MUHAMMAD IBN CABD AL-MALIK AL-MINTURI ( d. 834/1431 )
By
ABDULLAH H.A. AL-UWISHEQ
In Two Volumes
VOLUME I
thesis submitted for the degree of Ph.D.
January 1988
SCHOOL OF ORIENTAL AND AFRICAN STUDIES UNIVERSITY OF LONDON
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ABSTRACT
The Thesis aims at presenting a critical edition of
“Shari? al - Durar a l - L a w a m i c " oy the Anaalusianscholar ai
l'd in tur i (834/1431), and also at studying the Quranic Reading of N a f i c . Tne Thesis falls into two parts. Part One, an introductory survey, consists of four Chapters.
Chapter I deals witn a l - M i n t u r i ’s life and times, firstly a brief account of tne political ana literary environment of the Nasrid Kingdom of Granada is given, tften al-Minturi's life and worns are discussed.
Chapter II studies Nafic 's Reading, its introduction to Andalusia and its spread there, examining in particular how and why it oecame the dominant Reading in that region.
Chapter III discusses the "Durar" as tne standard text for the study of N a f i c 's Reading, and how it rapidly attracted great interest among the students of Q i r a at of different places and ages. Al-Minturi's c o m m e n t a r y is a very important product of tnat interest, for it is a well- researched and documented work.
Chapter IV is devoted to explaining tne m e t h o d of editing the text, the layout of tne text, the apparatus
criticus, and the scope of the commentary notes.
Part Two consists of the edited texc, in whicn al- Minturi presents a thorough account of Nafic,s Reading and its major characteristics. The author furnished his booK with an Appendix dealing with phonetic classification and points of articulation.
The Thesis is in two volumes, and for convenience of handling, part of the Arabic text is included m Volume One, w h e r e a s the r est of the t e x t t o g e t h e r w i t n the commentary notes are incorporated in Volume Two.
CONTENTS
Page
ABSTRACT 2
ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS ... 6
TRANSLITERATION ... B PART ONE - INTRODUCTORY SURVEY CHAPTER I : AL-MINTURI'S LIFE AND TIMES . . . . 9
i: The Political Situation in Andalusia; Some Aspects of Granadine L i f e ...9
2: Al-Minturi's Life: 26 His N a m e ... 26
His Birth, Education and Career ... 30
His Death ...39
His Teachers and S t u d e n t s ...40
His Works - Quranic; Traditions of the Prophet; Literary Works; Miscellanies ... 47
CHAPTER II : NAFIClS READING ... S3 1: Nafi 's Authority on Quranic Studies . . . . 54
His Leading Students: Qalun and Warsh. . . . 55
2: The Diffusion of Nafic,s R e a d i n g ... 57
From Madina to Other Domains 3: Nafic,s Reading in Andalusia ... 59
Early Readings The Introduction of Malik and Nafic,s Schools . 62 Na£ic 's Reading in Cortova and Other Cities. . 65
Nafic, s Reading in Granada ... 72
Why the Andalusians Adopted Nafic,3 Reading. . 77
CONTENTS (Continued)
Page
CHAPTER III : THE "DURAR" AND ITS COMMENTARIES. . . 81
The Primers of Nafic,s Reading The Utilization of Didactic Poetry 1: The "Durar" ...83
Its Other Commentaries ... 86
2: "Sharfr al-Durar" ... 92
T i t l e ... 92
Date of C o m p l e t i o n ... 92
Method and Contents... 93
S o u r c e s ... 96
Its Contribution to the Study of Nafic,s Reading ... 99
CHAPTER IV : EDITING THE T E X T ±0 2 1: Description of the M a n u s c r i p t s ... 102
2: P r e s e n t i n g the Edited T e x t ...±±2
The Layout of the T e x t ... 113
The Symbolization of the Footnotes. . . . . 116
The Scope of the Commentary N o t e s ... 117
PART TWO - THE EDITED TEXT ±±9 The Text's Table of C o n t e n t s 76 8 Commentary Notes ... 776
Bibliography ... 918
A C K N O W L E D G E M E N T
M y d e e p e s t g r a t i t u d e is d u e to m y s u p e r v i s o r Dr. M.A.S. c A b d - a l - H a l i m , for his e n l i g h t e n e d g u i d a n c e and u n f a i l i n g e n c o u r a g e m e n t t h r o u g h m y y e a r s of study. I a m a l s o i n d e b t e d to the l a t e P r o f e s s o r T.M. J o h n s t o n e , w h o s e s u p e r v i s i o n of m y t h e s i s , in its i n f a n c y , w a s an e x a m p l e of his m e t i c u l o u s thoroughness. His sad and sudden d e ath is a g r eat loss.
I w o u l d like also to e x press m y g r eat i n d e b t e d n e s s to P r o f e s s o r c A b d u l l a h a l - W o ’n a i o i ( E m e r i t u s P r o f e s s o r of H i s t o r y , R i y a d h U n i v e r s i t y ) for his i n v a l u a o l e a d v i c e a n d c o n s t a n t s u p p o r t . H i s c o m m e n t s ar e b o t h a s o u r c e of e n c o u r a g e m e n t and a c a use of reflection.
It is a p l e a s u r e to record m y thanks to Dr. B. I n g h a m ( L i n g u i s t i c D e p a r t m e n t , S.O.A.S.) for hi s a s s i s t a n c e ; to P r o f e s s o r H. Sh. F a r h u d ( F a c u l t y of A r t s , R i y a d h University) for reading drafts of the thesis a nd furn i s h i n g v a l u a b l e s u g g e s t i o n s ; a n d to Dr. Y. a l - H a s h s h a s h ( F a c u l t y of Arts, K u w a i t University) for his useful help, e s p e c i a l l y wi t h s o m e of the S p anish materials.
I a m c o n s c i o u s of o w i n g m u c h to S n a i K h N a s i r a l - M a n q u r , t h e S a u d i A m b a s s a d o r t o L o n d o n ; a n d t o Dr. c A b d u l l a h al-Turki, V i c e - C h a n c e l l o r of I m a m M u h a m m a d b.
Saud University, Riyadh, tor their consideraoie help.
M y p e r s o n a l t h a n K s are due to the s t a f f at the National Library of Algiers; the National Library of Rabat;
the B r i t i s h M u s e u m ; and S.O.A.S. L i b r a r y , e s p e c i a l l y Mr. Peter Colvin and Mr. B.J. Scott. All of them helped me in consulting or obtaining Mss. and other sources. I would like to express my thanks to Mrs. Suzann Radw a n and also the typists for the great care and effort tney have taken to produce this thesis in its present snape.
M y heartfelt and most sincere tnanxs go to my wife U m m c Aree b , not only for her i n v a l u a o l e a d v i c e and assistance, but also for ner dedication and patience throughout the years of my study.
Finally it is perhaps appropriate to echo the insight into the end of study, spoken by Shakespeare, more in jest, it is to be hoped, than in earnest
"So ere you find where light in darkness lies, your light g rows dark by losing of your eyes"
(L.L.L.I.l. 78-9).
• ( tin 1 / fj. )
TRANSLITERATION
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omitted when initial) t
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t t c
th t gfr
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c kh J X
j d
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CHAPTER I AL-MINTURI'S LIFE AND TIMES
1. THE POLITICAL SITUATION IN ANDALUSIA
Al-Minturi lived in the Nasrid K i n g d o m of Granada, the last M u s l i m dynasty in Spain. It was founded in 635/1238 by Muhammad b. Yusuf b. Nasr, called ion al-Ahmar, a descendent from the Khazraj tribe of Madina.^ Tne Nasrid f a m i l y c o n t i n u e d to r ule G r a n a d a u n t i l its fail in 897/1492.
After the Spanish wars of reconquest of 5-7/il-13 centuries virtually came to a standstill by the middle of 8/14 c e n t u r y , the t h r e a t to the N a s r i d K i n g d o m was suspended, and Granada was able to breathe a new lease of life.
(1)
The King d o m of Granada was well e s t ablished by the reign of M u h a m m a d V (755-93/1354-90) who succeeded his father Yusuf I, when he was oarely 16 years old. M u h a m m a d V kept Abu Nac im Ridwan as foajio and Ibn al-Khatio as w azir, in their p o s i t i o n s as in the reign of his father. 9 He also a p p o i n t e d A bu a l- B a r a k a t a l - B a l l a f i q i as Chief Justice, who w a s a g r e a t s c h o l a r a n d o n e of a l - M i n t u r i ' s s o u r c e s of
1. Ibn al-Khatib, Lamba, 42; Ibata, II, 92; Ibn Khaldun, cIbar, IV, 366; Lane-Poole, The Moors in Spain, 218; Imamuddin, A Political History of Muslim Spain, 282.
2. Ibn al-Khatib, Lamba, 115; Ibata, II, 15; Ibn Khaldun, cIbar, IV, 375.
i n f o r m a t i o n . ^ As soon as he was p r o c l a i m e d King ne r e n e w e d p e a c e w i t n P e d r o t h e C r u e l of C a s t i l e a n d P e d r o IV of
Aragon, and m a i n t a i n e d a close r e l a t i o n s h i p w i t h Morocco.^
M u h a m m a d V was a cultured monach and paid great attention to the needs of his people, he lost no time to cultivate their support and cooperation.3 But that did not prevent the rebellion of Gioraltar in 756/1355, led by the Governor ^fsa b. Abi Mandil. Granada and Morocco cooperated to end this rebellion, and it was quickly quelled.4
H o w e v e r , a g r e a t e r c h a l l e n g e to M u h a m m a d V's authority was l ooming at closer quarters, i.e. when nis half-brother I s m a c il, with the instigation ol his mother and cousin M u h a m m a d b. I s m a c il b. Faraj, who was also married to Ismac il's sister, conspired to dethrone Munammad V. I s m a c il and his mother had been detained in one of Alhambra's palaces since Muhammad V assumed the throne. So in the dawn of 28 Ramadan 76U/1359 Muhammad b. Ismac il and his men attacked Alhambra, found al-frajib Ridwan and billed him, but M u h a m m a d V was no where to be found. They p r o c l a i m e d his brother I s m a c il King. M u h a m m a d V escaped death because he was, at that time, in his s u m m e r palace at Generalife, and when he discovered what had happened he
1. Ibn al-Khatib, Lamfra, 116; Iijafra, II, 16, III, 248; Minturi, Fihris, Fol. 223;
Sharft, 124.
2. Ibn al-Khatib, Lamha, 113, 117; Ihata, II, 18-22; Ibn Khaldun, cIbar, IV, 375; Conde, History of the Dominion of the Arabs in Spain, III, 274-5; Livermore, A History of Spain, 159-60, Alarcon, Los Documentos, 135-6.
3. Ibn al-Khatib, Lamha, 113; Ihata, II, 13; Conde, III, 274; Imamuddin, A Political History of Muslim Spain, 29 3.
4. Ibn al-Khatib, Lamha, 120; Ihata, II, 23-5; Ibn Battuta, Rihla, 666; Ibn Khaldun, CIbar, II, 612; Conde, III, 275.
__ _ i then sought ref u g e w i t h King Abu S a l i m of Morocco.
Ismac il II (760-1/1359-60) was weax, irresolute and addicted to pleasure.2 He appointed Muhammad al-Fihri as his w a z i r , and Abu Bakr Ah m a d b. Juzay as Chief Justice, who was a great scholar and one of a l - M m t u n ' s teachers.
Also he renewed peace with Pedro the Cruel of Castile, who was at war with Aragon.^
However, Ismac il, being inexperienced and powerless, was constrained by his ambitious cousin Muhammad b. ismac il, who, after acquiring the support of the Wazir al-Fihri and the army, toppled Ismac il, and had him killed. Muhammad b.
I s m a c il ascended the throne, barely a year since I s m a c il had occupied it.5
Muhammad VI (b. Ismac il) (761-3/1360-2) as soon as he was proclaimed King, showered his favours on the people who aided nim, except, perhaps, the wazir al-Fihri, Muhammad VI accused him of being in contact secretly with Abu Salim, the King of Morocco; so he ordered his execution, and
1. Ibn al-Khatib, Lambs, 120-2; Ihata, II, 26-30; A°mal II, 352-61; Nufada 81, 279; Ibn Khaldun cIbar IV, 375, VII, 636-42, 690; Maqqarl, Naflj, IV, 90; NSsirl, Istiqga, IV, 9; Conde, III, 276-7; Scott, History of the Moorish Empire in Europe, III, 275;
Livermore, A History of Spain, 160; Imamuddin, A Political History of Muslim Spain, 293.
2. Ibn al-Khatib, Lamjja, 126, Iljata, I, 398; Ibn Khaldun, CI bar, IV, 375, VII, 637;
Conde, III, 279.
3. Ibn al-Khatib, L a m h a , 127, 128; Ihafca, I, 157-62, 403; al-Minturi, Fihris, Fols. 2268; Makhluf, Sha.jara, I, 231.
4. Ibn al-Khatib, Lamha, 121; IhSta, II, 27; Conde, III, 277.
5. Ibn al-Khatib, L a m h a , 128-9; Ihata, I, 400; Nufada, 103-5; A cmal II, 353; Ibn Khaldun, cIbar, IV, 375-6; Ibn Hajar, Durar, IV, 10; Scott, History of the Moorish Empire in Europe, III, 276; Conde, III; 281-2; Imamuddfn, A Political History of Muslim Spain, 293.
appointed Muhammad b. Mascud in his place.^
The transfer of power apparently tooK place without hindrance; Muhammad VI abolished certain taxes, despite, it seems, that the treasury was debilitated by the destruction of crops and vegetation by locusts. He also applied rigorously the law against alcohol and intoxication.^
Muhammad Vi's relations with neighbouring states took somewhat different line from his predecessors. In 762/1361 he a t t e m p t e d to s t r e n g t h e n his ties w i t h Aragon, oy proposing to Pedro IV to form an alliance against Castile and Morocco; Granada would devote its efforts to attack tne C a s t i l i a n fleet, w h i l e A r a g o n was a t t a c k i n g the Moroccan 1s .^
The fact that no assistance was provided oy Aragon suggests that this offer was not accepted oy Pedro IV, who maintained profitable mercantile relations with Morocco.^
But if M u h a m m a d VI intended, by his proposal, to make a diplomatic gesture to warn Castile, it worked momentarily, for Granada won a favourable peace treaty. However, peace did not last long, as soon as Pedro the Cruel returned from his war with Aragon, he m u s t e r e d a great army and fell upon G r a n a d a , but he w a s d e f e a t e d and m a n y k n i g h t s w e r e
1. Ibn al-Khatib, Lamba, 127; Ibata, I, 527-8; Nufada, 108-12, 117; Conde, III, 282.
2. Ibn al-Khatib, Nufacja, 183.
3. Alarcon, Los Documentos, 142-4.
4. Merriman, The Rise of the Spanish Empire, I, 301-2.
5. Ibn al-Khatib, Ihata, I, 525-6.
captured.
M e a n w h i l e M u h a m m a d V was g e t t i n g r e s t l e s s in Fez, h i s t h r o n e s e e m e d to be f u r t h e r t h a n b e f o r e . W h i l e he o o t a i n e d t h e u n r e s e r v e d s u p p o r t of K i n g A b u S a l i m of Morocco, P edro the Cruel h e s i t a t e d at first, but after his d e f e a t at G r a n a d a he d i d n o t n e e d c o n v i n c i n g . T o a f f i r m his s u p p o r t he i n s i s t e d t h a t t h e C a s t i l i a n g a l l e y s s h o u l d carry M u h a m m a d V across the Straits, w h o p o l i t e l y d e c l i n e d this offer, pe r n a p s r e a l i z i n g the p o l i t i c a l c o n s e q u e n c e s of being too c l o s e l y a s s o c i a t e d w i t h the C h r i s t i a n king.
W i t h t h e a i d of t he M o r o c c a n f l e e t a n d a c o n t i n g e n t of its a r m y , M u h a m m a d V c r o s s e d to A n d a l u s i a , a n d t o o k Ronda. But befo r e he c o u l d c o n s o l i d a t e his p o s i t i o n there, t h e M o r o c c a n a r m y h a d to w i t h d r a w b e c a u s e of Ad u S a l i m ' s deat h . T h i s s e t b a c k l e f t M u h a m m a d V e v e n m o r e d e p e n d e n t on C a s t i l e ' s s u p p o r t , so he j o i n e d f o r c e s w i t h P e d r o t n e C r u e l , on t h e c o n d i t i o n t h a t C a s t i l e w o u l d n o t o c c u p y any G r a n a d i n e land or forts. Shortly a f t e r w a r d s M u h a m m a d V had to w i t h d r a w f r o m th i s a l l i a n c e , o s t e n s i b l y b e c a u s e P e d r o d i d n o t o b s e r v e h i s u n d e r t a k i n g s . M o r e p l a u s i o l e e xp l a n a t i o n s e e m s to be behind M u h a m m a d V's move, po s s i b l y he f o u n d it to o d a n g e r o u s to be i n s t a l l e d by C h r i s t i a n s ' aid.^ Soon after he c a p t u r e d Malaga.
1. Ibn al-Khatib, ACmal II, 355; Ibn Khaldun, cIbar, IV, 376; Conde, III, 284. Ibn al- Khatib said that these knights were more than 1,200.
2. Ibn al-Khatib, Acmal II, 355; Nufada, 184-5, 285-6, 302.
3. Ibn al-Khatib, Lamha, 114-5; Ihata II, 30; A°mal II, 356; Ibn Khaldln, CIbar, IV, 376-7, VII, 780-8.
4. Livermore, A History of Spain, 160.
In the meantime Muhammad VI, anticipating the fall of his capital, rushed into a mos t pernicious resolution; he decided to set free the Castilian captives as a good will gesture to Pedro the Cruel, and then sought refuge in tne Castilian's court. He was a c c o m p a n i e d by his entourage, taking with him the precious jewels and e m p tying tne treasury. But he was betrayed by Pedro the Cruel, who Killed him together with his men, taking his jewels and wealth.-*- Muhammad V entered Granada and assumed his throne in 763/1362, nearly three years after his dethronement.
Muhammad V in his second reign set out to reorganize his administration. Initially he appointed Yahya b. cUmar as Shay k h a l - G h u z a t ,^ and c Ali b. Kum a s h a as W a z i r , out then dismissed them and Kept tneir positions to himself. A few months later he re-appointed Ion al-Khatib, the great
T "5 T
politician and scholar, as his wazir. But Ibn al-Khatib, after serving for a very important decade, fell out with his sovereign and fled to Fez, where he was subsequently killed in 776/1374.^ Muhammad V assigned this position to Abu cAbdullah b. ZamraK, one of Ibn al-khatib's students.
G r a n a d a e n t e r e d a p e r i o d of e x t e n d e d p e a c e internally, interrupted only by a rebellion of some members
1. Ibn al-Khatib, Lam ha 129; IhS=Tta, I, 526-7, 530, II, 30; Rayhana, I, 505—6; Acmal, II, 355; Ibn Khaldun GlTar, IV, 376-7, VII, 780-8; Conde, III, 286-7; Watts, Spain, 203;
Scott, History of the Moorish Empire in Europe, III, 275; Livermore, A History of 5pain, 160.
2. The army in Granada is in two sections; The Andalusian army and the Moroccan volunteers "Ghuzat11. The head of which was traditionally a member of the Merinid Royal Family. See: Ibn al-Khatib, Ihata, I, 136; Ibn Khaldun, cIbar, VII, 766-88;
Maqqari, Naffr, I, 452-3.
3. Ibn al-Khatib, Lamha, 130; Ihata, II, 33; Ibn Khaldun, cIbar, VII, 694-5.
4. Ibn Khaldun, cIbar, IV, 379, VII, 101, 696; Nasiri, Istiqga, IV, 62-4.
of the royal family. That can be a ttributed to the declining influence of Morocco, and more importantly co the war in Castile between Pedro the Cruel and his half-brother Henry of Trastamara; Granada and England supported Pedro, while Henry was aided by Aragon, Portugal, France and the Pope.^
Muhammad V took advantage of the civil war in Castile oy attacking and capturing many frontier towns and forts, between 767/1365 and 771/1369; such as Andujar, Burgo, Utrera, Jaen and Algeciras. o Furthermore, Granada withheld the p a y m e n t of tribute to Castile, and c o ntinued to do so for m a n y years after M u h a m m a d V !s reign.^ And when the civil war ended in favour of Henry II, Muhammad V was m a position of strength. Granada acquired a p rol o n g e d peace treaty from both Castile and Aragon.^ Granada enjoyed tne longest lasting peace in its history.^
In regard to Morocco the situation gradually shifted in favour of Granada. In 768/1367 Muhammad V obtained from Abu Faris, King of Morocco, an authorization to conclude p e a c e t r e a t i e s w i t h al l t h e C h r i s t i a n s t a t e s on b e h a l f of Morocco. 7 Granada's power was confi r m e d when its forces
1. Ibn al-Khatib, Larofra, I29j Ihata, II, 53, 73-7; ACmal, II, 361; Ibn Khaldun, cIbar IV, 379 , 383-4, VII, 694.
2. Ibn al-Khatib, Ibata, II, 42-8; Ibn Khaldun, cIbar, IV, 377-8, VII, 679, Conde, III, 289; Lomax, The Reconquest of Spain, 168.
3. Ibn al-Khatib, Ihafa, II, 53-91; Ibn Khaldun, cIbar, VII, 680; al-Numayri, Qarain al-Qasr, Fol. 6; Conde, III, 289-90.
4. Ibn Khaldun, cIbar, IV, 378.
5. Ibn Khaldun, cIbar, IV, 376-7; Conde, III, 291; Alarcon, Los Documentos 146-7, 409- 11; Watts, Spain, 224.
6. Nubahl, Tarikh Qutjat al-Andulus, 156.
7. Alarcon, Los Documentos, 150-1.
*1
took Gibraltar in 774/1372, and then crossed tne Straits and occupied Ceuta in 786/1384.1 Moreover, M u n a m m a d V became too involved in the internal affairs of the Mortn African States, by supporting the kings against each other, and his army penetrated Morocco on many occasions between 783-9/1381-7, as ir M o r o c c o was part of the dominion of Granada.*
Muhammad V's military advances were also accompanied by s t r e n g t h e n i n g his army, u p - d a t i n g his f l e e t and fortifying many forts especially the fortress of Alhambra.
He also did not neglect the importance of keeping the c o m b a t i n g s p i r i t of his p e o p l e alive, d r a w i n g their attention to the dangers surrounding tnem.^
Parallel to Muhammad V's success in foreign affairs, there were concerted efforts to improve tne quality of life for the G r a n a d i n e people. M u h a m m a d V o r d e r e d the construction of schools, hospitals and Zawiyas; and turbas for Sufis, and no expenses were spared.^ Moreover Muhammad V paid special attention to agriculture, industries and commerce, by helping the farmers of Guadix, the oread b a s k e t of G r a n a d a , e n c o u r a g i n g i n d u s t r i a l g o o d s and securing free and safe c o m m e r c i a l life, so much rhat
1. Ibn Khaldun, cIbar, IV, 379-81; VII, 101; Nasiri, Istiqga, IV, 63. Ibn Khaldun said that Mutiammad V returned Ceuta back to Abu al^Abbas, King of Morocco. (CIbar IV, 383) i.e. between the beginning of Abu al-Abbas second reign in 789/1387 and Muhammad V's
death in 79 3/1390. __
2. Ibn Khaldun, CIbar, IV, 379, VII, 729-30, 740; Nasiri, Istiqga, IV 62.
3. Ibn al-Khatib, Ihata, II, 51-64.
4. Ibn al-Khatib, Ihata, II, 48-51; Conde, III, 291; Imamuddin, Muslim Spain a Sociological Study, 142.
"became the m o s t r e n o w n e d m a r k e t in the world.
P e o p l e of e v e r y l a n d m i g h t t h e n be s e e n in the s t r e e t s of t h e c a p i t a l , C h r i s t i a n s a n d J e w s , n o l e s s t h a n t h e M o s l e m a h , r e s o r t e d t h i t h e r , i n s o m u c h t h a t G r a n a d a s e e m e d t h e n to be t h e c o m m o n c o u n t r y of all nations".-*-
H o w e v e r , n o t a l l v i s i t o r s c a m e f or f i n a n c i a l g a i n s , m a n y k n i g h t s a n d c a v a l i e r s , n o t o n l y f r o m S p a i n , bur a l s o from Africa, Egypt and France, were attracted to Granada by t h e c h i v a l r i c s p o r t s , h e l d a n n u a l l y o r o n s p e c i a l occasions.A2
T h e s e a c h i e v e m e n t s w e r e a c c o m p l i s h e d d u r i n g M u h a m m a d V's long reign, w h i c h c a m e to a c l ose w h e n he died
-3 in 793/139U, leaving the throne to his son and heir Yusuf.
Y u s u f II (793/1390-1) c o n t i n u e d t h e p o l i c y of his f a t h e r t o w a r d s C a s t i l e a n d A r a g o n . He w a s t e m p t e d to c o n s o l i d a t e h i s r e l a t i o n w i t h H e n r y III of C a s t i l e , by freeing s o m e C hr i s t i a n captives,^ Relations set to i m p r o v e g r e a t l y , so m u c h t h a t Y u s u f II's y o u n g e r s o n M u h a m m a d l e d a revolt aga i n s t his father, o s t e n s i o l y bec a u s e of his close c o n n e c t i o n w i t h C a s t i l e , a n d his f r i e n d l y d i s p o s i t i o n t o w a r d s the C hr i s t i a n c a v a l i e r s who had s o u g h t his refuge.
1. Conde, III, 292.
2. Ibid.
3. Ibn Khaldun, CIbar, IV, 384; Conde, III, 293, 4. Conde III, 293-4.
However, this rebellion was quickly put to an end by the intervention of the Moroccan Ambassador, who persuaded che insurgents not to continue their action by pointing out the perils of going ahead with it.^ Yusuf II accused his wazir Khalid and his J e w i s h physician Yahya b. al-Saigh of plotting against him, so he ordered their execution.■p
Yusuf II probably felt that he was under a great pressure to prove that he was just as m uch against the Christians as any of his opponents, so his army attacked certain frontier towns of Castile. After which Henry III proposed a peace treaty, and Granada agreed. In spite of which the Master of Alcantara attacked Granaaa, out he was defeated and killed. The king of Castile blamed the Master
7 _
of breaking the truce. However, Yusuf II did not live long to reap the fruit of his policy, and he died in 794/1391 after a very short reign.
M u h a m m a d VII (794-810/1391-1407) now realized his ambitions. Despite being the second son of Yusuf II, he ascended the throne, detaining his older brother and heir apparant Yusuf.
Henry III of Castile was aware of M u h a m m a d VII's attitude towards Castile, and he became a l a r m e d when he observed the King of Granada trying to strenghten his
1. Op. cit., 294-6.
2. Ibn Khaldth, cIhar, IV, 384.
3. Conde, III, 296-7; Watts, Spain, 225-7; Chapman, A History of Spain, 121-2;
Imamuddin, A Political History of Mualim Spain, 294.
re l a t i o n s w i t h the N o r t h A f r i c a n States and Aragon.^- After m u t u a l s k i r m i s h e s h a d t a k e n p l a c e a l o n g the f r o n t i e r s , Henry III c o l l e c t e d a large a r m y to c a p t u r e Granada, but he died. T h e n an a t t a c k , by l a n d a n d sea, l e d by F e r d i n a n d , uncle and regent of Juan II (1407-54), was w a g e d against M u h a m m a d VII, w h o was d e f e a t e d and his fleet wa s destroyed.
The w a r c o n t i n u e d unaba t e d w i t h varying fortunes, and then a t r u c e of e i g h t m o n t h s w a s a g r e e d . o B u t o e f o r e t h i s p e r i o d e x p i r e d M u h a m m a d V I I f e l l s e r i o u s l y ill a n d t h e n
died.
Y u s u f III (810-20/1407-17) s u c c e e d e d hi s b r o t h e r M u h a m m a d V I I . H e d e c l a r e d h is a l l e g i a n c e to K i n g A b u Faris of T u n i s i a .^ Also he c o n c l u d e d a p e a c e treaty of tw o years w i t h Castile, but Ju a n II r e f u s e d to r e n e w it unless Yusuf d e c l a r e d his v a s s a l a g e to Castile, w h o r e j e c t e d this d e m a n d . As a r e s u l t t h e C a s t i l i a n a r m y m a r c n e d i n t o Granada's t e r r i t o r y and laid siege to Antequera, w h i c h fell in 813/1410, after a s a n g u i n a r y cattle on both sides.^ The p r o m i n e n t s c h o l a r , A b u Y a h y a b. c A s i m , a c o n t e m p o r a r y of
- T . . . S
a l - M m t u r i , was a m o n g the G r a n a d i n e s o l diers k i l l e d there.
A b o u t t he s a m e t i m e a n o t h e r d a n g e r w a s t h r e a t e n i n g t h e s t a b i l i t y of t h e S t a t e ; t h e p e o p l e of G i b r a l t a r
1. Conde, III, 300; Watts, Spain, 225; Lea, History of the Inquisition, 55; Imamuddin, A Political History of Muslim Spain, 294.
2. Conde, III, 300-1; Livermore, A History of Spain, 160; cInan, Nihaya, 114-5; Watts, Spain, 225.
3. Nasiri, Istiqsa, IV, 91.
4. Conde, III, 294-5; Scott, History of the Moorish Empire in Europe III, 499;
Livermore, A History of Spain, 160; Merriman, The Rise of the Spanish Empire, I, 131, II, 62, CInan, Nihaya, 115-6.
5. Maqqari, Nafh, VI, 148-62; Azhar, I, 145; A.M. Ibn al-Qadi, Durra, III, 343; Laqt, 237; Wansharisi, Wafayat, 137; Tunbukti, Nayl, 285,
declared their loyalty to King Abu Sac id of Morocco, who sent his brother c Abdullah to possess it. However, ^iusuf III captured cAbdullah and used him to dethrone Abu Sac id.^
Relations with Castile started to improve gradually;
Christian cavaliers, from Aragon and Castile, sought refuge in Granada. Yusuf III maintained a friendly relationship with the Queen mother of Castile. These developments cu l m i n a t e d in a peace treaty of two years, just before Yusuf Ill's death in 820/1417 .4
Muhammad VIII al-Aysar (820-48/1417-45) renewed the e f f o r t s of his f ather, Y u s u f III, to m a i n t a i n g o o d relations with African and Spanish states, where he was successful. However, al-Aysar failed to administer the afairs of the state, and neglected his people. His well qualified wazir, Yusuf b. Sarraj (Abencerraj) did all that was in his power to blunt the oppressive behaviour of al- Aysar, but his attempts were of little avail. There was civil strife; al-Aysar was overthrown three times, and he bounced back. It could be said that his reign marKed the beginning of the end of the Nasrid Kingdom.
The first reaction to al-Aysar's regime came when a popular insurrection, led by his cousin M u h a m m a d IX al-
1. Conde, III, 305-7; Nasiri, Istiqsa, IV, 93-4; Imamuddin, A Political History of Muslim Spain, 295; CInan, Nihaya, 115-6.
2. Conde, III, 308.
3. Ibid.
4. Conde, III, 307-8; Imamuddin, A Political History of Muslim Spain, 295; cInan, Nihaya, 116.
Saghir (830-2/1427-9}, errapted in Granada. Al-Aysar fled and sought refuge with Abu Faris of Tunisia, and his wazir Ibn Sarraj resorted to Juan II of Castile, where they were assured of aid.-*- Al-Saghir purged the regime of his predecessor's supporters, especially the Sarraj family, and began to build bridges oetween him and his people, relying
“T . 2
on the s upport of a l - T h a g h n f a m i l y ( a l z a g n ) .
M e a n w h i l e al-Aysar, being assisted oy Tunisia and Castile, crossed over to Andalusia and tooK Vera and Almeria. But before he could push forward towards Granada, many of a l - S a g h i r ’s soldiers joined his camp. Al-Saghir fortified himself in Alhambra, where he was captured and killed after just over two years of reign.
As soon as a l - A y s a r r e t u r n e d to his throne, he re-instated Ibn Sarraj as wazir, and as an acknowledgement of gratitude to Juan II, he proposed a peace treaty, offering his assistance against the Castilian King's enemies, who were trying to remove his favourite Alvaro de Luna.^ Juan II declined this offer and d e m a n d e d that al- Aysar should be a vassal to Castile and pay an annual tribute, which al-Aysar rejected. Wars then ensued with varying fortunes.-*
1. Conde, III, 310, Imamuddin, A Political History of Muslim Spain, 296, cIrian, Nihaya, 117; Farhat, Gharnata, 54.
2. Conde, III, 310-1; Imamuddin, A Political History of Muslim Spain, 296; Scott, History of the Moorish Empire in Europe, III, 503.
3. Conde, III, 312-5, Imamuddin, A Political History of Muslim Spain, 296; Scott, History of the Moorish Empire in Europe, III, 504; °Inan, Nihaya, 118-9.
4. Conde, III, 315; Merriman, The Rise of the Spanish Empire, II, 6.
5. Conde, III, 315-6; Watts, Spain, 242.
W h e n C a s t i l e r e a l i z e d t h a t its e f r o r t s d i d n o t p r o d u c e t h e d e s i r e d r e s u l t , J u a n II r e s o l v e d to o v e r t h r o w a l - A y s a r , a n d for t h i s t a s x he a s s i s t e d a p r i n c e f r o m the N a s r i d f a m i l y , n a m e d Y u s u f b. M u h a m m a d b. I s m a c il (Yusuf IV), w h o u n d e r t o o k to be a v a s s a l of t h e C a s t i l i a n K i n g as a r e w a r d f o r h is s u p p o r t . T h e y j o i n e d f o r c e s to a t t a c k Granada. After a h o r r i f y i n g battle the G r a n a d i n e a r m y was d e f e a t e d a n d t h e w a zir Ibn S a r r a j w a s k i l l e d . A l - A y s a r fled to M a l a g a after this d e v a s t a t i n g defeat. Yusuf IV wa s p r o c l a i m e d King in 835/1432, and he a s s ur e d Juan II of his v a ss a l a g e and the p a y m e n t of tribute. But Yusuf IV's short r e i g n c a m e to a c l o s e w h e n he died, o n l y s i x m o n t h s a f t e r his accession.
A f t e r t h e d e a t h of ^ u s u f IV th e p e o p l e of G r a n a d a i n v i t e d a l - A y s a r to be t h e i r K i n g for the t h i r d t i me. He c o n c l u d e d a t r u c e of o n e y e a r w i t h C a s t i l e , w h i c n w a s e x t e n d e d for a n o t h e r y e a r ^ , a f t e r w h i c h w a r e r r u p t e d . G r a n a d a w o n at f i r s t , a n d t h e n C a s t i l e p e n e t r a t e d i n t o G r a n a d a t e r r i t o r y , c a p t u r i n g s o m e f r o n t i e r t o w n s a n d f o r t s
.^
P r e s s u r e on t h e u n f o r t u n a t e K i n g a l - A y s a r m o u n t e d r a p i d l y , c r e a t i n g a c l i m a t e of d i s s e n s i o n , l e a d i n g to a t h i r d c o up, l e d t h i s t i m e , by his n e p h e w M u h a m m a d b.
al-Ahnaf, w h o i m p r i s o n e d al-Aysar, and a s s u m e d the throne
1. Conde, III, 317-23; Scott, History of the Moorish Empire in Europe, III, 504; CInan, Nihaya, 120; Farlpit, Gharnafra, 55.
2. Conde, III, 323-4.
3. Ibid, 324-5; CInan, Nihaya, 120-1.
in 848/1445. Since then the Nasrid Kingdom started to go down hill, bat Granada struggled bravely for halt a century more, until its fall in 897/1492.
(2)
The Nasrid Kin g d o m of Granada during this period (755-848/1354-1445), inspite of the recent reverses in its f o r t u n e s , w a s m a r k e d by a d e g r e e of s t r e n g t h and independence, in c o m p arison to its frailty of ooth its earlier childhood and later senescence. Granada did not o n l y r e t a i n its t e r r i t o r y , m o r e or l e s s i n t a c t , but a l s o r ec o n q u e r e d s o m e i m p o r t a n t towns f r o m C a s t i l e and Morocco.2
W a r a n d p e a c e b e t w e e n G r a n a d a a n d C a s t i l e w e r e in e v e r - e n d i n g circles, but w h e n Cas t i l e f o und itself unable to d e l i v e r the f a t a l b l o w to the l a s t a n d s m a l l M u s l i m K i n g d o m of G r a n a d a , it s e t t l e d for u n e a s y p e a c e a n d a d e g r e e of t o l e r a n c e as a result of a m o d u s vivendi.
There w e r e m a n y reasons for Castile's failure, m a i n l y the g e o g r a p h i c a l location of Granada, and the civil strife in Castile; its wars w i t h Portugal, Aragon and France, its d e p o p u l a t e d l a n d s in t h e s o u t h a n d i t s d e t e r i o r a t e d
1
1. Conde, III, 326; Livermore, A History of Spain, 160; Imamuddin, A Political History of Muslim Spain, 296-7; CInan, Nihlya, 121; Farhlt, Gharnata, 351.
2. Ibn al-Khatib, Ihata, II, 53-91; Ibn Khaldun, CIbar, IV, 379-81, VII, 680, 729-30;
Nasiri, Istiqga, IV, 62-63; Lane-Poole, The Moors in Spain, 221; Merriman, The Rise of the Spanish Empire, 1, 130
3. Castro, The Structure of Spanish History, 221.
waning, p e r h a p s because the pap a c y had its hands full with E u r o p e a n c o n f l i c t s a n d t he G r e a t P a p a l S c h i s m b e t w e e n 1378-1418.2
T h i s s i t u a t i o n n a t u r a l l y a f f e c t e d l i f e in G r a n a d a , and p e o p l e w e r e a w a r e of the s u r r o u n d i n g dangers. H o w e v e r that did not d i m i n i s h their interest in a c o m f o r t a b l e life.
T h e y p a r t i c i p a t e d d i l i g e n t l y in e d u c a t i o n a l a n d l i t e r a r y pursuit'-’,
" F o r a l l t h e a p p a r e n t i n s t a o i l i t y of it s p o l i t i c a l life, G r a n a d i n e s o c i e t y s h o w e d r e m a r k a b l e vitality".^
T h a t is c l e a r l y o b v i o u s in t he s p l e n d i d a r c h i t e c t u r e of A l h a m b r a a n d G e n e r a l i f e (Ja n n at a l - c A r i f ) p a l a c e s , w h i c h M u h a m m a d V a d d e d gr e a t l y to their beauty,
" M u s l i m s t y l e of d e c o r a t i o n r e a c h e d it s c u l m i n a t i n g p o i n t in the N a s r i d p a l a c e of A l h a m b r a " .^
In t h e f i e l d s of s c i e n c e a n d l i t e r a t u r e , G r a n a d a c o n t i n u e d the intell e c t u a l t r a d i t i o n of M u s l i m Spain, where
"Cultural m o v e m e n t r a d i a t e d o u t s i d e its zone a n d s h o n e l i k e a r i s i n g sun u p o n t h e E u r o p e a n
1. Maqqari, Naffi, I, 190, IV, 380-1; °Irian, Nihaya, 37-41; Hijji, al-Tarikh al-Andalusi, 519-23; Castro, The Structure of Spanish History, 87, 90, 377; Sanchez-Albornoz, Spain A Historical Enigma, II, 815, 840; Watts, Spain, 148, 195; Scott, History of the Moorish Empire in Europe, III, 507; Chapman, A History of Spain, 111, 135-6;
Merriman, The Rise of the 5panish Empire, I, 131-3, II, 4-6.
2. Creighton, A History of the Papacy, I, 55; Watts, Spain, 195; Burn-Murdock, The development of the Papacy, 353-7.
3. Ibn al-Khatib, L a m h a , 38-41; I b a t a , I, 134-9; Ibn Khalil, al-Raw(j a l - Basim, Fols. 111-5.
4. Livermore, A History of Spain, 160.
5. Hitti, History of the Arabs, 595; see Lane-poale, The Moors in Spain, 221.
Christians, half asl e e p in the d a r k n e s s of the high Middle ages".1
Literature was infused with new stylistic features, which is clearly noticeable in the compositions of poets and men of letters, like Ah m a d b. K hatima (770/1368),2 the great scholar and w a z ir Ibn al-Khatib (776/1374 ) and Ibn Zamrak (797/I394)2 , and many more, some of whom will be mentioned later as teachers or students of al-Minturi.^
Perhaps the m o s t i m p o r t a n t subject, c o n s i d e r e d to be the basic r e q u i r e m e n t for any e d u c a t e d person, was studying the Quran and its readings. There w e r e m a n y spe c i a l i s t s in this subject, such as a l - B a l l a f i q i (770/1368)^, al - Qayjati
(811/1408)^ and the author al-Minturi.
1. J.M. Vallicross, Las Traducciones Qrietales en los Manuscrites de la Bibleoteca Catedral de Toledo, 6. As quoted by A, Castro, The Structure of Spainish History, 474.
2. Ibn al-Khatib, Ihata, I, 239 -59. Ibn Khatima and Ibn al-Khatib were also specialists in medicine and they wrote some works on this subject.
3. Ibn al-Khatib, Ihata, II, 300-14; al-Katlba al-Kamina, 282-8; Tunbukti, Nayl 282-3.
4. The literary life of Granada is the subject of many recent studies, amongst of which are three theses: the first was presented by Hamadi cAbdullah to Madrid University in 1980; the second was submitted by S.M. Jarrar to London University in 1982; and the
w- Q
third was presented by Qasim al-Husayni to the University of Muhammad b. Abdullah, Fez, in 1985.
5. Ibn al-Khatib, Ihata, n f 143-69, Jazari, Ghaya, II, 235-6; Minturi, Fihris, Fol. 223.
6. Jazari, Ghaya, II, 243-4, Minturi, Fihris, Fol. 226.
2. AL-MINTURI" S LIFE
a. Name
He is M u h a m m a d to. c Abd a l - Malik b. c Ali b. c Atod al- Malik b. cAbdullah al-Qaysi al-Gharnati ai-Maliki, called Abu c Atodullah, and known as al-Mintur i.^ So he is a descendant from the re n o w n e d Arab tribe of Qays, which m i g r a t e d to Andalusia and settled in Granada since the early M u s l i m conquest. He is also called al-Gharnati because he lived in Granada. The title "Maliki" indicates that he followed the Maliki School of Jurisprudence whicn
-j
dominated Andalusia since the late 2/8 Century.
The m o s t distinctive of his names is " j 'VI 11 * (a 1 - Minturi), a unique name, of which he was famous.^ It seems that no serious attempt was made to determine the origin of this name. The earliest recorded reference to the name 9 in Arabic sources appears to be in "al-Tibyan11 of
c A b d u l l a h b. B u l u q q i n , t h e Z i r i K i n g of G r a n a d a
1. Minturi, Fihris, Fol. 2; Manahi.j, Fol. 2; Muqattacat, Fol, 59; Ray, Fol. 19; Sharh, 121, 767; Sakhawi, Pawa, IX, 82-3; M.A. Kittani, Fihris al-Faharis, II, 5. Some sources left out some of his middle names, see Minturi, Fihris, Fol. 231; Sakhawi, Paw3, X, 125; A.M. Ibn al-Qadi, Durra, II, 287; Tunbukti, Nayl, 291; Maqqari, Azhar, II, 21; Nafb, II, 694, VI, 148; Zabidi, XIV, 170; Makhltif, Sha.jara, I, 247;
Zirikli, Aclam, VII, 129.
2. Ibn Durayd, Ishtiqaq, II, 265; Ibn Abbar, al-Hulla al-Siyara, I, 62; Ibn al-khatib, Ifrata, I, 135; M. payf Ahmad, al-Qabail al-cArabiyya Fi al-Andalus, 434.
3. Faradi, Tarikh CUlama* II, 179-81, Ibn Farhun, Dibaj, II, 8-15; Ibn Khaldun, Muqaddima, 806; Tunbukti, Nayl, 291. See below.
4. A.M. Ibn al-Qadi, Durra, II, 287; Tunbukti, Nayl, 291; M.A. Kittani, Fihris al- Faharis, II, 5; Makhluf, 5hajara, I, 247. A.M. Ibn al-Qadi (Jadhwat al-Iqtibas, II, 444) and Makhluf (Shajara, I, 220) mentioned another person called * ^ I*.
However, after careful examination this seems to be an error. The correct name of this person is * ^ j". 11* from "Captur" a place near Seville. See Ibn al-Khatib, Ihafca, III, 164; A.M. Ibn Al-Qadi, Durra, I, 262. Moreover, Minturi, who should know about his name, called that person correctly as (Fihris, Fol. 211).
(467-83/1074-90). He m e n t i o n e d the fortification of the f o r t r e s s of , w h i c h w a s n e a r F i n a n a , on the disputed border line dividing the territories of Granada and Almeria.-1-
W h i l e this s t a t e m e n t p r o v i d e d a u t h o r i t a t i v e informations, unfortunately it rendered the name ambiguous by omitting vocalization. Levi-Provencal, wno edited this book and translated into French, ventured to vocalize it thus * * (A l - M u n t ur i ) , a s s u m i n g t h a t it was an
p
Arabized form of "Monte Ruoio". But tne geographical location and the name inscription do not support this claim. ^ Mo r e o v e r this name was given another form as
" ^ I "(al-Montawri ). In the Spanish translation, of the said work, by Levi-Provencal and the distinguished Spanish Arabist E. G. Gomez.^ And no c o m m e n t was made to justify this preference.
A n o t h e r a t t e m p t w a s m a d e by F. H. J i m e n e z to d e t e r m i n e the c o r r e c t i n s c r i p t i o n and l o c a t i o n of
" j-.'t I\ m . He asserted that it should be I (a l - M o n t a w r i ). For the reason that that A mir cAbdullah's description clearly applies to a hill called "Montaire"
which is now located 9 km South/South West of Finana,
1. Ibn Buluqqin, Tibyan, 88-89.
2. Ibid; A1 Andalus, IV, (1936-9), pp. 55-56, Note No. 47, There are many places called
"Monte Rubio". See Madoz, Diccionario Geoqraficcu II, 550-1; 788, also Ibn Hayyan, al- Muqtabas, V, 107, 179-81, 204; Ibn Idhar7,Bayan, II, 191.
3. F.H. Jimenez, Al-Andalus, VI (1941), pp. 130-1.
4. Levi-Provencal and E.G. Gomez, El Siglo XI EN la Persona, 181, 182, Also Dr. M.A. Abu al-Fadl did not vocalize it in his book Tarikh Madinat Almariyya, 131.
between Granada and Almeria.^ This name supposedly is a corrupted form of the original Latin name "Monte Aurio". ^
Whereas Jimenez's assertions shed some lights on this matter, they are not conclusive. And it is not easy to arrive at a firm conclusion when the question is Toponymy, as some places may disappear entirely, change their names completely or some modifications affect their inscriptions and/or pronunciations, usually by the advance of time,^ out more so, as in this case, when these places are the subject of conquest and reconquest by two d i a m e t r i c a l l y opposed cultures.
There is sufficient evidence to suggest that the name of the author is the same as the name of the place m e n t i o n e d by Amir cAbdullah. Ibn al-Khatib, who lived in G ranada during the early years of al-Minturi's life, cited ’ & j C-JU*as the n a m e of a c u l t i v a t e d r e g i o n of Finana.4 It is possible to assume that of Amir cAbdullah has lost its significance as a military fortress
o e c a u s e of the c h a n g i n g w i n d of d a n g e r p o s e d £>y the Castilians in the North and West, and then, this place b e i n g in the o p p o s i t e side, i.e. S o u t h - E a s t , g a i n e d relative stability, thus people were encouraged to settle
1. F.H. Jimenez, Al-Andalus, VI (1941), p. 133. However, DJ.A. Elias referred to this hill as "Cerro Montayre". (Atlas Geoqrafico, Historico Yestudistico . . ., Part I, Map No, 3).
2. F.H. Jimenez, Al-Andalus, VI (1941), pp. 133-4.
3. See Ibn al-Khatib, Lamha, 30.
4. Ibid. This is perhaps a mis-spelling of * 11 * , or the author's name is an
Arabized form of .
there and cultivate the land. Indeed Amir ‘Abdullah himself acknowledged that he later demolished this fortress, as a consolatory gesture to the Kingdom of A l m e n a . 1 Moreover
the in s c r i p t i o n of the u n v o c a l i z e d " ^ j " " in A m i r cAbdullah's book is exactly the same as the name of the
author.
In r e g a r d to the a u t h o r ' s n a m e t h e r e are a t e w disparities in its spelling. That can be attributed to mis-spelling or misplacement of the diacritical marxs, such as * (al-Manthuri ) , ^ ^ jJL_J I * (al-Maluri ) ®
/ * * (al-Lasur i )4 or * ^ 11 * (a l-Manqat u r i ) Also t h e r e is no e v i d e n c e to s u p p o r t the a s s u m p t i o n that
is derived from the root ( ) and accordingly should be vocalized thus * ^ jVCl 1 * (al-Manturi)®.
There is conclusive evidence to affirm that the correct spelling and pronunciation of the autnor's name is
“ ( a l - M i n t u r i ) a c c o r d i n g to r e l i a b l e sources.
Firstly the statement of Ahmad b. cAli al-Balawi (alive 890/
7 *“■
1485). Al-Balawi, besides being a meticulous scholar, was a student of the prominent Granadine learned man Muhammad b. Yusuf a l - M a w w a q (897/1492 ) who was not only a student of al-Minturi, but also his wife's nephew.® Secondly and more
1. Ibn Buluqqin, Tibyan, 89 -90.
2. A.M. Ibn al-Qadi, Durra, II, 287; Jadhwat al-Iqtibas, I, 319, 3. Sakhawi, Dav/, X, 125.
4. Op. Cit., IX, 83.
5. Ibn al-Khatib, Ihata, III, 41, quoted from the margin of the manuscript.
6. ZabTdf, Taj, XIV, 170, (Kuwait).
7. Minturi, M u q q a t t a ca t , Fol. 59; A.M. Ibn al-Qadi, Laqt, 246; Tunbukti, N a y l , 291;
M.A. Kittani, Fihria al-Faharis, II, 5. ^
8. A.M. Ibn al-Qadi, Durra, II, 141, Jathwat al-Iqtibas, I, 319; Tunbukti, Nayl, 273.
importantly the statement of Al-Minturi Himself in his own handwr1 ting.x
b. His birth, education and career
In formation about al-Minturi's life is scarce. He was born in Granada early Rabic al-Thani 761/late February 1360, 9 during the uncertainty created toy the power struggle between Muhammad V and his brother Ismac il II.
( 1 )
Al-Minturi apparently started his education at an early age, as the practice usually was. His study was moulded m the Andalusian method of education. Teaching normally takes place at home, K u t t a b , school or mosque.
Education passes through three stages. The first one starts with reading, writing and elementary instructions in Grammar. Also pupils were required to m e m o r i z e parts of
the Quran, especially the short, suras.
The s e c o n d s t a g e is an e x p a n s i o n of the e a r l y education, with more concentration on the Qur’an, its
1. M.A. Kittani, Fihris al Faharis, II, 5.
2. Minturi, Fihris, Fol. 231.
3. Ibn Khaldun, a contemporary of al-Minturi, was highly appreciative of the Andalusian method of teaching; because they introduced the teaching of Arabic language and literature in conjinction with the Quran. This method is a medium way between the practice in other parts of the muslim world, in which teaching the Quran comes first, and the opinion of the distinguished Andalusian scholar Abu Bakr b. al- Arabi (543/1148) who insisted that teaching the Quran should be deferred until pupils are well-equipped to undertake this task. (Ibn Khaldun, M u q u d d i m a , 1041-2; English Translation, III, 303-5).
readings and commentaries. In this stage other subjects are introduced, such as the Tradition of the Prophet, Jurisprudence and a thorough study of Araoic language and literature. At the third stage pupils are ready to study more subjects, like Theology, History, G e ography and any available sciences. And some students may pursue their education further by travelling to visit other seats of learning and meet other scholars.^
Al- M i n t u r i acquired a good k n owledge of Quranic studies especially Nafi's Reading, when he was in his teens, for he memorized the "Durar" and read it from memory to his teacher al-Miknasi (781/±379), wnen ne was tnirteen years old. There are some indications that he attended the "Nasrid School", as some of his teachers were prominent lecturers there, like al-Miknasi and Ion Lubb (782/1380).
There is no reason to doubt that al-Minturi participated in the teaching circles held by his teachers in the mosques of Granada.^
A l - M i n t u r i r e c e i v e d his e d u c a t i o n in the best tradition of the Andalusian School, as can be judged from the prominence of his teachers, the diversity of his books and more importantly the wealth of information offered by his "Fih r is", in which he presented an elaborate list of
1. See Ibn Khaldun, Muqaddima, 1038-41, 1044-5; (English Translation, III, 300-3, 307- 9); M. A. cIsa-, Tarikh al-Taclim Fi al-Andalus, 211-3.
2. Minturi, Shartj, 122-3.
3. Ibn al-Khatib, Ihata, IV, 254; Jazari, Ghaya, II, 402.
4. See Ibn al-Khatib, Ifrata, III, 40, IV, 254.
the books he s t u d i e d in various subjects.
H e r e a d the Q u r a n , its r e a d i n g s a n d c o m m e n t a r i e s to m a n y s c h o l a r s , p r o m i n e n t a m o n g t h e m w a s t h e o u t s t a n d i n g G r a n a d i n e Q u r ’a n i c s p e c i a l i s t A b u c A b d u l l a h M. a l - Q a y j a t i (811/1408). A l - M i n t u r i l e a r n e d from hi m not only the Seven Re a d i n g s of the Quran, but also all the F o u r t e e n Readings.
H e a c h i e v e d t h i s by r e a d i n g t h e w h o l e Qur^an t o h i m s e v e n t e e n t i m e s . ^ A l - M i n t u r i s t u d i e d al-Qayjati's works, a n d r e l i e d g r e a t l y u p o n the e x t e n s i v e K n o w l e d g e of hi s t e a c h e r .
T h e d e p t h of a l - M i n t u r i ' s c o g n i t i o n of Q u r a n i c s t u d i e s c a n be m e a s u r e d by the d e t a i l e d l i s t of t n e d o o k s
he s t u d i e d in this subject. And also by the various w o rks
i 7 —■ i * A
he c o m p i l e d a b o u t d i f f e r e n t a s p e c t s of Q u r a n i c s t u d i e s . F u r t h e r m o r e t h e e x t e n t of a l - M i n t u r i ' s l e a r n i n g c a n oe eas i l y d e t e c t e d by the e x t e n s i v e refe r e n c e s he c o n s u l c e d in his boox "Sharfl a l - D u r a r ", w h i c h has been a c k n o w l e d g e d by m a n y s c h o l a r s . b It is a c l e a r e x a m p l e of hi s m a s t e r y of th i s s u b j e c t . H e n c e he e a r n e d th e t i t l e of " I m a m a l - Iqra* W a M u c a l l i m a l - A d a " (Leader of teaching the Readi n g s of the Q uran and m a s t e r of recitation).
A n o t h e r e s s e n t i a l subject w h i c h s h a p e d al-Minturi's
1. Tunbukti, Nayl, 291.
2. Minturi, Fihris, Fol. 228; Sharh, 122, 767.
3. Minturi, Fihris, Fols, 3-34.
4. Op. Cit., Fols. 231-3.
5. Tunbukti, Nayl, 291; Makhluf, Shajara, I, 248.
6. Tunbukti, Nayl, 291.
education is the study of the Traditions of tne Prophet and its related sciences. He undertook the instruction of this subject under the supervision of p r o m i n e n t scnolars liKe cAli b. al-Ashhab (791/1388) and M. b. cUmar (794/1391).
Al - M inturi offered a detailed list of the book he studied in the Traditions of the Prophet.^ And he wrote a few
9 — "
w o r d s m this subject. A l - M i n t u r i was so we l l q u a l i f i e d to be c a l l e d "a l - R a w i y a " (the a u t h o r i t a t i v e t r a n s m i t t e r ) a n d "a l - M u f r a d d i t h " (an a u t h o r i t y on t h e t r a d i t i o n s of th e P r o p h e t ).J
A l - M i n t u r i a l s o s t u d i e d J u r i s p r u d e n c e a n d r e l a t e d s u b j e c t s u n d e r t h e i n s t r u c t i o n s of d i s t i n g u i s h e d j u r i s t s s u c h as t h e t w o C h i e f J u s t i c e s of G r a n a d a , Ad u B a f r b.
J u z a y (785/1383) a n d M. d. cA l l a q (806/1403). H e d i d n o t c o n f i n e h i m s e l f to s t u d y i n g t n e M a l i k i S c h o o l of J uri s p r u d e n c e , the d o m i n a n t d o c t r i n e in Andalusia. Besides b e i n g an a u t h o r i t y on t h a t s c h o o l , 4 he w a s w e l l - v e r s e d about other schools, c h o o s i n g his sources f r o m a wide range of these schools r e f e r e n c e books.5 A l - M i n t u r i w a s so well i n f o r m e d a b o u t t h i s s u b j e c t t h a t he e a r n e d t he t i t l e of 11F a g i h 11, as he w a s d e s c r i b e d by A b u Z a k a r i y y a b. S a r r a j (803/1400 )^, o n e of h is t e a c h e r s . T h i s t i t l e is the h i g h e s t a t t r i b u t e a s cholar a s p i r e d to in Andalusia.7
1. Minturi, Fihris, Fols. 34-68.
2. Op. Cit., 231-2.
3. A.M. Ibn al-Qadi, Du r r a , II, 287; Tunbukti, Na y l , 291; M.A. Kittani, Fihris al- Faharis , II, 5.
4. Tinbukti, Nayl, 291; Makhluf, Shajara, I, 247.
5. Minturi, Fihris, Fols. 81-91.
6. Quoted by Tunbukti, Nayl, 291; M.A. Kittani, Fihris al-Faharis, II, 5.
7. Maqqari, Naflj, I, 206.
A l - M i n t u r i also read I s l a m i c theology, a l t h o u g h this subject r e c e i v e d litt l e a t t e n t i o n in Andalusia, a l - M i n t u r i f o u n d h i s t e a c h e r F a r a j b. L u b b (782/1380) a g r e a t help, es p e c i a l l y by reading his book "a l - cA q i d a 11. ^
B u t o n e of t h e s u b j e c t s w h i c h t h e A n d a l u s i a n h as g i v e n great attention, as re p o r t e d by Ibn Khaldun,^ is the study of Ara b i c G r a m m a r , l a n g u a g e and literature, of w h i c h a l - M i n t u r i w a s a b l e to b r o a d e n hi s K n o w l e d g e . He w a s t a u g h t by w e l l q u a l i f i e d s c h o l a r s l i k e M. a l - B a l a n s i (782/1380) a n d I b n Lubb. As a n e v i d e n c e of a l - M i n t u r i ' s e x t e n s iv e l e a r n i n g of t h e s e s u b j e c t s is t h e e l a D o r a t e schedule of the books he has studied and was a u t h o r i z e d to
•3
teach. M o r e o v e r hi s b o o k s , a n d c e r t a i n l y " S h a r h a l- D u r a r " , s h o w h o w w e l l a c q u a i n t e d h e w a s w i t h t h e s e s u b j e c t s .^
A l - M i n t u r i ' s e d u c a t i o n cov e r e d other fields of study, such as biography, travel books and F i h n ses or B a r n a m a j s.
A l - M i n t u r i c o n t r i b u t e d in t h e s e s u b j e c t s by w r i t i n g t h e
"B i o g r a p h y of a l - D a n i " , and his e l a b o r a t e and m u c h p r a i s e d
"F i h r i s 11.
A l - M i n t u r i e v i d e n t l y s t u d i e d S u f i s m , a d o c t r i n e
1. Minturi, Fihris, Fol. 71.
2. Ibn Khaldun, Muqaddima, 1041, 1083, 1090-1.
3. Minturi, Fihris, Fols, 91-101.
4. Minturi, Sharh al-Durar, 122 and so on.
5. Minturi, Fihr i s , Fols. 68-71, 106-112, The Fihris or Barnama.j is a semi autobiography, it contains some aspects of his life, his teachers and works, and more importantly it provides a list of the books that he studied and obtained authorizations from their authors or transmitters.
t r a d i t i o n a l l y a d h e r e d to in G r a n a d a and g e n e r a l l y m e t w i t h f a v o u r a b l e d i s p o s i t i o n s by t h e G o v e r n m e n t S o m e of Al - Minturi's teach e r s w e r e f a mo u s Sufis, liKe Abu Z a Kariyya b.
Sarraj (803/1400) and Y a h y a a l -Ansari (806/1403). But the m o s t d i s t i n g u i s h e d G r a n a d i n e S u f i w a s M. b. B a q i (791/1388), w h o w a s t h e m e n t o r a n d f a t h e r - i n - l a w of al - M i n t u r i .
Whereas al-Minturi himself was not described as a Sufi, he was closely associated with notable Sufis. ISiot only his father-in-law and some of his teachers were Sufis, but also his distinguished student, al-Mawwaq (897/1492), w h o w a s his wife's n e p h e w , was w e l l K n o w n Sufi.
Fu r t h e r m o r e a considerable proportion of the booKs al- Minturi has studied is about Sufism.2 More importantly the theme of some of his books, such as " a l - M u b a s hshirat" and al-M ara^i a l - M a na m i y y a " is one of the topics frequently covered by Sufis like Ibn Baqi.2
( 2 )
He also pursued his education outside Granada.^ He apparantly travelled to Morocco to meet other scholars, as some of his p r o m i n e n t teachers lived there, such as c Ali al-Ashhao (791/1388), from Tlemcen; M. b. cUmar (794/1391),
1. See above, The Political Situation in Andalusia.
2. Minturi, Fihris, Fols. 72-81.
3. Ibn al-Khatib, Ihata, III, 41; Katiba, 94-3.
4. A scholar is not considered as well qualified unless he travels to seek knowledge, see Ibn al-Salah, Muqaddima, 246-7; Jazari, Nashr, I, 198.
