l a t e r re p o rts t h a t Islam was introduced to Kanem by one o f these
_ _ p _ — A
Umayyads, al-Hadi a l - Uthmani. But the dynastic conversion,which took place during the re ig n o f Mai Umme J ilm i (c. 1086-97) has been
a t t r i b u t e d by the Bornu Mahram T r a d itio n to one o f the Ib a d ite 5
Berbers, Muhammad ibn Mani.
Islam could not penetrate Hausaland from Kanem-Bornu as t h e i r geographical p r o x im ity would lead one to assume. fi N eith e r could i t spread in t o the region from North A fr ic a because, the caravan routes from the north which lin k e d Kano and Katsina, i f a v a ila b le , were not a c tiv e u n t i l l a t e r in the s ix te e n th c e n tu ry. 7 This e xplains why Hausaland, compared to Kanem-Bornu had remained unknown f o r q u it e some tim e to most o f the Arab geographers. So the on ly channel through which Islam could penetrate Hausaland before the f i f t e e n t h century was i t s western region from which i t e v e n tu a lly d id . This study, however, does not r u le out some p o ssib le in d iv id u a l contact between Kanem and Hausaland as some w r it e r s have in f a c t observed.
But the e a r l i e s t h i s t o r i c a l contact so f a r known between Hausaland and Bornu did not go beyond the f i f t e e n t h century A D i f legend and.
Q
f o l k l o r e are ignored.
The e a r l i e s t Isla m ic p e n e tra tio n i n t o Hausaland has th e r e fo r e , more a p p r o p r ia te ly been traced to the commercial and missionary a c t i v i t i e s o f the Mande Dyula and the impact o f the romantic p ilg rim a g e o f the famous ancient Mali Emperor, Mansa Musa between A D 1324 and 1326.^ I t was about t h i s tim e th a t the r u l e r o f Katsina, Muhammad Korau (1320-55 A D ) i s reported to have been converted probably by some 'Wangara d iv in e s from Mali and J e n n e '^
About h a lf a century l a t e r , (c. 1380 A D ), another or the same Wangarawa mission i s reported to have brought Islam to Kano during the re ig n o f A l i Y aji (1349-1385 AD J . 11
Through commercial and m i l i t a r y contacts w ith Hausa, Bornu, and Songhay Muslim neighbours, Is la m ic influ e n c e s must have d iffu s e d in t o Nupeland as e a r ly as the f i f t e e n t h cen tu ry. 12 But the dynastic conversion d id not seem to have taken place u n t i l the seventeenth century when the name, Abdu Waliy ( A ,D 1679-1700) appeared as i t s f i r s t Muslim r u l e r . 13 The Nupe T r a d it io n , however, puts the advent o f Islam to a l a t e r date, during the re ig n o f Etsu J i b r i l u (d 1770), the t w e lf t h king a f t e r Tsoede, the legendary ancestor o f the Nupe people. At any r a t e , Islam did not become popular u n t i l e a r ly in the nineteenth ce n tu ry during the re ig n o f Etsu Mu'azu (d 1818). I t was then th a t Mai am Dendo came i n t o the land as a Dan F odio's f l a g bearer, and s u c c e s s fu lly made Nupeland a vassal s ta te o f the Sokoto C alip ha te .
While l i n g u i s t i c and l i t e r a r y e v id e n c e s ^ in d ic a te an e a r l i e r advent o f Islam i n t o Yorubaland, i t was not u n t i l a f t e r the jih a d th a t Islam became e sta b lis h e d in I l o r i n . 15 And,quite u n lik e in Northern N ig e ria where the advent o f Islam was o fte n marked by d ynastic conversion, no A la a fin of Oyo is known to have embraced Islam at such an e a r ly date. By 1840, however, according to
Dr Gbadamosi, Islam had been e s ta b lish e d in many Yoruba towns. But Islam could not penetrate the middle b e lt areas o f N ig e ria , the Jos Plateau and the Benue r i v e r b a s in ,in h a b ite d mainly by the Jukuns or Kwararafa, the T iv and Idoma. The Southern Z a ria province was raided by Nagwamatse in the mid nineteenth century (c 1859) but he f a i l e d to Islam ise the area. Apart from Yorubaland and Etsako D iv is io n o f Bendel S ta te , 1 fi Islam d id not penetrate the south and south eastern N ig e ria u n t i l the advent o f the B r i t i s h .
With the B r i t i s h occupation, more e f f e c t iv e means o f both lo c a l' and in t e r n a tio n a l communications opened up new areas o f the country which had h it h e r t o remained in a c c e s s ib le . The B r i t i s h socio-economic
and p o l i t i c a l a c t i v i t i e s also in s p ire d mass labour movement and a l l s o rts o f in t e r n a l m ig ra tio n s . Propagated mainly by the i t i n e r a n t n a tiv e Muslim preachers, Islam has now become widespread across the c o u ntry. But the in t r o d u c tio n o f C h r i s t i a n i t y i n t o those areas
where i t had not e a r l i e r penetrated has la r g e ly l im i t e d i t s p o p u la r it y only to the Hausa, F u la n i, Nupe, Yoruba and a few oth e r Nigerian
peoples. In s p ire d mainly by p o l i t i c a l or economic advantages, the process o f Is la m is a tio n i s s t i l l being witnessed in N ig e ria today e s p e c ia lly in south eastern N ig e ria as the r e s u lt o f the e f f e c t i v e m issionary a c t i v i t i e s o f Saudi A r a b i a . ^
11. The C u lt iv a t io n o f Arabic Language Through Is la m ic Scholarship T r a d it io n
Arabic language and l i t e r a t u r e u n t i l r e c e n tly was indebted, f o r i t s world s ta tu s , mainly to Islam which more than any o th e r fa c to r s had continued to spread i t a l l over the w orld. I t was the f i r s t l i t e r a t e c u lt u r e to be introduced since the middle ages i n t o many areas where i t had remained the medium o f higher education, commerce and even a d m in is tr a tio n . I t has remained above a l l , the l i t u r g i c a l language a l l over the Muslim w orld. Arabic in these circumstances has success
f u l l y invaded such world languages as Persian, T u rk is h , Urdu, Swahili and Hausa in N ig e ria over 50 per cent o f whose vocabulary i t c o n s t it u - te s . 18 I t s s c r i p t , l i k e th a t o f L a tin in medieval Europe, i s also adopted in w r i t i n g those languages whose l i t e r a t u r e s are also modelled on th a t o f the c la s s ic a l A ra b ic. In the wider Muslim world today, Arabic i s i d e n t i f i e d w ith Islam much more than the Arab League, the
22
P alestine L ib e r a tio n O rganization or any other contemporary Arab s o c io economic or p o l i t i c a l movement.
Consequently, the study o f Arabic language- and l i t e r a t u r e , e s p e c ia lly by the non-Arabs throughout the medieval period,was o fte n in s p ire d by Islam. In other words, Arabic has remained over the ages, the sole c u lt u r a l medium by which Islam has continued to be tra n s m itte d in form o f the Arabic Qur'an to the non-Arab world f o r which the f a i t h is also believed to be meant. In t h i s c o n te x t, the r e l i g i o n , according to a modern Arab w r i t e r , has thus preserved the language and the l a n g u a g e
preserved r e l i g i o n :
But f o r Islam the Arabic language would have changed l i k e o th e rs , and as i t had i t s e l f changed p re v io u s ly . But f o r A ra b ic , the d i f f e r e n t in t e r p r e t a t io n s o f Islam would have grown apart from each o th e r and i t would have s p l i t i n t o a number o f f a i t h s w ith the adherents o f each accusing the others o f i n f i d e l i t y . . . Thus the Arabic language is not the
p r iv a t e p ro p e rty o f the descendants o f , g Qahtan; i t is the language o f a l l Muslims.
But when Islam was introduced i n t o N ig e ria , l i t t l e was i t re a lis e d th a t Arabic language, i t s l i t e r a t u r e and c i v i l i z a t i o n were being c u lt iv a t e d . And no s u b s ta n tia l d i s t i n c t i o n between Arabic as a language or l i t e r a t u r e , and Islam as a r e l i g i o n was ever made u n t i l today, when t h i s tre n d is being challenged by modern secular thought.
The growth o f Arabic l i t e r a r y c u lt u r e in N ig e ria , th e r e fo r e , had remained e s s e n t ia l ly the growth o f Islam. I t was s i m il a r to the
growth o f t r a d i t i o n a l Islam ic sciences o f the c la s s ic a l age in which the Qur1 an had c o n s titu te d the nucleus, provided the necessary
i n s p i r a t i o n and d ic ta te d the d ir e c t io n . In N ig e ria , i t was the d e sire to know the Arabic Qur'an ra th e r than to be l i t e r a t e f o r i t s own sake
23
th a t c o n s titu te d the g re a te s t in c e n tiv e to le a rn in g . To what extent then i s the c u l t i v a t i o n o f Arabic language f o r the sake o f Islam a desideratum f o r non-Arab Muslims?
I f the choice o f an Arab prophet and th e r e fo r e o f Arabic language f o r Islam is viewed p u re ly as a m atter o f chance, a question might then be ra is e d : Could not the Prophet have been a N igerian or Pakistani speaking Hausa or Urdu? Arabic then becomes a means to an end and not the end in i t s e l f th a t some Araks have t r i e d to make i t . ^ ° I f Islam on the o ther hand i s viewed from s o c i o - l i n g u i s t i c and c u lt u r a l p e rsp e c tiv e , the Arabic Qur'an i s d e f i n i t e l y not addressed to the non-Arabs who do not understand A ra b ic . I t s messages in t r a n s l a t io n s , however, might be extended to them. The Qur'an makes t h i s p o in t very c le a r .
We have not sent any messenger except in the languages o f his own people so th a t he might make p la in to them h is message.^<
Whatever the case may be, Arabic and Islam have i n e x t r ic a b ly fused i n t o an organic u n it y at le a s t , w it h in the Is la m ic c u lt u r a l co n te x t. I t may n o t, th e r e fo r e , be rewarding f o r anybody to embark on the im possible task o f dearabizing Islam as attempted by Turkey. 22 I t is on t h i s basis t h a t the c u l t i v a t i o n o f Arabic language by non-Arab Muslims may be j u s t i f i e d . Other Arab customs and t r a d i t i o n s a f t e r a l l , are z e a lo u sly c u lt iv a t e d in form o f pro ph e tic sunna. The very creed form ula ( K a lim a tu ’ l-shahada) by which an o u ts id e r i s i n i t i a t e d in t o the umma i s t r a d i t i o n a l l y u tte re d in A rabic. Apart from r i t u a l prayers ( sal 1 a ) which are s p e c i f i c a l l y observed in Arabic language , there is h a rd ly any aspect o f Isla m ic worship which is a b s o lu te ly fr e e from the use o f A ra b ic. Above a l l these, however, i s the need to understand the Qur'an, Hadith and f i q h , a l 1 o f which were o r i g i n a l l y
24
w r it t e n on ly in A ra b ic. The p r in c ip a l d is c i p l e o f Muhammad £Abduh,
- 23
Muhammad Rashid Rida makes the fo llo w in g remarks:
Is la m ic thought could not f l o u r i s h unless the Arabic tongue f l o u r is h e d : i t was the only language in which Islam could be
p ro p e rly studied and expounded, and th e r e fo r e i t was the duty o f any Muslim who could do so to learn A ra b ic. Moreover th e re could be no deep u n it y in umma unless i t was a u n it y o f language, and in the Muslim Umma, t h i s could be none o th e r than A ra b ic. No non- Arab had ever been able to serve Islam unless he knew A ra b ic.
This i n t r i n s i c t r u t h was, however, overshadowed by the t r a d i t i o n a l sentiment th a t A ra b ic, having been chosen f o r Islam, has become
s u p erio r to a l l world languages. I t i s the language o f the Angels by which the godly peoples w i l l be communicating in heaven. I t is
s u p e rn a tu ra l. A unique m o tiv a tio n was thus in s p ir e d by s p i r i t u a l enthusiasm to acquire the very language o f God w ith a l l the attendant m ystical and m a te ria l advantages. The Cambridge a n th r o p o lo g is t, Jack Goody describes a pagan c h ie f in Northern Ghana who 'saw in the Muslim's c a p a c ity to w r it e , a more e f f e c t i v e means o f supernatural communica
t i o n : ' 24
the very f a c t th a t w r it in g enables a man to communicate over space and time makes i t more e f f e c t i v e as a way o f g e ttin g in touch w ith d is t a n t d e i t i e s .
Apart from t h i s primary r e li g io u s impluse, the s o c i o - p o l i t i c a l p r iv i l e g e and economic o p p o r tu n itie s concomitant to the a c q u is itio n o f Arabic language e q u a lly s tim u la ted le a rn in g . The immigrant Muslims were i d e n t i f i e d w ith the r u li n g class in which most o f them performed as s c rib e s , p h y s ic ia n s , a s tro lo g e rs p o l i t i c a l advisers and r e li g io u s teachers. Since most o f the members o f t h i s new community were also
25
merchants, the chance o f business expansion was also p o s s ib le w ith the a c q u is itio n o f l i t e r a c y in A rabic. In f a c t , the mere a b i l i t y to
read and w r it e in a predominantly i l l i t e r a t e c u lt u r e had remained one of the*
g re a te s t aspectsof Is la m ic c i v i l i z a t i o n in p r e -c o lo n ia l N ig e ria and A fr ic a as a whole.25
Prompted by these reasons, the process o f le a rn in g Arabic took o f f in Q ur'anic Schools from o ra l r e c i t a t i o n o f some s h o rt chapters and verses o f the Holy Qur'an which were f e l t to be mostly needed f o r sal l a . Having memorised a few short chapters, the converts would then be f&wght the techniques o f reading and copying which were o fte n
p ra c tis e d by copying and reading through the whole o f the Qur'an. This process might take th re e to f i v e years a f t e r which a convert would be able to read vowelled Arabic t e x t w ith o u t n e c e s s a rily understanding i t . He was also expected to have l e a r n t , u s u a lly by r o t e , some oth e r s o c io r e li g io u s d u tie s which would enable him p r a c tis e h is f a i t h .
In a d d itio n to the Qur'an, the Wangarawa had also brought w ith them to Hausaland, the books o f Law ( a l - f i q h ) and T r a d it io n (a l- H a d ith ) on which f u r t h e r stu d ies had sim ultaneously commenced. S im ila r
O C
development had e a r l i e r been recorded in the Mahram o f Umme J ilm i
o f how the successive Mais o f Kanem-Bornu had le a r n t the Qur'an. A f t e r reading from suratuM -baqara to ' wa * l - n a s ' (s u ra tu M -n a s ) f o r example, Mai Umme i s reported to have also
27 - -
read the R isala tw ice and gave Mani one hundred pieces o f go ld , one hundred pieces o f s i l v e r and one hundred o f sla v e ; a l l because o f the reading and i n s t r u c t i o n he derived from him.
