“Principal factors for enhancing the circular economy in the Dutch textile industry with focus upon the drivers of re-cycling of used textiles”

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“Principal factors for enhancing the circular economy in the Dutch textile industry with focus upon the drivers of re-cycling of used textiles”

Thesis

door Eline Spliethof

Universiteit van Groningen Faculteit Economie en Bedrijfskunde

AOG Master MSc-Groep: 20

Date of submission : 22-08-2018

Studentnumber 2262029

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Abstract

Increasing interest in the quest for environmental and social sustainability has resulted in the creation of the model of the circular economy and how it might be applied to high

demand/high disposal goods and products such as textiles. The reuse and re-cycling of used

textiles rather than their disposal as landfill or by incineration has been taken up through EU

and national waste management directives seeking alternative uses and waste reduction. In the

Netherlands waste management is carried out at municipal level and after consideration of

practices within the EU and beyond a route map is constructed by which Dutch municipalities

might increase re-cycling ratios and contribute to the furtherance of environmental and social

goals in accordance with the circular economy.

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1. Introduction

The textile industry is notorious for its profligate use of raw materials and energy within its linear supply chain (Meadows, 2010). Clothing forms 60% of textiles and ‘fast fashion’ leads to the jettisoning of half the clothing bought in developed economies each year (Ellen

MacArthur Foundation, 2017). In Europe only 26% of textiles are re-cycled (Beasley &

Georgeson, 2014) making the application of EU directives at national and local levels essential in reducing disposal through incineration or landfill (EC, 20016a;2016 b) and to develop policy initiatives for collaboration to underwrite environmental and social sustainability. At present in the Netherlands, as with many other European countries, the processes of collection and appropriate distribution for reuse and recycling are fragmented and complex, and involve an intra-organisational medley of participants of a mainly voluntary nature. This, despite the fact that The Netherlands strives to retain its position as a leader in recycling and waste management and recycling (Dubois et al. 2016). Additionally, data from CBS & Rijkswaterstaat over a 15-year period indicates an increase in the volume of post- consumer textiles collected, while qualitative research from Measuring The Dutch Clothing Mountain (2017) suggests that, while the quantity of second-hand produce has increased, the quality of the clothing from textile collection and sorting agencies is of increasingly inferior quality, with poor durability and therefore a lower lifespan.

This decline in quality that has reduced the resale value of the garments making the collection and redistribution of apparel to other countries (mainly Eastern Europe and Africa) less profitable. Other factors that have impacted the profitability are changes in the Dutch

regulations that compel actors in the sector to take all textiles at source, regardless of quality.

As a result, Dutch charities in receipt of clothing—usually of a higher quality than collection agencies—have also reported a 20-30% decline in the amount of clothes suitable for wearing.

The ( fast) textile industry is, after oil, the second most polluting industry in the world.

Circular Economy (CE) is a new approach that alters the production process and could reduce

the use of resources. The Dutch government is working with the concept of CE. Several

studies have analysed the transition toward a circular economy in the global and in the Dutch

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textile industry by examining business models and sustainability approaches towards textiles re-cycling in the Netherlands and in several countries (Apolinar, Forosuela et al, 2015;

Bukhari, Carrasco-Gallego et al, 2018; Fischer, 2015; Toemen 2017; Tojo, Kogg et al, 2012;

Watson, Aare et al, 2018). In this transition the implications for the second-hand clothing and textiles industry become evident as the fraction of non-reusable used textiles will increase and is expected to rise. That said, there is scant commentary in studies regarding those aspects of the process that would provide clear directions for municipalities and policy makers and these knowledge gaps point to the need for greater research to ascertain to what extent reuse, and recycling can contribute to enabling municipalities to discharge their legal obligations under the Environmental Management Act and EU directives for the sustainable and socially appropriate re-cycling and re-use of end-of-life clothing. The intention is to provide a route map for the re-cycling of used textiles

1.1 Purpose and Structure

This thesis uses directives, documents and research papers to identify the drivers of used textiles re-cycling. It goes on to offer examples of institutional good practice as the first stage in constructing a route map by which the Netherlands’ 390 municipalities might better

discharge their statutory obligation under the Environmental Management Act for the collection and disposal of used textiles for re-cycling. We begin by describing our research methodology, followed by the review and found models of used-textile re-cycling in use. We then synthesize our findings into a comprehensive multi-dimensional framework of initiatives on re-cycling. From the literature analysis we then go on to present a routemap Finally, we discuss the implications of our findings with stakeholders in the used textile industry in the Netherlands. Having conducted 5 interviews with key actors working in commercial re- cycling companies, charitable companies, municipalities, fashion retail and second-hand clothing retailers in the Netherlands. The researchers interviewed managers and persons responsible for re-cycling and value creation activities to probe deeper into the current

challenges facing textile-re-cycling activities in the Netherlands and to find out to what extend

the theoretical route-map may work out in practice.

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1.2 Research Question The research question is:

What are the principal factors for enhancing the circular economy in the Dutch textile industry with focus upon the drivers of re-cycling of used textiles?

To support an answer to the main question, the following sub-questions are relevant.

Sub-questions:

• Which processes within a Circular Economy relate to Used Textiles Re-cycling?

• What are the main drivers for re-cycling that will enhance the circular economy?

• Which principal factors can contribute towards a future planning route map for textile collection and re-cycling by Dutch municipalities?

• Which best practice models of used textile collection for re-cycling can be identified?

• Which best practice models can be exemplar to a future planning route map for textile collection and re-cycling by Dutch municipalities?

• Which principal factors from this theoretical route-map will work out best in practice for enhancing the Circular Economy?

1.3 Conceptual model :

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1.3 Research Methodology

This thesis has adopted a literature review and case study approach in accessing a wide range of materials and information relating to the circular economy and placing the re-cycling of used textiles within this, focusing upon the Dutch market .Constructing a best practice guidance (route map) for municipal use.

Material was accessed and interrogated with the purpose of constructing a Route Map and divided into position statements and explanations, as in those relating to the circular economy, the circular economy and lifespan of textiles and papers and reports relating to re-cycling.

Sources included; peer reviewed articles and texts, university theses which often provided access to other papers through snowballing of references, EU directives and cross-national investigation reports. The key criterion for inclusion was the capability to explicate the investigation subject and relevance to the thesis title. Fig. 1 provides a typology of sources by provenance and relevance.

For the case study

interviews were conducted, both face-to-face and on the phone, a series of questions were asked to probe deeper into the current challenges facing textile waste re-cycling in the Netherlands, to what extend the route-map plays out in practice, and whether or not the notion of the circular economy is something that is likely to be positively influenced by it.

Fig. 1 Typology of Literature Sources and Application

Literature Provenance Authors Relevance

Peer reviewed articles Journals Abbott, Nandebain et

al, Anderson, Apolinar, Bhowmik Braungart, Bukhari et al, Caro & Martinez- de-Albeniz, Cooper &

Gutowski, Cordoba, Cuc, Dijkgraaf, Eryuruk, Fisher, Hotta, James et al, Gutowski, Sahni et al, Kim, Kirchher et al, Kohler, Korhonen et al, Lee, Meadows, Mirdar, Moktadir et al, Muthu, Mwanza et al, Newell, Ozturk, Rosen,

Circular Economy models, second hand sales, other nation- state operations, EPR

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Zamani et al, Zhong.

Directives EU guidance and gov’t

requirements

EC, 2008, EC 2016a, 2016b, EP, 2017, EU Green Public Procurement, 2017, IPCC Climate Change

Framework for action, legal requirements

Reports Investigations multiple

sites

Allwood et al, 2006 &

2010a, Beasley &

Georgeson, Dijkgraaf

& Gradus, Dutch Circular Textiles, Dutch Waste Management, Ellen MacArthur

Foundation, EU Retail Forum on

Sustainability,

Massabalans, Moreley et al, Tojo & Lindqvist, Tojo, Kogg et al, Watson, Aare et al, Wolf et al, World Economic Forum

Models of re-cycling to inform route map

Theses Research approaches

and additional sources

Fischer, Hancock, Jenkins, Toemen

Sources and approaches Texts & newspaper

articles

Generic Ashby, Dijkgraaf,

Muhtu, Packard, Smedley

Background

1.4 Reading guide

The thesis is constructed thematically; Chapter 2 will provide the theoretical framework of the

Circular Economy and the context for the Re-Cycling of Dutch Used Textiles including

drivers for sustainability. Documentation relating to re-cycling and supra-national initiatives

such as Extended Producer Responsibility (EPR) with particular reference to the French

model (Bukhari, Carrasco-Gallego et al, 2018) will form Chapter 3 as an exemplar of re-

cycling on a national scale. Chapter 4 furthers re-cycling whilst reviewing alternative modes

of end-of-life disposal (Tojo, Kogg et al, 2012) whilst Chapter 5 focuses upon supra-national

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and national policies whilst investigating municipal collection schemes that will form a core facet of the route map for Dutch municipalities. Chapter 6 draws these strands together, provides the route map and makes best practice recommendations grounded in the literature review. Chapter 7 will summarize the outcome of the interviews and gives answers to what extend the route-map will play out in practice. The last chapter will conclude to what degree the circular economy is something that is likely to be enhanced by following the routemap and sets the context for further investigation.

2 Theoretical framework

2.1 The Circular Economy

The notion of the re-cycling of production comes from within the Circular Economy (CE) paradigm which has multiple principles. One of them is the explicit reference to the 4R framework with the dimensions Reduce, Reuse, Recycle, and Recover. A second principle is based on Reduce Waste hierarchy : indication of an order or ranking of the various Rs mentioned. A third principle is from the Systems Perspectives : Micro-systems perspective : discussion around product level changes, firms and/or consumers and their preferences, Meso- systems perspective : discussion around CE at the regional level and/or eco-industrial parks and Macro-systems perspective : discussion around CE at the global and/or national level and or the overall industry structure. (Kirchherr, Reike & Hekkert, 2017).

Many definitions consider a system change as a fundamental part of reaching a circular economy. These are the most important aspects of a circular economy.grounded within several quasi-disciplines (Korhonen, Honkasalo & Seppala, 2017). The most prominent CE definition has been provided by Ellen MacArthur Foundation (2012, p.7) which reads:

“CE is an industrial system that is restorative or regenerative by intention and design. It

replaces the ‘end-of-life’ concept with restoration, shifts towards the use of renewable energy,

eliminates the use of toxic chemicals, which impair reuse, and aims for the elimination of

waste through the superior design of materials, products,systems, and, within this, business

models.”( Geissdoerfer et al. (2017, p.759) (Schut et al. (2015, p.15)

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The working version adopted here is that of improved resource use within an ecologically sustainable and socially acceptable context (Circle Economy, 2018). The focus of this thesis is making interventions within the linear manufacture-purchase-disposal model of the clothing sector (Bukhari, Carrasco-Gallego & Ponce-Cueto, 2018; World Economic Forum, 2018) which constitutes as much as 80% of manufactured textiles (Allwood, Laursen, de Rodriguez

& Bocken, 2006). The cradle to cradle model devised by Braungart et al (2007) presumes a cyclical rather than linear flow in energy and materials and advocates re-cycling and re-using manufactured goods to promote CE for optimal economic, environmental and social

sustainability .

Fig. 2 Visualization of circular material flows in biological- and technical metabolisms (Cradle to Cradle, 2015).

CE products that are designed while taking into account possibilities to re-use products, cascade (parts of) products and to harvest pure materials at the end of a product’s lifecycle (Ellen McArthur Foundation, 2013). Energy used should always be of a renewable source.

The figure below shows the loops in which (parts of) products and materials circulate and

cascade. Cascading activities are most valuable towards the inner circle. Activities near the

inner circle need the least amount of energy for creating value since the products only need

(minor) alterations. At the same time most of the added value of the product is preserved,

since the products or it parts are used again instead of being decomposed into materials (Ellen

MacArthur Foundation & McKinsey, 2014).

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Fig 3. Visualization of cascading in the biological- and technical material cycle (Ellen

McArthur Foundation, 2013)

CE objectives are ; environmental in reducing the use of virgin materials and eliminating ecologically harmful waste, economic in reducing production and energy costs and

encouraging CE design and businesses with social values of collaboration, sharing and justice (Korhonen et al, 2017). CE is a model that is socially constructed and all production, whether manufacturing or for re-use, remains subject to economic factors (Mayer, Kauppi, Angelstam, Zhang & Tikka, 2005). The re-use of clothing in Europe and limiting its dependence upon

‘fast fashion’ producers in Asia has impacts upon their economies. It is also not a zero-sum scenario in terms of energy because re-using (Smedley, 2014) and re-cycling cannot continue in perpetuity (Anderson, 2007). The law of thermodynamics ensures all CE initiatives

consume some resources and this has an environmental impact (Korhonen et al, 2017).

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CE initiatives are conceptually grounded within systems thinking, biomimicry and the

biosphere arguing the interdependence of the social, ecological and environmental and the possibly of working towards ‘closed loop’ production drawing upon business initiatives such as lean production and function over form (Zhong, 2018). Political connections with the Green movement encourage small-scale business within an immediate hinterland as being environmentally non-interfering and ground CE within the organization of society with the re- using of textiles initiatives furthered by NGOs (Ellen MacArthur Foundation, 2017) interest groups (Dutch Circular Textiles Platform, 2017) and government, the EU (2017).

2.2 The Context for the Re-Cycling of Dutch Used Textiles

The business model of ‘fast fashion’ is low-cost, ephemeral and flexible (Caro & Martinez-

de-Albeniz, 2015) but resource profligate and dependent upon developing economies that

accrue social costs (Fletcher, 2008). Whilst governments, Non Governmental Organisations

(NGO’s) and interest groups in Europe and the Netherlands seek to embrace a CE model of

textile production and disposal the tension towards cheap, disposable garments remains strong

within a consumer driven industry In 2017 less than 1% of material used to make clothing is

re-cycled into new clothing (Ellen MacArthur Foundation, 2017) and even in nation-states

with developed collection mechanisms, such as Germany which currently collects 75% of

used textiles, the bulk is exported to countries without such an infrastructure, such as the

Philippines, where it has in the past been sold on to new customers (Apolinar, Forosuela et al,

2015). One way to close the flow of materials is to use the existing infrastructure in the

Netherlands. Textile products are collected for the first time (eg textiles thrown away by

users) by way of collecting containers organized by municipalities or by the collection of

textiles through a door-to-door collection. This raises the question whether collection costs (at

least) correspond to the value of these textiles after consumption. An optional scenario is the

organization of the textile collection after consumption in the clothing stores combined with a

discount on a new purchase. This will create an incentive for the return of used textiles (Circle

Economy, 2015). Containers for collecting old textiles are already present in most Dutch

cities. Some major players in the Dutch textile industry carry out the processes of collecting,

sorting and processing cycles. After collection, textiles are sorted into recyclable and non-

recyclable textiles. Recyclable fabrics are sold on the Dutch market or transported to other

countries. Non-consumable textiles are further arranged in a textile that is suitable for

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shredding and textiles that can not be. After fiber formation, the fibers can be mixed with thick fibers to make new meshes. (Circular Textiles Lab, 2015; Mass Balance Textiles, 2014).

However at present, it is not possible to create a high quality recovered fiber because of a shortage of non-rewearable textiles for scaling up the up-cyling of textiles into new fabrics (Circle Economy, 2015).

2.3 Drivers to re-cycling for sustainability

Industry-wide recognition of waste (used textiles) as a resource is a driver, as (Mwanza &

Mbohwa (2017) explain for plastic and Whitty (2015) textiles, whilst carefully disposing of used textiles promotes the driver of environmental protection (Wolf, Cordella et al ; Muthu, 2016). The environmental aspect of textile re-cycling plays a large and equally significant role in the realization of sustainability (Whitty, 2015; Ellen MacArthur Foundation, 2018; Cuc et al., 2015; Rosen & Kishawy, 2012). Comprehension of the detrimental effects that the different materials in the textile industry can have on the environment forms the foundation for sustainable development through informed and well-planned re-cycling (Strahle & Muller, 2017; Hotta & Aoki-Suzuki, 2014; Cordoba & Veshagh, 2013). Significantly, environmental protection prevails as a key driver of sustainability in the re-cycling of textiles, particularly through the maintenance of eco-friendly practices. Muthu (2016), Newell (2015), and

Bhowmik (2013) also affirm that the competitiveness existing in the textile industry instigates the need for companies to remain environmentally responsible for survival.

Multiple authors identify leadership and quality management as drivers of sustainable development, especially given the nature of the textile re-cycling business as a circular

economy (Ozturk et al., 2016; Moktadir et al., 2018; Strahle & Muller, 2018; Retail Forum for Sustainability, 2013). Moktadir et al. (2018) state that commitment from the top management, mainly in overseeing the re-cycling practices and process acts as the foundation for the

formulation of bold strategies that additionally contribute to the preservation of a sustainable manufacturing setting. On the other hand, Strahle and Muller (2018) note that quality

management applies in the improvement of operational productivity, provision of a

competitive advantage, assurance of better value for consumers, and development of concrete inter-organization relationships among organizations focusing on textile re-cycling.

Therefore, commitment and coherence from top-level leaders and managers act a driver for

sustainability in all manufacturing practices of the textile industry including re-cycling. On

the other hand, Snadvik (2017) identifies external pressure from growing populations and

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decreasing resources, and potential extended producer responsibility as supplementary drivers of sustainability. Finally, Whitty (2015) discusses system innovation and cross-sector

collaborative initiatives as practices that could apply to the improvement of sustainability in the future of textile re-cycling. There are additional drivers of sustainability in textile re- cycling as identified in the different literature. Mwanza and Mbohwa (2017) deliberate on other factors such as responsibility by consumers and producers, and rules and regulations as factors influencing sustainable development.

In one of the most recently conducted studies on the subject, Maktadir et al. (2018) identify government support and legislation as a significant driver of sustainability in the Bangladesh textile industry. The type of regulation level by governments, particularly the laws on re- cycling materials and packaging act as the foundation for sustainable manufacturing practices (Mirdar Harijani et al., 2017; Maktadir et al., 2018). Still, funding and law enforcement

determine the degree of the environmental degradation thus without them, re-cycling of textile poses increased ecological threats. Eryuruk (2012) supports this opinion by noting that

government involvement acts as both a management and sustainability driver.

These demonstrate that community leadership and government support are drivers and arguably the most important in striving for sustainability as Maktadir et al (2018) in Bangladesh demonstrate whilst Eryuruk (2012) confirms the importance of government involvement in furthering this.

2.4 Upstream alternatives

Interventions in re-cycling downstream the value chain from point of purchase are key, but building in value upstream to lengthen the life of garments or to re-cycle as leasing is developing on a small-scale (Fischer, 2015). Recycle as vintage re-sale (Hancock, 2016;

Jenkins,2015) is dependent upon quality and re-cycling as personalisation (Toemen, 2017 ) is idiosyncratic and usually located within small and often transient ventures, whilst

incorporating old fibres into new manufacturing (Copper & Gutowski, 2015;Whitty, 2015 ) is costly and remains the exception (Ellen MacArthur Foundation, 2017).

Large-scale interventions must arise through policy at national and municipal levels with

extended producer responsibility (EPR) now obliging manufacturers to cooperate in product

disposal that is extended to textiles and since 2017 France has provided a global exemplar

(Bukhari, Carrasco-Gallego & Ponce-Cueto, 2018). Collecting used textiles for re-use may be

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demanded by the imposition of EPR on manufacturers and legislation, as in France (Bukhari, Carrasco-Gallego & Ponce-Cueto, 2017), whilst Tojo, Kogg et al (2012) compare the

effectiveness of disposal methods within the Nordic group and the key model of collection for re-cycling at the city or municipal level is evaluated by Watson, Aare et al (2018)

demonstrating that collection strategies are grounded in assumptions of social awareness and sustainability (Abbot, Nandeibam et al, 2011 that acts as a vehicle for public/private

collaboration and community discours

Municipal, charity and business initiatives for city collections also offer a model of

collaboration for social sustainability (Watson, Aare et al, 2018) whilst by examining extant national activities (Tojo, Kogg et al, 2012) and ways of optimising environmentally aware responses (Wolf, Cordell et al) the route map of a national (Dutch) model operating at the municipal level can be constructed

3 Institutional Processes of CE and its Relationship to Used Textiles Re- cycling

3.1 Introduction

The environmental impact of end of use clothing through incineration or landfill is well recognised and has generated the search for lower disposal levels in the form of retention and alternative usage (Cooper & Gutowski, 2015). Re-use is; a non-destructive process that finds a second or further use for end-of-first-life solid materials….without a change of state (p. 38).

It therefore is related to re-cycling, textiles may be collected to be re-cycled for onward wear through charities, or collected for dis-assembly or re-designation, as industrial rags or

insulation material. The impact of resource depletion and disposal is well documented

(Ashby, 2012) and projections of the impact and strategies for the re-cycling and re-use of

products such as steel and plastics are already in place (Allwood, Cullen et al, 2010a) but

more work is required on textiles.

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3.2 Downstream Point of Sale Disposal

‘Fast fashion’ exemplifies Packard’s (1960) model of built in obsolescence and

textile disposal through landfill or incineration is a major pollutant contributing to climate change (IPCC, 2014). In the Nordic countries, the UK and the Netherlands 61% of discarded garments end up as landfill or are incinerated, whilst of the 39% of used textiles that are collected, 84% are reused and 16% re-cycled, indicating the importance of collection and re- cycling in removing used textiles from the waste supply chain and damage to the environment (Massabalens Textiel, 2014 as cited in Fischer, 2015). Figure 3 shows the way collected textile material in the Netherlands are flowing through Europe. This figure also shows that used textiles are partially sold to developing countries which partly disrupts the re-cycling circular flow process as there is no information on the processing of the materials. They may end up as waste in landfills abroad.

Fig 4. Post-consumer textile material flows in The Netherlands, UK and the Nordics

(www.circle-economy.com)

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Gutowski et al (2013) also argue that manufacturing energy savings are now marginal, thus reinforcing the centrality of re-use and re-cycling as the focus of regeneration for all

manufactured products.

Whilst the later Cooper & Gutowski (2015) paper is persuasive in arguing the re-use and re- cycling of many manufactured products including those that are plastic, electrical and steel based, the disposal rates of clothing textiles is now 50% within a year of purchase in developed economies (Ellen MacArthur Foundation, 2017) which is largely driven by low- cost availability and pressure selling of ephemeral garments (Caro & Martinez-de-Albeniz, 2015). One of the fastest growing sectors in the consumer culture of industrialised nations is apparel (Jenkins, 2015 :p3). Investing in better quality materials and processes upstream to increase retention rates is compromised by fashion drivers and buying to lease demands sufficient businesses prepared to invest in and organise it (Fischer, 2015).

Onward disposal of garments that have not reached end of life but only end of life for the owner has always been practised for children and within families (Toemen,2017 ) and the market for vintage clothing, although small is burgeoning (Hancock, 2016). Re-using garments, customising and increasing value for selling on, which is termed upcycling is also increasingly popular (Thomas, 2008; Lee, 2009) as cited by Jenkins ( 2015 ). Larger-scale second hand clothing markets are described by Apolinar, Forosuela et al (2015) but this study is limited to the Philippines, where the import of clothing was ended the following year, whilst the bulk of clothing re-cycled in Europe is exported into other Asian countries and Africa. Dr Andrew Brooks, lecturer in development geography at King’s College London argues in his book, Clothing Poverty, that people who give their clothing away to charities are unaware that their garments will be commoditized overseas, with as little as 10-30% of all items donated remaining for sale in their own country (BBC News, 2018). While on the surface, clothes being sent to developing countries might not be seen as inherently bad, in reality donations on such a large scale have destroyed textile production in many African countries. For example, in Uganda the second-hand clothing sector accounts for more than 80% of textile market share. Here then, exports have undermined localised clothing

production, led to the demise of once profitable factories, and damaged employment in certain

region. Though Brooks’s research focuses on the UK, the Netherlands also exports as much as

70% of its second-hand textiles to developing countries.

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Proposals for collection and re-cycling at municipal level must be initiated by policy

directives embedded within supra-national (EU) and national (Dutch) legislation. Relevant EU policy documents include the Retail Forum on Sustainability’s guidance (2013) that urges retailers to; encourage re-cycling of garments, promoting locally provided clothes banks/bins etc (p.6) within a framework of; socially and environmentally friendlier textiles (p. 4). Much of this documentation relates to the upstream and more ecologically sustainable items and to the human rights focused production of garments with the REACH requirements

(Registration, Evaluation, Authorisation and Restriction of Chemical Hazards) including downstream only as far as the use of or release of chemical agents through disposal, incineration or landfill.

The EU Directive Green Public Procurement Criteria for Textile Products and Services (2017) whilst compliance is voluntary, does include ‘Take-Back’ as; the collection and sorting of textile products in order to maximise their reuse and/or re-cycling. (1.1.p.4). Because this directive is concerned with the procurement of green textiles for official use within the EU it acknowledges that ownership lapses at point of collection; the procuring authority waives ownership of any textile products at the moment of their collection.

3.3 Extended Producer Responsibility

The other side of this model is the requirement that is now being placed upon the producer, as

manufacturer or retailer, of being responsible for the appropriate disposal of the garment at

end-of-life. It is now a core component of the EU target as set out in the European Waste

Framework Directive (2008/9) and designed to divert 50% of municipal landfill towards reuse

and re-cycling and this was replaced in 2016 by the Circular Economy Package aimed at

setting a municipal target for waste recovery of 70% and landfill reduction to 10% by 2030

(EU Parliament, 2017). As part of this directive all member states are required to institute an

Extended Producer Responsibility (EPR) regime that to date includes such items as batteries,

vehicles and electrical goods with textiles the next stage. Under EPR producers bear the cost

of collection, treating and re-cycling their product. Limitations arise in the case of historic or

orphaned articles, bought long ago or where the producer/retailer is now defunct.

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To date only France has adopted EPR for textiles through a legal framework launched in 2007 (Bukhari, Carrasco-Gallego et al, 2018) and their paper sets out both a description of the challenges involved and offers guidance in overcoming them, it is a key source in

constructing a Dutch route map. Under this legislation all manufacturers and retailers selling textiles in France are responsible for their re-cycling and appropriate disposal. To meet their legal obligation sellers can make a financial contribution towards a publically approved take- back collection organization (PRO) or establish their own. Manufacturers and retailers register with the collection company and pay tariffs that are dependent upon volume and form, clothing, footwear etc. Collected clothing arriving at charities is sold or distributed by them with the largest proportion being dealt with by Le Relais as a not-for-profit organization and the sorting and re-cycling facilities are privately owned.

Textiles re-cycling, which follows on from the collection and otherwise disposal of garments entire, is mechanical and subsidies are payable to companies that comply with government agreed standards. A national awareness raising campaign to encourage citizens to donate and recycle is in place and this would be a necessary element of any Dutch route-map at national and municipal levels. In 2015 some 65% of textiles were re-cycled, including exports to Africa and 35% were re-used as work rags or insulation material. As ‘fast fashion’ has driven down the cost to the consumer the quality of the garment textile has depreciated and its reuse value has declined. The costs of sorting remain high with the incorporation of multiple fibres (Sherburne, 2009) with much still being sorted by hand as mechanical developments remain in planning (Bukhari, Carrasco-Gallego et al, 2018).

This does, however, deliver a social and economic benefit by providing employment for socially excluded groups but this benefit remains uncertain because fluctuations in both quality and demand make sorting and re-cycling a financially unstable sector dependent upon not-for-profit organisations that are in turn open to accusations of exploitation. Volume enhancement means that three times more used textiles were collected in 2017 than in 2007 and the EPR policy provides funding to raise public awareness and so the drive for French public awareness becomes self-reinforcing.

It is environmentally better than incineration or landfill (Zamani et al, 2015) and the

modifications needed to make textile EPR fully effective are relatively minor; lowering the

discount tariff offered to producers sufficiently to cover their administrative costs and

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increasing incentive levels. Since its inception the increase in consumer textile collection has increased by 13% year on year (Bukhari, Carrasco-Gallego et al, 2018). The French model is not yet perfect but it offers the most valuable indicator for the Dutch route-map.

3.4 Summary

Although garment life is extended by export and onward disposal there is no information on the processing of the materials and they may end up as waste in landfills abroad. What is required is a comprehensive programme for ecological disposal which begins with collection and re-cycling and, although its impact is global, for optimal ownership and accountability this must be carried out at community or neighbourhood level and coordinated by accredited agencies. In the Netherlands this would be the municipalities operating under the aegis of the Environmental Management Act. Such a programme would foster interaction and offer greater awareness of the needs of ecological preservation and social sustainability The Dutch route map must be informed by and embedded within a nation-wide initiative that uses a wholescale awareness raising programme and national legislation setting criteria and mechanisms for the awarding of licenses, franchises and scales of remuneration. The re- cycling and reuse processes are dependent upon the collection of used textiles and therefore present disposal policies enacted in other countries and the developing re-cycling mechanisms that have been proven in other municipalities, which are addressed in Chapter 4 is the optimal start in the devising of the Dutch used textile re-cycling municipal route map.

4 Models of Used Textile Re-cycling in Use

4.1 Introduction

In seeking to construct a route map for used textile re-cycling in the Netherlands it is

necessary to draw upon evidence from other nation-states, both of best practice and from

areas in need of improvement. This evidence will be drawn principally from within the EU

and EU affiliated states, including the Nordic countries, at national level (Tojo, Kogg et al,

2012) and at municipal it will cite evidence relating to recycle and reuse programmes in

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various European cities with particular focus upon the Dutch city Rotterdam (Watson, Aare et al, 2018

4.2 Used Textile Disposal in the Nordic Countries

The title of Tojo, Kogg et al’s (2012) research project funded by and reporting to the Waste Prevention Group of the Nordic Council of Ministers exemplifies the problem; prevention of textile waste. Anderson (2007) in defining the function served by the environment cites its third purpose as providing a repository for waste; the environment functions as a sink…..but once the assimilative capacity is exceeded, environmental damage begins to surface (p. 135).

The report drew extensively upon official data provided by the four constituent states and undertook interviews in nation-states having more advanced disposal systems, such as Japan.

Because population density is low in three of the four Nordic states, Sweden, Iceland and Finland, the stress heretofore upon re-cycling as disposal rather than landfill or incineration has been lower. The greater stress upon re-cycling in small nation-states with high population density, as the Netherlands, is self-explanatory.

Nevertheless, the Nordic study has value, both in terms of quantifying extant textile disposal volumes and methods and examining possible government interventions that would promote CE and especially develop an ERP model akin to that in France. Differing governmental structures and the ratio of NGOs capable of engaging in re-cycling must be accepted. Of the Nordic countries Denmark, with the higher population density and an economy supporting garment buying recycles very little textiles. One municipality is cited (Haderslev) as operating a reusing plant whereby textiles are deconstructed onto industrial rags, but this exemplar is the exception. Used clothes are re-sold after modification, but the volume remains very small and the bulk of Danish used clothing is incinerated, with little landfill and even less re-cycling.

In Finland the reverse disposal strategy is used; a high proportion of landfill and little

incineration. Textile collection for re-cycling is low, there is no nationally organized system

although NGOs and charities such as the Red Cross invite used textile donations and collect

them from homes or provide bins. Usable garments are passed on for sale in charity shops or

exported to overseas agencies (Red Cross) whilst the remainder is divided into recyclable

textiles or waste. As in France difficulties in deconstructing textiles into constituent fibres

continue to limit re-cycling potential, even though re-cycling has been shown to require less

energy usage than disposal (Moreley et al, 2006) and technological development to address

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this is essential if the extent of re-cycling is to increase. Increases in collection for re-cycling offers financial benefits for the consumer where garments are sold and social cost benefits by offering unskilled and semi-skilled employment to otherwise disadvantaged groups (Fisher, James et al, 2011).

At point of publication Sweden was without any major textile re-cycling facility, although a large-scale plant had been in use until 1992 and Tojo, Kogg et al (2015) offer no explanation for its termination. Their investigations revealed small-scale initiatives beginning to fill this gap, but by groups of tailors and limited to the Lund community. Disposal of hotel linen as industrial rags was also an ad hoc venture with limited scope and in 2010 incineration

accounted for 98% of disposal with landfill the remaining 2%. Interest in the CE and growing awareness of the environmental implications within a very socially conscious society indicate that a dedicated re-cycling plant will be built in the near future but as of 2015 this remained in the planning stage and the point of reference, rather than within the Nordic Group or EU, appears to be Japan and focused upon re-cycling sportswear.

Environmental concern has led to waste reduction and pollutant removing initiatives, but these have largely been upstream of the point of purchase and accord more closely with the manufacture for retention and leasing models described by Fischer (2015). Attempts to develop a polyester closed-loop model that resonates with EPR and which is presently being pioneered in Sweden through a collaboration between Swedish clothing manufacturers and the Japanese fabric producer, Teijin Fiber, exemplifies Braungart et al’s (2007) cradle to cradle CE and there is much of interest that is in the planning stage in Scandinavia, some of which is transposable long-term into the Dutch textile sector. Polyester is today the most prominent single fibre group in the textiles market, globally surpassing cotton. Although at the point of production, polyester and similar compounds have a pronounced carbon footprint, when taking the entire lifecycle of the material into consideration the footprint, when

compared to some natural fibres is greatly reduced. In her book, Sustainable Fashion &

Textiles, Kate Fletcher says: ‘The significance of recycled polyester is growing rapidly.

Recent figures suggest that half of all staple polyester fibre in Europe is now made from

recycled materials.’ Therefore, one of the key ways to support the circular economy in the

Netherlands is through the minimisation of carbon emissions via closed loop recycling. And

while, as mentioned, this is initially an upstream concern, it directly impacts the downstream

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collectors who will be able to realise greater value in their materials beyond the income generated by reuse.

But in the quest to develop a route map for the re-cycling of Dutch used textiles the focus must remain downstream point of purchase and end-of-life clothing. Before this can be re- cycled it must be collected, harvested and categorised and the experience of collection agencies in several European cities, described by Watson, Aare et al (2018) is timely and comprehensive. Their report, issued under the aegis of the European Clothing Action Plan (ECAP), is intended to provide a ‘state of play’ upon initiatives for reducing clothing waste and; studied practices in six cities across Europe and (drew) out findings that can inspire municipalities elsewhere (p. 1). These are; Antwerp, Copenhagen, Gothenburg, Paris, Albano Laziale (Rome) and Rotterdam. The value of these in devising a Dutch municipality route map are obvious.

The key findings are that, in each instance, the municipality has leveraged extant legal responsibilities to underwrite a used textile collection scheme, that such schemes have

delivered extended social cost benefits by employing citizens otherwise without employment, which was noted by Bukhari, Carrasco-Gallego et al (2018) as a benefit arising from the French experience and an accreditation scheme for textile collectors that echoes French EPR.

Additional benefits/outcomes included greater transparency between the municipality and its citizens through public information initiatives and awareness raising, as well as managing a public/private mix of collection agencies that might include the city authorities themselves, NGOs and not-for-profit charity collection as well as private companies collecting for profit.

By issuing accreditation certificates to collection agencies that satisfy criteria of transparency, honesty and accountability public support has been enhanced and levels of collected used textiles for re-cycling have increased dramatically in each instance.

Complementing rather than competing has been the model in each of the municipalities with

that in Antwerp particularly exemplified by collection agencies collaborating to identify

strengths and niches and not encroaching upon each other’s territory or strengths. Once

agreed enhanced signage has promoted both transparency and consumer knowledge and

awareness, with the example cited being that in Albano Laziale (Rome) where a collector

increased take-up by 65% simply by informing residents as to the end state of donated

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textiles, the amount of money generated and the good uses to which the money was put. This information acted as an altruistic incentive for further donations.

In Antwerp and in Rotterdam the extended social and environmental benefits have been exemplified by the part subsidisation of the collection and re-cycling processes by the

municipality paying wages to otherwise unemployed citizens, thus re-cycling money as wages rather than unemployment benefit, which in the Netherlands is payable at municipality level rather than at state level as in the UK, which is then converted into local purchases and assists in maintaining the city’s economic infrastructure.

The scope of control vested in Dutch municipalities as opposed to those in other European cities, using the UK as the reference point, enables this benefit/wage conversion to be effected with the minimum of intervention. Where a city’s wage bill is increased to pay the wages of those engaged in collection and re-cycling without these sums being reimbursed from central or regional government this model is less flexible and less effective. The Antwerp experience exemplifies both the closed-loop of Braungart’s (2007) circular economy and FDR’s New Deal of the 1930s.

Each municipality audited in the survey was subject to the administrative location of services and their reference points; Rotterdam at the municipal, Antwerp at the Flemish regional, whilst the Paris scheme was embedded within and structured in accordance with France’s nation-wide EPR legislation. Therefore, whilst tips and lessons for the Dutch route map can be secured from each of the municipalities in terms of transparency, awareness raising, collector collaboration and siting, differences in over-arching legal responsibilities and reference points must be built in to this process.

Watson, Aare et al (2018) provide a summary for each case study with ‘tips’ for each stage of

the process, such as in building partnerships to emphasis cooperation between collecting

agencies, identifying and developing potentially complimentary geographical areas, signage

and spheres of competence. The partnership building process can serve as a model for other

collaborations at municipal level, hence the strong focus upon re-cycling with textiles

comprising the greatest part. It possesses transformational possibilities for municipal

governance and the delivery of its services which is not limited to the collection and re-

cycling of used textiles. For instance, in Antwerp the creation of De Collectie from multiple

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charities and for-profit collectors through a city initiative seeks to double collection quantities within 5 years and has generated 80 jobs.

In Rotterdam, which must be the prime exemplar for the Dutch route map, the initiative was grounded in the Waste to Resources Programme (2013) that activated the Green Deal (2012) which was pledged to halve the textile residual waste to be disposed of through incineration or landfill between 2013 and 2015. This was to have been achieved through mapping,

collaborative agreements between collectors and increased consumer awareness. Although the Green Deal has failed to meet its goals it provides a valuable learning opportunity and the rate of change in this sector since the Millennium signifies increasing awareness and commitment at national government and municipal levels. In 2000 charities and NGOs accounted for all used textile collection which, at the launch of the Green Deal had declined to 55%.

Once the city stepped in, seeking tenders for collection and designating a city-wide common signage entity called ReShare which (2018) claims to reuse 85% of collected textiles with a 10% re-cycling rate and the remaining 5% incinerated. Watson, Aare et al (2018) question ReShare’s claims and point up challenges in terms of the siting of collection bins, difficulties in collecting from high-rise complexes and problems in dealing with the disposal of non-re- usable textiles. The difference in success level between Antwerp and Rotterdam probably resides in the relationship between city government and the designated collection agency. By actively promoting complimentary collection by multiple agencies, rather than tendering for one over-arching company that thereby acquires a quasi-monopoly, Antwerp appears to have developed the more responsive and transparent model. This is an important learning event when transposed to the Dutch route map.

The experience of other cities, rather than being in common and generic, has been driven by

local factors and national legislation. For instance in Albano Laziale (Rome) transparency and

explaining the purpose of collection drove a 65% increase and in Paris establishing a full

range of accessible and signed collection points has been an effective action. Regional goals

for collection rates has driven the Gothenburg initiative and the Waste Prevention Strategy

explained by Tojo, Kogg et al (2015) in the Nordic Group has increased public awareness and

municipal commitment even where there is no direct requirement for action. Where social

goals have been coordinated with the environmental, as in the employment of otherwise

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marginalised and under-employed people, as in Antwerp and Paris, there appears to have been the most evident success (Watson, Aare et al, 2018).

4.3 App technology

ReGAIN Developed by Jack Ostrowski in the UK uses app technology. (Hendriksz, 2018).

The app has been developed to encourage the re-cycling of unwanted clothing, and

incentivises consumers to recycle their clothes through a take-back scheme whereby those consumers can, for free, ship their clothes to one of 20,000 clothing banks. In exchange for their clothes they receive coupons, which can be used at retailers partnered with the scheme.

Diverting some of the 300 million tonnes of textile waste which ends up in landfill sites around the UK, or is exported to landfill overseas, the scheme is an example of consumer technology playing a key role in closing the communications gap between the downstream participants of a linear supplier chain that at the moment encourages waste.

Ostrowski says: “We know that we can’t stop people from buying clothes, but we can incentivize them to change their habits and divert hundreds of tonnes of clothing from UK landfill. Our long-term goal is a world in which clothes never become waste.”

This sort of commercial enterprise, which incentivises sustainability, is a clear example of how collection can work, while enabling fashion brands to build up goodwill by becoming an integral part of the fostering of a healthy circular economy.

Research carried out via the reGAIN app also discovered that of more than 2,000 participants, around 27% of those people threw clothes away rather than giving them to charity or putting them in collection bins. 73% responded that they didn’t wear half of the clothes they own.

These findings highlight two salient points: that there is much work to be done in educating individuals as the value that can be reclaimed from clothes that otherwise end up in landfill or incinerators; and that mobile devices present an exciting new opportunities for key

stakeholders in the fashion, environmental, government and reverse logistics sectors to gather

data. Data that can inform business strategy, and even potentially wider policy. Apps and

diligently thought-out initiatives also open the door for new partnerships to be established

between commercial, NFP, and government organisations allowing them to make the most of

the potential of reverse logistics in setting out the guidelines for a truly effective circular

economy.

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In reGAIN’s survey, the majority of the respondents said they would use the app to send away their unwanted clothing to be reused and re-cycled. It also found that 67% of people would recycle more if they were rewarded for doing so. 56% said they would recycle more if they knew how much environmental damage sending clothing to landfills causes, again

highlighting greater need for better education on the environmental impacts of waste clothing.

4.4 Summary

The re-cycling of used textiles has gained greater prominence as part of a much wider waste management strategy and in coordination with broader environmental and social goals. In addition to these exemplified as offering employment, instances of collaboration between municipality, NGOs and for-profit collectors, as demonstrated in Antwerp, has also offered a model for joint working. Increasing public awareness through city lead information giving and greater transparency in disclosing motives and projected outcomes, as in Albano Laziale (Rome) begins the process of social and governance responsibility that embraces CE and, although a closed-loop textile production, market and disposal is impossible, it encourages consumers in developed economies to re-consider their usage and disposal of garments.

Opportunities are also appearing in consumer technology. New innovations that link, through data driven efforts, to provide a clearer overview of single garments reuse, re-cycling, and disposal.

Supra-national and national government initiatives are reviewed in the next chapter prior to

demonstrating the Dutch route map (Chapter 5) for the re-cycling of used textiles which arises

from the literature.

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5 Framework of Government Initiatives and Re-cycling

5.1 Introduction

The Dutch response to the disposal of used textiles, re-cycling, incineration or landfill, is mediated by EU law as directives, Dutch national law and the responsibilities imposed upon municipalities. These provide the framework from within which the route map is constructed and establishes targets and best practice evidence.

5.2 EU Framework for Re-cycling

The European Union, through the Commission and Parliament does not directly control textile disposal, although Directive 2008/98 (2008) provides a framework for waste disposal per se without itemising textiles. The two further directives (EC, 2016a; 2016b) also embrace

‘waste’ as generic rather than segmented and textiles have heretofore largely been included within the REACH regulations. These regulate chemicals that can be introduced into and traded within the European market and impacts only on the constituency of imported textiles and whether they contain fibres manufactured from risk chemicals. The importance of REACH, which is not specifically end-of-life focused (Tojo, Kogg et al, 2015) in terms of re- cycling lies in prohibiting the release of banned chemicals at this point, either by

deconstruction as re-cycling, landfill disposal or incineration and associated with this are regulations that specify the composition of imported garments at point of sale.

The Stockholm Convention on Persistent Organic Pollutants, to which the EU and the Netherlands are signatories, provides a three tier hierarchy of substances depending on their pollutant risk and associated sanctions on their use. Although not of immediate relevance to end-of-life textiles disposal, in 2009 the Convention added nine further pollutants, two of which are widely used in soft furnishings and garment textile production as a flame retardant (PentaBDE and OctaBDE). Although since 2003 products incorporating these chemicals have been banned from production within and import into the EU, articles containing these are still in circulation and can become an issue at point of disposal as historic or orphaned items.

Eco-labelling initiatives require the manufacturer to meet criteria for the safety of materials

and manufacture, but this is upstream the point of purchase. However, this initiative extends

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to re-cycled textiles, whether this is from waste generated during manufacture or of end-of- life disposed textiles (Annex, Commission Decision (2009/567/EC). The Global Recycle Standard (GRS), although not mandatory upon manufacturers, does enable those committed to re-cycling to specify content as a proportion of re-cycled fibres, whilst the Global Organic Textile Standard (GOTS), offers the same provisions for organic producers. Nevertheless, policy measures directed at waste prevention at manufacture can also impact at end-of-life (Tojo & Lindhqvist, 2010).

5.3 Dutch National and Municipal Framework

The Waste to Resources Programme, Afval Naar Grondstof launched in 2013 set goals for reducing household waste and increasing the ratio of products included used textiles that would be re-cycled. Under Dutch law (Environment Management Act) responsibility for the disposal of waste is placed at municipal level and this includes used textiles. In 2014 the Public Framework for Domestic Waste, Publiek kader Huishoudelijk Afval, was launched to implement re-cycling goals and targets through voluntary agreement between national

government and municipalities (Watson, Aare et al, 2018). To date (2018) 220 out of the 390 municipalities have signed up to this accord. Further attempts have been made to tie the municipalities into the EU Green Deal of halving the disposal level of household textiles by 2015. This was not achieved but it sent a clear message to the municipalities as to what was expected and reinforced central government commitment.

With such high population density, unlike the Nordic countries, concern at the space and environmental costs of landfill and incineration emerged in the 1990s (Djikgraaf, 2004) with bans on landfill and incineration now in force, thus stressing emphasis upon re-cycling for used textile disposal nationally and placing responsibility for this at municipal level.

Collection of household waste includes foodstuffs and organic waste but also household waste. Municipal councils are now required to collect paper, glass, textiles and plastic packaging separately from generic household waste, but how they choose to collect these items is reserved to this level. This means that in drafting the route map guidance from successful extant city models (Watson, Aare et al, 2018) is essential.

Whether re-cycled materials including used textiles are donated through charity shops or are

kerbside collected using bins had not to date been investigated in the Netherlands, hence the

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value of the Dijkgraaf & Gradus (2014) study and subsequent anticipated updates. In

ascertaining donation/disposal rates it is important to identify both the motive for the disposal and donor preferences and the cost of this choice is a major factor for municipalities required to broaden their social brief with limited funds. Discretion as to how much citizens pay for their waste collection is located at municipality level, but levying a lower charge for sorted than for unsorted waste goes towards removing the first stage in the process and allows used textiles to be re-cycled independently. Charging depends upon the weight of the waste and/or the frequency with which it is collected (Djikgraaf & Gradus, 2014).

The present rate of re-cycling (50%) of all end-of-life material is relatively high and considerably higher than that in the Nordic countries (Tojo, Kogg et al, 2018) for the environmental geographic reasons already cited. But it remains lower than the EU target of 70%. In comparison with other European nation-states including the UK the Netherlands re- cycling ratio is good, that of Germany is 75% and the Dutch requirement is for increased pro- activity at municipal level because that is where this function is located, together with greater investment in re-cycling machinery and plants. The employment of the otherwise

unemployed, as in Rotterdam, is a social bonus and can also be factored into conscious raising as a good (Abbott, Nandebaim et al, 2013).

However, as found in Rotterdam, urban structures, housing complexes and social norms play a large part in who chooses to recycle and its extent (Watson, Aare et al, 2018). Social and environmental conscious raising – and conscience raising – is normally more effective amongst an affluent middle class with ease of access to collection points having private transport and low level housing. As an immigrant living in poverty in a high-rise complex Abbott, Nandebaim et al’s (2013) social norms may receive less compliance. The findings from the Dijkgraaf & Gradus (2014) survey certainly indicate that charging consumer citizens on the basis of weight or number of size governed bags has increased both collection rates per se and the extent of pre-sorting which allows textiles to be extracted for immediate attention.

The downside of this is cited as higher administrative costs and the increased risk of fly

tipping, especially in areas with reduced access to collection facilities and Watson, Aare et al

(2018) describing the Rotterdam experience indicate fluctuations in collections year on year

with a high water in 2012; nevertheless even at that higher collection rate, up to 60% of all

end-of-life textiles end in residual household waste destined for incineration (p. 29).

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In addition to municipal legal responsibility for waste collection the Netherlands continues to make use of charity collections, although as already cited, the amount collected by charities fell dramatically in the early years of the century. Watson, Aare et al (2018) in detailing the Rotterdam experience provide insight into a national/municipal route map with charities accounting for 55% market share and private waste disposal companies 20% (Dutch Waste Management Association, 2013). Attempts to create a complementary and dovetailed system between collection organizations have been challenged by the charges municipalities levy for textiles disposed of in publically funded bins and donation rates tend to be lower in large cities with high ratios of multiple occupancy and high rise dwellings, than smaller and less densely populated townships. Watson & Aare (2018) cite a 5% waste collected in municipal containers rather than 13% for Utrecht, arguing this lower level as being prompted by housing patterns in the larger metropolis indicating that any route map must take these factors into consideration.

Until 2013 and the launch of the Waste to Resources programme the city of Rotterdam worked with waste collection and re-cycling on an arm’s length basis, using not-for-profit organizations such as Humana and the Salvation Army as ReShare, before seeking tenders for used textile collection and processing that would involve selling the best quality textiles in four designated second hand shops, with the city responsible for placing and emptying containers and delivering the used textiles to the winning contractor for sorting allocating 5%

of the contract price to supporting employment initiatives (Watson, Aare et al, 2018).

As part of this initiative ReShare has engaged in several novel strategies to increase collection rates, in fact one reason for it becoming contractor of choice was grounded in its effectiveness in raising these levels in The Hague. These have included providing cardboard signed

ReBoxes for workplaces using the strapline; Your Old Clothes Can Make Up Someone Else’s Wardrobe. Once the 10kg box is full ReShare collect it and exchange it for a 10E voucher distributed anonymously by the manager of the local ReShare shop to a person in need of clothing.

To date nationally 80 ReBoxes have collected 10 tons of used textiles which has been

converted into 10,000 E of vouchers (https://www.resharestore/n/actie). ReShare organises

awareness raising informational visits for public groups to re-cycling facilities and the ReBox

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scheme that has been operating in Rotterdam. A municipal initiative to deliver waste bags to all households and invite residents to convey these to re-cycling centres was dropped owing to increased theft. All these initiatives are learning experiences in the process of developing a route map. Pop-up textile containers located by flea markets, intensive leafleting and social media have all been effective in increasing donations as part of growing social awareness (Abbott, Nandebaim et al, 2013).

In this the destination of re-cycled used textiles must be differentiated, between those that are sold onward or given, with ReShare claiming 85% of donations are reused in the Netherlands or overseas, but only 10% are re-cycled through de-fibrisation and the remaining 5% are incinerated. The Watson, Aare et al (2018) investigation queries this ratio in that the quantity of possible donations far exceeds potential recipients whilst those textiles that cannot be re- used must be re-cycled and ecologically disposed of, demanding investment at national and municipal levels.

The Dutch Textiles Platform (2017) has issued its Road Map towards Circular Textiles that envisages the process as comprising; design, supply chain, mechanical and chemical re- cycling, circular business models and resources in which the stress is placed upon both manufacturing innovation for sustainability and interactive collaboration along the supply chain. For the re-cycling of used textiles it proposes mid-term objectives as; changing consumer behaviour to increase donations and more use of second-hand markets in the Netherlands and abroad, the use and development of technology in re-cycling fibres into new textiles and notes the tangential benefit of employment in the re-cycling industry. Long-term the objective is 100% collection and re-cycling with new textiles comprising 50-80% re-used and incorporating second hand markets into the value chain. The Dutch Circular Textiles Platform (2017) is aspirational, it does not set mid-term and long-term timescales, nor does it locate the re-cycling process within an accountable framework of civic responsibility and agencies that can carry the road map forward in real time and in a real context.

5.4 Summary

The re-cycling of used textiles has become an issue of concern and directive driven at supra-

national (EU) and national (Netherlands) levels with the focus now upon efforts at municipal

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level, offering examples in use and leading to the extraction of best practice guidelines. The

sixth chapter provides the Route Map and literature analysis.

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6 Route Map

6.1 Introduction

The Route Map for Municipal Re-cycling of Used Textiles is embedded within supra- national (EU) and national legislation and effected at municipal level.

The route map is an action-orientated linear description which establishes the components and sequence of actions of a re-cycling of used textiles venture at municipal level.

“Principal factors for enhancing the circular economy in the Dutch textile industry with focus upon the drivers of re-cycling of used textiles”