Domicide: concept, experience, planning

Supervisor: Dr. J. Douglas Porteous

ABSTRACT

This dissertation focuses upon the subject of "dom icide" - the destruction of hom es by h u m an agencies whose actions are deliberate in p u rsu it of their goals, are justified by a comm on good rationale, frequently em ploy planning or sim ilar processes, and cause suffering to those w ho lose their hom es. To determ ine the m eaning of dom icide, a w ide array of sources is exam ined to evaluate the nature of "hom e." From this review it is found that hom e is predom inantly a spatial, psycho-social, symbolic centre w herein resides at least a portion of an individual's, or a group's, id en tity . These m eanings suggest key factors w hich may characterize domicide: perm anent destruction of hom e and surroundings; loss of secu rity /o w n ersh ip ; restriction of freedom ; erasure of the hem e of m em ory, dream s, and ideals; loss of a m em orial an d source of nostalgia; de-centring; destruction of the hom e of acculturation; th reat to family; loss of com m unity values; loss of

roo ts/h isto ry ; loss of identity; and destruction of a place of attachm ent and refuge.

C hapters Three and Four fill a current gap in o u r understanding through the developm ent of a conceptual fram ew ork for dom icide. This fram ew ork is confirm ed in C hapter Five th ro u g h tw o British Colum bia case studies of the Colum bia River Basin where hom es w ere d row ned due to the construction of reservoirs. Dom icide is found to have occurred th ro u g h o u t history at m any different geographical scales and in m ost regions of the world. Dom icide is initiated and carried out by pow erful elites whose m otives in w ar-tim e include revenge and leverage against another

governm ent a n d in peace-tim e m ay involve: socio-economic im provem ent; protection of th e environm ent; racist/ideological reasons; jurisdictional reorganization; the assertion of sovereignty an d the acquisition of space for settlem ent. M ost of the victim s of domicide are poor a n d /o r disem pow ered, frequently are n o t h eard in discussions of their ultim ate fate, suffer th ro u g h years of uncertainty, and receive inadequate com pensation. The victim s lose: identity, m em ories, and future dream s; property values and rights and

become ill or die, w ards of the state, or ever cynical of governm ent. Review of the resistance to dom icide, w hen considered w ith the findings of previous chapters, suggests that the process of dom icide and the effect o n its victim s are serious phenom ena w hich are likely to continue w hether th ro u g h major project construction or as a result of the actions of authoritarian governm ents. The range of m easures used to m itigate the effects of dom icide is therefore discussed and, in C hapter Six, new m easures are suggested to augm ent these traditional means: counselling the grieving; the use of victim im pact statem ents; recording people's histories; integrating the results of social im pact assessm ent into subsequent planning processes; the use of com m unity advocates from w ithin the com m unity; the use of strategic change m anagem ent and dispute resolution techniques; and sharing the benefits of project construction.

T ogether w ith these specific practical recom m endations, this study creates new fram ew orks for study of the concepts of hom e and dom icide and provides a contribution to the academ ic literature in these areas. In

particular, it contributes a m oral dim ension to this literature through focus o n victim s of the com m on good.

Exam iners:

Dr. J. tW e lA s Porteous, Supervisor (D epartm ent of Geography)

Dr. Lawrence D. IvtcCaim, D epartm ental M ember (D epartm ent of Geography)

Dr. D avid Chuen-Y an'fcair'D epartm ental M em ber (D epartm ent of Geography)

Dr. T, Rennie W arburton. O utside M em ber (D epartm ent of Sociology)

Dr. Brian W t e f f f r ^ ^ i d e M em ber (Faculty of H um an and Social D evelopm ent*

Dr Peter J. -fekAttli, External Exam iner (D epartm ent of Earth and Atm ospheric Sciences, U niversity of Alberta)

TABLE OF CONTENTS

A c k n o w le d g e m e n ts ... xi D edication ... xii

Chapter One: Introduction

1.1 C ontext for D is s e r ta tio n ...2 1.2 Scope an d C om m only U sed Term s ...3 1.3 Purpose, Research Q uestions an d D issertation

O r g a n iz a tio n ... 5 1.4 M ethodology . ... 7 1.5 Social an d Practical S ig n ifican ce ... 13

Chapter Two: The Nature of Home: Theory and Typology

2.1 In tro d u ctio n an d M e th o d o lo g y ... 16 2.1.1 Collection of Source M aterial

2.1.2 C ontent Analysis

2.2 D efinition of "H om e" ... 20 2.2.1 D efin itio n

2.2.2 C hanging Definition of H om e Based on U se/D eco ratio n

2.3 Spatial and Physical Aspects of H om e . . . 26 2.3.1 H om e as a Hierarchy of Physical Places

2.3.2 Private and Public Spaces 2.3.3 H om e as a Core N ode 2.3.4 Physical A ppearance of H om e 2.4 Symbolic Aspects of H o m e ... 34 2.4.1 H om e as M em ory or M em orial 2.4.2 H om e an d Nostalgia 2.4.3 Id eal/Im ag es of H om e 2.4.4 Ideological Senses of H om e

2.5 The Psychological an d Social Aspects of H o m e 46 2.5.1 H om e at Various Stages in the Life-cycle

2.5.2 H om e Based on Role of the Individual 2.5.3 Feelings tow ard H om e

2.5.4 Hom e: T erritoriality a n d R ootedness 2.5.5 H om e as Refuge and Security

2.6 H om e to the Exile or H o m e le s s ... 60 2.6.1 H om e and Journey

2.6.2 H om e an d the Hom eless

2.7 Conclusions: The N ature of H om e and Its M eaning in R elation to D om icide ... 65 E ndnotes to C hapter T w o : ...74 C h ap ter Three: T he N atu re of D om icide

3.1 In tro d u c tio n 79

3.2 Fram ew ork for D is c u s s io n ...80 3.3 D estruction of Home: Deliberate or N o t ? ... 84

3.3.1 N atu ral Disasters 3.3.2 Technological H azards

C hernobyl

Saunders, West Virginia

3.4 W ar-tim e D o m ic id e ... 88 3.4.1 M ilitary Planning ...88 Europe Lidice Warsaw Ghetto Oradour-sur-Glane Y ugoslavia R o sew o od 3.4.2 Strategic r e s e ttle m e n t...93 French Algeria V ie tn a m Iraq 3.4.3 N uclear W a r ... . . . . . . . . 94 H iro sh im a 3.4.4 S u m m a ry ...94 3.5 Peace-tim e D o m ic id e ... . 9 6

3.5.1 U rb an R e n ew al/R ed ev elo p m en t/S q u atters 97 U rban renew al

Boston's West End

R e d ev e lo p m e n t

Howdendyke, East Yorkshire

Squatters Settlem ents

G eneral

S u m m a ry

3.5.2 Siting of major public facilities ...102 H ighw ays

Horseshoe Bay, British Columbia Crest Street, Durham, North Carolina

Third London Airport

R eservoirs

N orris Basin,Tennessee Volta River Project, Ghana Kariba Gorge, Zambia Aswan Dam, Egypt

Williston Lake, British Columbia Cheslatta Lake, British Columbia Oldman River Dam, Alberta

N ational parks

Kidepo Valley, Uganda Gros Morne, Newfoundland M ountain Cove, N ew foundland

M ilitary installations

Marshall Islands

S u m m a ry

3.5.3 Forced Removals for Political/Socio-Econom ic R easons ... 129 T reaty A rrangem ents

Sinai Region

Settlem ent ratio n alizatio n

Company Towns, Canada N e w fo u n d la n d

Ellesmere Island and Resolute Bay, North West Territories

Davis Inlet, Labrador G reenland

C hile

Kojo, Japan R o m a n ia

ideological resettlem ent

M o za m b iq u e R hodesia South Africa

S u m m a ry

3.5.4 C o l o n iz a t i o n ...150

Delaware lands, U.S.A. and others Nisga'a lands, Northwestern B.C.

3.5.5 R eorganization of Political S p a c e 153

Yorkshire, England

The N atu re of D om icide ... 156 Spatial Scale an d Time

P ro p o n en ts V ictim s

P rotest a n d R em ediation

E ndnotes to C hapter T h re e ... 164 C h ap ter Four: R eaction an d R esponse

4.1 4.2

4.3

4.4

In tro d u c tio n ... The Range of Response to Domicide

4.2.1 Little or N o Resistance 4.2.2 L im ited Resistance 4.2.3 M ajor Resistance

A ssisting the Victims of Domicide .. 4.3.1 Public M eetings and Hearings 4.3.2 Social Im pact A ssessm ent 4.3.3 Planning Processes 4.3.4 E x p ro p riatio n /C o m p en satio n C onclusions ... 166 166 177 189 C h ap ter Five: D ro w n in g of H om e - The C olum bia Basin

5.1 5.2 5.3 5.4 5.5 5.6 5.7 In tro d u c tio n ... 194 5.1.1 Findings of Previous C hapters

5.1.2 Dom icide th ro u g h D am C onstruction

Data Sources - O pportunities and C onstraints ___ 198 Review of M ajor Published S o u r c e s ... 201 Prelude to Domicide - Years of U n c e rta in ty ...203 The H u g h Keenleyside Dam - The A rrow Lakes

R e g io n ... 209 5.5.1 Project D escription

5.5.2 Public H earings

5.5.3 Role an d Goals of the Project D eveloper, B.C. H ydro

5.5.4 W hat w as Lost

5.5.5 V ictim s' Sense of W ho Benefitted

The Libby Reservoir - The South C ountry . . . . . . . 230 5.6.1 Public H earings

5.6.2 Project Description

5.6.3 Role a n d Goals of the B.C. G overnm ent in Reservoir Clearance

5.6.4 W hat w as Lost

5.6.5 Victim s' Sense of W ho Benefitted W ho Benefitted - Regional to International

5.8 The Present The Kootenay Sym posium

-an d the Future ...278 5.9 Conclusions: Sum m ary and Lessons L earned --- 285 Endnotes to C hapter Five ...291

Chapter Six: Planning for the Victims of Domicide

6.1 In tro d u ctio n ...295 6.2 Im proving Existing Decision-M aking Processes . . . . 295

6.2.1 Public H earings and M eetings 6.2.2 Social im pact A ssessm ent

6.3 Softening the Blow ...298 6.3.1 T raining in C oping w ith D ying an d G rieving 6.3.2 Victim Im pact Statem ents

6.3.3 People's H istories 6.3.4 P la n n in g

6.3.5 Sharing the Benefits of Project C onstruction

6.4 C onclusions . . . . 310

Chapter Seven: Conclusions

7.1 In tro d u c tio n ... 314 7.2 Strengths an d W eaknesses of the M ethodology ____314 7 3 A Brief Sum m ary of D issertation F in d in g s ...316 7.4 Suggestions for Future Research ... 322 7.5 Closing Statem ents: Em otional O vertones a n d T houghts for the P l a n n e r ...324

Bibliography

R eferences ... . . . . 330

P erso n al C o m m u n ic a tio n s...358 C h ap ter Five: Public D ocum ents, Subm issions to H earings a n d Conference Proceedings, File M aterial/P erso n al N otes 358 A rchival M aterial ... 360

VITA

C hapter Two:

Box 1 M eaning of the W ord " H o m e ''... , . . 22

Box 2 H om e as H istory of its R e s i d e n t s ... . . . 2 5 Box 3 H om e - C luster of M eanings ... . . . 2 6 Box 4 H em e as a Core N o d e/C en tre ... . . . 31

Box 5 H om e as M em ory or M e m o r ia l ... . . . 36

Bex 6 H om e and N o s ta lg ia ... . . . 37

Box 7 Id eal/Im ag es of Home ... . . . 39

Box 8 H o m e /H o m e la n d ... . 44

Box 9 H om e M eaning the G ra v e /H e a v e n /G o d . . . . 45

Box 10 H om e - Stage in L ife-C ycle... . . . 47

Box 11 H om e - Role or R elationship ... . . . 4 9 Box 12 Feelings T ow ard H om e ... . . . 5 3 Box 13 H om e as R e fu g e /S e c u rity ... . . . 55

Box 14 H om e - Place-Identity/Self-Identity — . . . 57 Box 15 H om e - Exile and H om elessness .. . . . 6 1

C hapter Two:

Fig. 2.1 Fram ew orks for a D iscussion of H o m e ... 18

Fig. 2.2 H om e as a H ierarchy of Places on E a r t h ...29

Fig. 2.3 T h re sh o ld s ... 30

Fig. 2.4 The Y urt an d the U niverse ...33

Fig. 2.5 Key Factors in Defining the N ature of H om e a n d Dom icide . . . 68-69 C h ap ter Three: Fig. 3.1 Domicide: A Fram ew ork for D isc u ssio n ...81

Fig. 3.2. D om icide C ase S t u d i e s ... 82-83 C h ap ter Four: Fig. 4.1 The Range of R esponse to D o m ic id e ...169

Fig. 4.2 C o n su ltatio n /P lan n in g for Persons Facing the T hreat or Prospect o f D o m i c i d e ... 170

C h ap ter Five: Fig. 5.1 C olum bia R iver Basin P r o je c ts ... 204

Fig. 5.2 C h r o n o l o g y ... 205

Fig. 5.3 C olum bia River Basin - C an ad ian P r o p o s a l ... 208

Fig. 5.4 C om m unities Affected by the Keenleyside D am . ...214

Fig. 5.5 South C ountry C om m unities Affected by the Lake Koocanusa R e se rv o ir ...241

Fig. 5.6 H om es D estroyed by the Lake Koocanusa Flooding . . . 242-244 Fig. 5.7 Case Studies: C om parison to Previous C h ap ters ...286 C hapter Six:

ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS

First in m y acknowledge, neats m u st come my supervisor, D oug Porteous, w ho laid the gro<.i.-'..york for this dissertation, g u id ed m e w ith stren g th an d patience an d , th ro u g h it all, steadfastly rem ained the best of friends. T hank y o u also to my C om m ittee for their review com m ents and to H arry Foster w h o p ro v id ed initial encouragem ent w ith m y doctoral program .

I w a n t to th an k m y supervisors at the British C olum bia M inistry of E nvironm ent, L ands an d P arks' W ater M anagem ent P rogram w ho supplied financial assistance and encouragem ent d u rin g the m any years of m y doctoral studies: Geoff Sim m ons, D oug W atts, Jack Doughty-D avies, Dave Fuller, Jon O 'R iordan an d D on Kasianchuk. M ore recently, G ordon M cIntosh, Trustees and staff of the Islands T rust have encouraged m e to com plete the task.

Special thanks m u st go to the s aff of B.C. H y d ro w ho gave freely of their tim e to an sw er m y questions an d explain their perspectives: Tim N ew ton, A1 G eissler, Ellen Connolly, Jim Kozak. Jim W ilson an d Neil

Sw ainson p ro v id ed encouragem ent and valuable com m ent. I hone that they will feel th at this dissertation augm ents their excellent works.

C hris Petter and th e staff of the U niversity of Victoria A rchives and Fran G u n d ry a n d the staff of the B.C. G overnm ent A rchives p ro v id ed m uch need ed advice in searching o u t p a st records as d id Karl Bornem an, Bob

Bugslag a n d the late Robin R ound of the W ater M anagem ent Program .

I am in d eb ted to Josh Sm ienk of the C olum bia River Treaty C om m ittee and Lloyd and R u th Sharpe and their d aughter Pam ela T uryk of Baynes Lake for th eir insights into b o th the p a st an d the present in the C olum bia River Basin. Alice H am bleton sh ared h e r special perspective of loss of hom e. This d issertatio n is for them .

Finally, friends a n d family are acknow ledged: G eorgina H enderson for encouragem ent; D on South for his library; Judith A llen for m issives from L ondon; C atherine M ilsum and the faithful Miss D aisy for b u rn in g the m id n ig h t oil to contribute editorial an d searching com m ent; m y sister, Janet W ood, a n d H en ry W isem an for continuous support. M y h usband, Peter, and son, Jerem y, are the m ost im p o rtan t of all, for hom e is w here the h eart is.

To my parents,

Dr. A lexander James W ood, 1914 1976 a n d

Eileen Ford W ood, 1917-1994 an d the inspiration of hom e.

“Someone has to lose," said the stranger. “That's economics. The question is - w ho loses? That's progress."

1.1 Context for Dissertation

To begin a discussion of "dom icide," it is appropriate to tu rn first to the roots of this concept, w hich is as yet a neologism. As subsequent chapters will show , there have been m any ideas expressed, but no really useful

consolidation of thoughts about either the w ord or the concept. The dissertation topic arises from w ork on "place annihilation'' (H ew itt 1983), which prim arily dealt w ith the destruction of places in w ar time, and topocide, the deliberate destruction of places (which m ay be uninhabited, though used or know n about) (Porteous 1988). These studies are usually undertaken by som eone w ho is an "outsider," having an interest in the process of destruction. Domicide, on the other h an d , m ost frequently occurs at the intim ate scale of hom e, the "insider's" lived-in space and well know n surrounding area, and the em phasis includes both process an d effect.

W ork on this concept w as begun by the w riter in consultation w ith Dr. J.D. Porteous in 1990 and builds on the above sources, as well as works by: Fried (1966) on the experience of persons w ho lost their hom es in the West End of Boston as a result of redevelopm ent; M arris (1974) on response to loss, using slum clearance as one example; Gallaher an d Padfield (1980) on the concept of a "dying com m unity;" Coehio and A hm ed (1980) o n the effect of the uprooting of a group of people and their relocation; as w ell as m any other m inor sources. First thoughts on this concept w ere introduced by Porteous (1992) in a keynote address to the sym posium o n "The A ncient H om e and the M odern Internationalized Home: D w elling in Scandinavia" in Trondheim , N orw ay. In this address, dom icide is discussed in the context of general topocide and a tentative typology is created for further study. Domicide is broadly defined for the first tim e as "the m u rd er of a hom e," a subset of place destruction or topocide.

1.1 Scope and Commonly Used Terms

A rising from the above, this dissertation focuses up o n the destruction of hom e or "dom icide," and to begin this discussion adopts an operational definition as follows: "dom icide" is the destruction of hom es by h u m an agencies w hose actions are deliberate in the pu rsu it of their o w n goals and w hose gain is often cloaked in the m antle of the com m on good. Domicide involves real victim s w ho have no w ish to lose their hom es, w ho d 'm e their loss in specific w ays, and w ho suffer as a result of losing their homes. Domicide involves a process w hich includes both planning before hom es are destroyed and planning for the persons w ho m ust be relocated. As yet,

dom icide is m ainly a W estern concept. However, this description requires a more precise definition of term s, given the value-laden n atu re of som e of these w ords. This section review s the four m ost salient terms: "victim", "com m on good", "hom e" and then returns briefly to the w ord ' dom icide."

The term "victim " is not intended to confer a special status on people affected, as the w ords "the poor" d id in the 19th century o r "the welfare m other" does in to d ay 's parlance. W eisstub (1986, 317), in seeking a m odern definition for the w o rd "victim," quite correctly points to the long history of victim ization beginning w ith the G arden of Eden and its created possibilities of pain and suffering, leading through the O ld T estam ent's w idow s and orphans, and th ro u g h the C hristian m artyrs and sacrificial lam bs of the

C rusades to this century's victims of nuclear holocaust and genocide. H e also recognizes the historical focus of attention on groups of victims, as opposed to individual victims, w h o could be regarded w ith ap p aren t scientific

d etach m en t This detachm ent has become less easy an d the definition of a "victim " m ore difficult in contem porary tim es given the realization that there are victim s and aggressors in political, economic, fam ilial and

the victim and the "evil" of the aggressor. N evertheless, w ith in the confines of this study, the definition of persons w ho lose their hom es as "victims" seems justifiable, given W eisstub's description of a victim as a "person w ho has been unjustly treated" and w hose "hum an or econom ic pow er has been w eakened." A nd I w ould add, a person w ho has suffered, often through years of uncertainty, and through loss of home. W hether or n o t the necessary "aggressor" is present could be a m atter of debate. Like Blowers (1980, ix), how ever, I have n o t "attem pted to write a book exposing the rapacity of developers or the m yopia of officials."

M ore satisfactory, I believe, is the connection betw een the "victim " and w hat is perh ap s the real aggressor in the circumstances described in this

dissertation, the concept of the "com m on good" as defined by either the elite or the m ajority. The term "com m on good" is often used interchangeably w ith the term "public interest". Raskin <1986, 38) suggests th at the definition of the com m on good has a long history from Thom as A quinas, w ho believed that it w as n o t possible to engage in profit enterprises lest w ealth leave society and e n d in the h an d s of the individual or the corporate organization w ho w ould then act against society itself, to M arxist beliefs w hich see the

contradictions betw een capitalism and the com m on good. Fortunately, Fagence (1977, 83) provides an om nibus definition of public interest relating to u rb an and regional planning, and in so doing creates a bench-m ark: "the public interest is prom oted or protected if the com m unity is able to enjoy increased or im p ro v ed facilities, am enities and services; if the provisions are sufficient (quantity) and adequate (quality); if they are convenient, efficient, com patible, n o t exclusive, free of onerous restrictions; if m inority interests are w holly recognized an d accom m odated; if external (geo-political)

relationships are n o t prejudiced; and if m ost o ther in dividual rights and privileges are n o t unnecessarily or unduly constrained o r denied." In this dissertation, w here "hom e" is a central them e, individual rights are of

significant interest. These individual rights include both the rights claimed by the ow ners of private property (land and structures) and the m uch less tangible rights associated w ith the creation of a hom e. "Com m on g o o d /' w here it is cited in this dissertation, is therefore a concept w hich is flawed, for it excludes the victim s it creates th ro u g h its achievement.

The definition of "hom e" is the subject of a separate chapter in this study as it is necessary to understand w h at hom e m eans before dom icide can be discussed. Even the briefest review of the literature w ould suggest that hom e is a central concept relating to a person's identity and approach to the w orld aro u n d them . Once the n atu re of hom e is understood, then the m eaning of loss of hom e can be explored. Discussion of the term "hom e" is lim ited here to the explanation th at hom e, as used m ost com m only in this dissertation, m eans b o th physical dw elling and surroundings, be those

su rro u n d in g s the area im m ediately aro u n d the hom e, a neighbourhood in an u rb an context, o r a rural landscape.

Finally, w e return to the neologism "dom icide" - the destruction of hom e by h u m an agencies w hose actions are deliberate in p u rsu it of their goals, involve planning or sim ilar processes, and cause suffering to their victim s w ho lose their hom es. W hat this dissertation hopes to show is that w hile dom icide m ay be a conceptual neologism, it is strongly grounded in fact. To reach this goal requires the exam ination of a series of research questions.

1.3 Purpose, Research Questions and Dissertation Organization

To u n d erstan d dom icide it is first necessary to un d erstan d the nature of home. The prim ary purpose of the first section of this research (Chapter Two) is, th ro u g h a review of a n d im m ersion in a w ide array of literature on hom e, to better u n d erstan d the n atu re o f hom e and thus to form ulate those aspects

of hom e salient to dom icide. A s well as achieving this goal, I hope to

contribute a new review of the concept of hom e an d create a new fram ew ork for u n d erstan d in g the concept. To achieve the purposes of C hapter Two, tw o m ain question are addressed: W hat is the m eaning of hom e a n d how

im p o rtan t is this concept in p eo p le's lives? G iven a general u n d erstan d in g of the m eaning of hom e, w h at does losing hom e m ean?

C hapter Three seeks to extend the presently rath er vague concept of dom icide th ro u g h review of m any illustrative cases an d thus to establish clearly the n a tu re of dom icide an d its salient characteristics an d suggest a fram ew ork for its study. In particular tw o questions are addressed: W hat are the m eans of, m otives for, and processes of dom icide? Are the param eters of dom icide, as suggested in C hapter Two in term s of the m eaning of losing hom e, exhibited in the cases studied?

C h ap ter Four augm ents C hapter Three th ro u g h a n exam ination of the responses of persons faced w ith the threat or prospect of dom icide as w ell as by exam ining cu rren t p lan n in g a n d o ther processes w hich occur bo th before, and following, the decision th at hom es will be destroyed. This chapter acts as a basis for the question: H ow are the im portance of hom e and the m eaning of its loss currently incorporated into planning for those w ho m u st lose their h o m es?

C hapter Five retu rn s to the questions of C hapter Three an d Four b u t n arro w s the focus. This chapter is in ten d ed to d eepen o u r understanding th ro u g h an em pirical study, testing the validity of all th a t has been previously discussed by a review of circum stances in the C olum bia River Basin w here hom es w ere drow ned.

Finally, C hapter Six augm ents C hapter Four by suggesting a num ber of innovative w ays in w hich p lan n in g m ethods m ig h t assist those w h o are to

lose their hom es th ro u g h dom icide. C hapter Seven is the conclusion to the dissertation.

1.4 Methodology

Above all, the m ethodology for the creation of this dissertation m ust be seen as em pirical. "G eneralizations" are stated and, rather than generating an "hypothesis", research questions are form ulated. From th at point, based on a stated research plan, data are collected and analyzed and finally, conclusions are draw n. Each chapter follows and builds upo n o r elucidates the one before.

Each m eth o d is grounded in hum anistic geography w here "knowledge is obtained subjectively in a w orld of m eanings created by individuals"

(Johnston 1983, 5). Q ualitative m ethods are used th ro u g h o u t in recognition of the difficulties inherent in "the reality reconstruction business: the

tortuous business of learning to see the w orld of individuals or groups as they see it"(Eyles 1988,1). The necessary skills associated w ith this m ethodology relate as m uch to com m on sense and creative interpretation as to techniques of data collection.

To create C hapter Two, w hich required exam ination of a w ide array of literature on the subject of hom e, a bibliography w as first assem bled and content analysis of this m aterial u n d ertak en to enable:

1) portrayal o f all the m eanings associated w ith hom e 2) creation of a collection of quotations w hich are

either typical or particularly fam iliar to readers on the subject of hom e

3) provision of general explanations an d specific exam ples, and 4) review of the above findings to create a resonance in both my

ow n m ind an d th at of my reader regarding the m eaning of h o m e .

C ontent analysis involves the system atic and objective identification of specific characteristics in the literature (Stoddard 1982,185) w ith m y only assum ption or bias being th a t the w orks to be exam ined should fall prim arily w ithin the academ ic literature about home. G iven the problem s and

advantages of this m ethodological approach (Stoddard, p. 193-195), m y use of content analysis to create a fram ew ork for interpretation h a d the advantage that a n u m b er of fram ew orks have been created by previous authors in this way an d therefore there w as a point of com parison. A disadvantage of this m ethod w as the time it took to undertake content analysis o f m any sources.

C hapter Tliree, in w hich the nature of dom icide a n d its salient characteristics are defined, req u ired a w ide-ranging investigation of a vast array of d isp arate an d som etim es fugitive literature - never previously

bro u g h t together - in o rd er to portray circum stances w hich m ight be regarded as dom icide. H ere the desire w as to form ulate a new a n d original concept, as well as its structures an d categories, th ro u g h reading and re-reading and by creating and refining ideas th ro u g h m any iterations. The m ethods chosen to do this involved content analysis b u t w here textual in terp retatio n w as

necessary, m any of th e benefits an d problem s of strictly herm eneutical enquiries w ere encountered. Stew art and M ickunas suggest th at in a

herm eneutical approach "w e read [the text] w ith the expectation th at we can bridge these gaps [of tim e, language and culture] " and:

let the text speak to the interests of the reader...the task of interpretation

involves a dialectical process that includes the reader as w ell as the autonomy

of the text. To sacrifice either pole of this continuum is to fail to understand the

text (p.162).

Ricoeur, cited in Barnes an d D uncan (1992,6), argues the case for textual in terp retatio n b y p o in tin g o u t th at the m eaning of texts is concretized th ro u g h th eir in terp retatio n , ju st as institutional arrangem ents are a

reflection of social life. Second, an interpretation of text is often essential w here, for exam ple, th e original author has not been able to consolidate the im plications of com plex events. W ritten texts also have new significance w hen in terp reted in relation to later events.

Barnes a n d D uncan (1992, 2-3), in their discussion )f discourse, text and m etaphor in the rep resen tatio n of landscape, point to some of the necessary cautions w h en in terp retatio n of th e "w orld" is to be accom plished through "closereading" of "texts". They acknow ledge that hum ans decide how to represent things. H ow ever, once reality has been translated into text for the first tim e, w riting o n the basis of this text constitutes a new w orld. Secondly, the in terp retatio n th at w e place o n text is coloured by the circum stances o r particular interest w hich bring us to that text. Finally, we m ust be w ary of the rhetoric of others. Al! of these guidelines w ere im portant in the preparation of C hapter Three.

In C hapter Four, I re tu rn to the m ethods of literature review to

exam ine responses of persons to the im pending threat of dom icide as w ell as m eans currently in use to assist these persons such as citizen involvem ent techniques, social im pact assessm ent and planning. I also relied on my experience as a professional com m unity planner to find shortcom ings and suggest im provem ents, w hich are discussed in C hapter Six.

U sing the operational definition of dom icide described at the beginning of this chapter a n d fu rth er elaborated in C hapters Two an d Three, a n in-depth case stu d y m ethod is used in C hapter Five to ratify an d extend earlier

findings. The tw o case-studies investigated are exam ples of drow ning of hom es caused by the construction of reservoirs, in this case behind the H u g h K eenleyside an d Libby dam s in the Colum bia River Basin. These case studies w ere chosen for several reasons:

1978-1985) with the Revelstoke Community Impact Committee,

which was put in place during the construction of the

Revelstoke Dam. In that situation, homes were not drowned

but there were impacts on community infrastructure, daily life

and the environment as the dam was constructed. In the final

year of that Committee's life, I was project manager for a study

which was to determine whether any further compensation or

mitigation was due to the City of Revelstoke and surrounding

areas. These studies recommended minimum furtl ir

compensation but, I believe, heightened my desire to deal with

situations where such retrospective review would relate more

closely to the affect on people in the area. In addition, I

welcomed the opportunity to work again in a geographic area in

which I felt "at home," although it was quite different irom my

real home.

2)

The subject area was within British Columbia and accessible

within the constraints of my employment responsibilities.

Further, my employment with die Water Management

Program, B.C. Ministry of Environment, Lands and Parks,

provided me with easy access to archival records and file

information which would otherwise be difficult to trace.

3)

Finally, the choice of a situation where domicide is caused

through the creation of a reservoir represented, for me, an

extreme case. For those who would lose their homes, it would

simply not be possible to go home again. Both home and well-

known surroundings and landscape were erased.

Research was undertaken through a search for and examination of

primary sources in the form of archival material (described in detail in

Chapter Five and listed separately in the bibliography). Although material

such as the transcripts of hearings had been used by others and thus was re­

interpreted, I believe that the material in the files of the B.C. Water Resources

Service and the material in the B.C. Government Archives collected by Guy

Constable and James Ripley has not been previously reviewed in this way. In

the case of the James Ripley and the B.C. Water Resources Service material, I

was the first user of this information. Review of existing books and reports

also described in detail in Chapter Five provided important information and

these sources were re-interpreted in the context of this dissertation.

To augment this material, I had initially hoped to undertake depth

interviews with persons who had lost their homes through the construction

of the Columbia River Basin projects but was prevented from so doing by an

apparent conflict of interest with my employment responsibilities. This

situation is described in detail in Chapter Five as it is the key to my choice of

participant observation as a method for collecting information. Nevertheless,

I did have the opportunity to interview, discuss and ratify my observations

with several officials of B.C. Hydro, the entity responsible for the construction

of the Canadian projects, as well as other government officials, when I helped

to arrange and participate in the Kootenay Symposium meetings. These

meetings were held in 1993 and 1994 to determine past impacts of the

Columbia River projects on the Kootenav Region and to plan for the future of

that region. While many of these interviews were short conversations by

telephone or during meetings, I was particularly fortunate to travel with staff

of B.C. Hydro during the Kootenay meetings and therefore was able to discuss

my findings with them, probe specific areas of interest, and record my

impressions in notes at journey's end. In these situations, the most

important qualities necessary are those described by Eyles and Smith (1988,8):

be an empathetic listener, a good conversationalist, and a competent social

theorist able to link responses with a broad base of knowledge. In addition,

expressions of interest, encouraging gestures, probing questions, and leading

questions are all important (Donovan 1988,191).

It was in the context of the Kootenay meetings that I became a

"participant observer," not in the commonly accepted sense of the word by

living with others, but as part of a re-living of past experience in present time

during a number of meetings and two symposia. This method of research

becam e particularly im p o rtan t as it w as necessary to ratify findings from m y review of archival m aterial a n d literature review th ro u g h participant-

observation rath er th a n by u n d ertak in g d ep th interview s. It is the task of the p articip an t observer, in the term 's no rm al usage, to p artak e in the ordinary daily life of those w h o m h e o r she observes and thereby to p rovide

in terp retatio n (Eyles 1988, 8-11; Sm ith 1988,18-27). O bservation m ay be from the v an tag e p o in t of the com plete observer (w here there is no contact

betw een the researcher and the researched) or as a particip an t (w here the researcher becom es a functioning m em ber of the gro u p a n d the observation role is concealed); as observer-as-participant (w here the role of the researcher is m ad e clear from the beginning) o r as a participant-as-observer (w here the researcher interacts w ith the subjects in their no rm al social en v iro n m en t and their relationship is defined by the research). M y varying roles in this reg ard are described in C hapter Five. In all of these activities, how ever, m y

em phasis w as o n listening to the victim s of dom icide as they spoke about their ioss of hom e a n d w hile listening, or im m ediately thereafter, recording their view s.

In p articip an t o b servation the researcher is at all tim es b o th inside and o utside the group, b o th involved b u t sufficiently detached to be a critical com m entator. In brief, the m eth o d involves participation, observation, and description; th e n abstraction, contem plation an d com m unication to eth ers (Smith, p.33). A dvantages of p articip an t observation include the ability to becom e im m ersed in the life of persons being stu d ied an d th u s to u n d erstan d n o t only the setting a n d events, b u t im pressions an d feelings. C ontinuous analysis of d ata an d sensitivity to the n eed for changes to direction in the research p e rm it an in d u ctiv e a p p ro ach to the creation o f theory. Problem s m ay arise: in term s of the stan d ard izatio n of the observation, observers an d m ethod; w ith d ata w hich stress effect b u t n o t cause; a n d in the representation of a g ro u p w hich is atypical. The use of this m eth o d in the creation of

w as u sed only to augm ent analysis o f docum ents from the period w hen the dam w as being planned.

1.5 Social an d Practical Significance

The subject of this study has bo th practical and social relevance as it augm ents o u r know ledge of the processes and h u m an effects of the

d estru ctio n of hom e. This phen o m en o n has received little coordinated academ ic attention beyond those w orks noted above an d described in m ore detail in C hapter Three. Both planning processes an d social im pact

assessm ent a p p ear to neglect the least em pow ered in o u r society, in this case the victim s of dom icide. T hrough a b etter u n d erstan d in g of the m eaning of loss of hom e, a n d of the context of planning an d im pact assessm ent in relation to th a t loss, it is suggested th at the im pact of this loss can be

m inim ized. "The p ro p o n en t m u st n o t be faceless b u t m u st be there, taking place in the debate a n d com m unity p lan n in g activity w hich su rro u n d s any developm ent" (W ilson 1981, ii). This stu d y encourages future dialogue b etw een the p lan n er, the politician a n d the planned-for.

The creation of a new fram ew ork for discussion of the subject of hom e and d evelopm ent of the concept of dom icide is expected to contribute to the academ ic literature in geography, planning, and related disciplines. In

particular, this w ork is u n d ertak en to contribute a m oral dim ension to these disciplines. T h ro u g h o u t this dissertation, my bias is to provide the victims of dom icide w ith a heroic stature in o rd er that they m ay also be recognized in an academ ic literature w hich frequently h as focused on governm ent process and policy. In essence, this dissertation seeks to reveal the shadow s on the

landscape w h ich occur w hen com m on hum anity is lost in ignoring the rights and n eed s of o th ers (Tuan 1993, 239), an d the light w hich prevails in

enhancing the dignity of the victims of such shadow s. G eographers have been urged to seek a regeneration of their discipline through:

1) producing effective social knowledge;

2) generating realistic expectations, in p a rt by deliberating w ith stakeholders as participant-observers;

3) rethinking research goals as contributory to the policy-m aking process;

4) adopting a reflective spirit open to m oral and h u m an consequence; and

5) placing an em phasis on interdisciplinarity (Steed 1988,10-11). More recently, universities have been exhorted to "rethink their m ission...[and] recognize the "scholarship of integration" w hich involves synthesizing results already obtained and m aking connections across disciplines" (W ilson 1991, 25). In its synthesis of m aterial from m any disciplines an d sources, in its m oral dim ension, and in its practical conclusions, this study strives to m eet some of the goals set both for geographers and for universities in general.

It's m y favourite place, h ere - do w n the new ro ad th ro u g h the iron gate. I stan d here an d w atch the seasons come an d go. At n ig h t the m oonlight plays o n H u n d er Beck...and the w aters sing a song to me...I know this place will always be loyal to me. If I have n o th in g in m y pocket I will alw ays have this. They cannot take it aw ay from me, it's m ine, m ine for the taking and alw ays will be...even w h en I'm n o longer here. W herever I go..,and w hatever I am ...this is me...

2.1 In tro d u ctio n an d M ethodology

Everyone know s w h at "hom e" means. Yet this apparently sim ple concept has been the subject of countless studies, m any stories an d m uch art and poetry. H om e has been a them e of research in disciplines as varied as anthropology, environm ental psychology, sociology, gerontology, w om en's studies, history, ethnoarchaeology, architecture, education, p lanning and, of course, geography. A s m entioned in C hapter One, I have three reasons for exam ining the subject in breadth. First, I w ish to allow a full im m ersion in the subject of hom e in o rd er to com pletely u n d erstan d its m eaning an d the im portance of this concept in people's lives. From this perspective, I w ish to suggest those aspects w hich w ould be of significance w h en hom e is destroyed, and in so d o in g alter o u r m ental construction of the m eaning of hom e.

Finally, know ing th at a full exam ination of the literature w ill occur, I hope to contribute the m ost com prehensive review o n the subject of hom e available at this point and to create a new typology or fram ew ork for u n d erstan d in g the concept.

2.1.1 Collection of Source M aterial

To p rovide the necessary references for this study, three m ethods were used. G iven the significance placed on the study of hom e in geography, a bibliography w as first created by referencing w ritings in this subject area. H om e is one o f the central concepts of h u m an geography. A t the global scale, Carl R itter's geography is "the stu d y of the earth as the hom e of m an"

(H artshorne 1949, 62). A t the meso-scale, Kniffen believed th at m ap p in g of the types of houses in Louisiana w as an "attem p t to get a n areal expression of

ideas regarding houses - a groping to w ard a tangible hold on the geographic

expression of cu ltu re" (H artshorne, p. 230). A t the micro-scale, J. B. Jackson urged th a t "th e prim ary stu d y of the h u m an geographer m u st b e the

effort to re-create H eaven on E arth" (Jackson 1952,6). Each of these examples, together spanning the century before 1960, focuses o n physical m anifestations of hom e yet recognizes the greater dep th of m eaning.

Since the 1960s the geographic literature on hom e has flourished. For exam ple, Mackie (1981, 7), in review ing the roots of the stu d y of hom e, lists the follow ing concepts: lifew orld (Buttimer 1976, Ley 1977, Seam on 1979); attachm ent (T uan 1974, 1975,1977); dw elling (Buttim er 1976, Relph 1976, Seam on 1979); rootedness (G odkin 1980, Tuan 1980); existential insideness (Relph 1973); h o m elan d (Tuan 1974,1977); territoriality (Porteous 1976); and hom e in relation to journey (Tuan 1971). To this array m u st be ad d ed the w ork of H ay w ard (1975, 1976) o n hom e as an environm ental an d social concept.

Seeking a context beyond th at of geography, m aterial for inclusion in this chapter w as also fo u n d by searching keyw ords in bibliographic

sum m aries and sources from o ther areas of academic study. In addition, general readings u n d ertak en d u rin g the preparation of the dissertation augm ented the m ore specific readings. These sources included explorations of the m eaning of hom e an d studies of specific aspects of hom e. Particularly useful are stu d ies w ith in the realm of environm ent and behaviour research w hich h av e so u g h t to clarify the concept of hom e in order to relate this concept to other variables (R apoport 1992, 1). As well, a lim ited am ount of general literature including both biographies and fiction w as considered. The latter category w o u ld undo u b ted ly provide a rich source for analysis. There are countless juvenile a n d a d u lt fiction books in the U niversity of Victoria Library alone bearing the w o rd "hom e" in their title. H ow ever, detailed analysis of such sources m u st be left for a separate study.

Finally, th e w orks of fourteen com m entators w h o have stu d ied the subject of "hom e" w ere review ed and are sum m arized below (Figure 2 .1 ).1

•s s

11

Together these stu d ies show an em phasis on h om e an d relationships, particularly fam ily an d friends, as w ell as o n the belief th at hom e creates identity, p ro v id es shelter, privacy and security, an d is the p io dom inant centre of o u r lives. A lesser them e is fo u n d in the com bination of personal and m aterial statu s a n d o w nership as these concepts relate to hom e. The m ost recent w o rk s h av e focussed u p o n hom e as the source of em otional w ell­ being, com fort a n d happiness.

2.1.2 C o n ten t A nalysis

A ll of the sources listed in the assem bled bibliography, including the w orks of the com m entators n o ted above, w ere review ed an d their contents relating to hom e noted. Frequently, m aterial referenced in these sources w as re-exam ined to en su re th a t the m eaning of hom e described by the original author could be elicited.

F ollow ing review a n d n o tatio n of chosen sources, content analysis w as u n d e rta k en to d eterm in e specific a n d general them es. G illian Tindall, in C ountries of the M ind (1991,9), suggests th a t she is n o t so m uch interested in actual lan d scap es an d dw ellings, b u t in w h at these have becom e >n the m inds of the novelist. Sim ilarly, I am interested, not in actual hom es, b u t in w hat "hom e" h as com e to rep resen t in the m inds of w riters or the interpretations of researchers fro m v ario u s disciplines.

C o n ten t analysis su g g ested five m ajor categories for exam ination in creating a typology of hom e, categories w hich are m ore general an d

so m ew h at b ro ad e r th an the w o rk of previous com m entators. These

com prise: the d efin itio n of hom e a n d changes to th is d efinition over time; the sp atial an d physical aspects of hom e; the sym bolic m eanings of hom e; the psycho-social aspects of hom e; a n d the m eaning of h om e to an exile o r the hom eless. H av in g established general them es th ro u g h co n ten t analysis, a

second review w as u n d ertak en to determ ine typical quotations. This m aterial is included in text boxes in the dissertation to p erm it the read er som e degree of im m ersion in the literature of hom e an d th u s to reach in d iv id u al

conclusions ab o u t the m eaning of hom e. A th ird review of the m aterial pro v id ed general explanations an d specific exam ples w hich are u sed to su p p o rt the discussion w ithin each of the general them es. Finally this m aterial w as review ed an d com pared w ith the quotations to p erm it further reflection o n the m eaning of hom e an d an d thus to u n d e rstan d w h a t w o u ld be lost w h en dom icide occurs.

This chapter therefore exam ines each of the m ajor categories chosen to explore the concept of hom e, w ith greatest em phasis being placed o n the spatial, sym bolic and psycho-social aspects of hom e as these categories are of greatest relevance to the them e of dom icide.

2.2 D efin itio n of "H om e"

My home is the house I live in, the village or town where I w as bom or where I spend m ost of m y time. My home is my family, the worlds of my friends, the social and intellectual milieu in which I live, my profession, m y company, my workplace. My home,, obviously, is also the country I live in, the language I speak, and the intelle 'tual and spiritual climate of my country expressed in the language spoken there . My home, of course, is not only my Czechness, it is also my Czechoslovakness, which means m y citizenship. Ultimately my home is Europe...and - finally - it is this planet and its present civilization (Havel 1991,49).

2.2.1 D e fin itio n

The d e fin ih o r of hom e is an obvious starting place for a stu d y of the m eaning of hom e. T uan (1971,189) w rote th at "p erh ap s n o single term in another language covers a significative field of com parable scope." The

English w o rd home can meap: " a dw elling place or house, a village or tow n, a collection of dw ellings (Old an d early M iddle English); the place of one's n u rtu rin g , w ith the feelings w h ich n atu rally an d p ro p erly attach to it; a place,

centre, or w here one finds refuge a n d rest" (H ayw ard 1975,3). H ow ever, hom e in French, maison, refers to the physical stru ctu re w hile the G erm an

heim connotes refuge or asylum . To these m ay be ad d ed the O ld N ordic heimr for h o m elan d and w orld a n d the Gothic haims w hich translates as

village, as w ell as the G reek home w hich also translates as village.

Rybczynski (1986, 61) echoes this theme: "This w onderful w ord, "hom e", w hich connotes a physical "place" b u t also has the m ore abstract sense of a "state of being" has no equivalent in the Latin or Slavic European languages. Sopher (1979,262), analyzing the m eaning of the w ords "hom e," "n eighbourhood" a n d "place," also exam ined these w ords in different languages. H e pro v id ed a new perspective by suggesting that reference to hom e (tow n) a n d hom e (land) im plies all of the w arm th, security and intim acy associated w ith references to hom e as a family dw elling.

To rely o n one definition of the w ord "hom e" is m isleading and it is tem pting to follow Kim D ovey's lead and suggest th at "all of its uses in ev ery d ay life constitute its m eaning" or th at "hom e is a notion universal to our species, n o t as a place, house, o r city, b u t as a principle for establishing a m eaningful relationship w ith the environm ent" (Dovey 1978, 27). Box 1 presents a series of m eanings of the w o rd "hom e" an d even this brief review points to d isp arate m eanings, often influenced by the perspective of the w riter. The quotations in Box 1 are chosen for their attem p t to provide a su m m ary statem ent about "hom e." As such they suggest a com m on sense of refuge, possession, attachm ent, affection an d personal freedom . In

su m m ary , th is section h as briefly sh o w n th a t the w id e-ran g in g d efin itio n of hom e, p articu larly in the E nglish language, includes d isp a rate physical places an d evokes v a rio u s em o tio n al responses.

Box 1-Meaning of the Word “Home”

“home” is a label applied voluntarily and selectively to one or more environments to which a person feels some attachment (Hayward 1975, 3). Loewy and Snaith, following a study of consumers in the U.S. housing market, reported the central concepts of home as:

a place to raise children/family a place to live/stay/spend your time a place to rest/relax/be comfortable in a place for love/warmth/understanding a place that I own/is my own/belongs to me a place for privacy/to be alone/get away a place you can always come home to

a place to be independent/can do as I please/security (Loewy and Snaith 1967, cited in Hayward 1975, 3)

"Home" brought together meanings of house and household, of dwelling and refuge, of ownership and of affection. “Home” meant the house, but also everything that was in it and around it as well as the people, and the sense of satisfaction and contentment that all these conveyed. You could walk out of the house, but you always returned home (Rybcaynski 1986, 61).

Home is the place where one loves and is loved; it is a place where I go to rest, in which I feel secure enough to lower my guard and lie down to sleep; home is where 1 keep my possessions; home is a place of comfort where pleasant experiences take place (Shaw 1990. 230).

house/home (place to live in)

The distinction was once more clear-cut than it now is. A house’ was a building for living Li. A ‘home’ was a ‘house’ (or flat or family residence) seen as not just a place to live in but a place of domestic comfort and family happiness. Today the two words are - at any rate in the jargon of real estate agents - one and the same thing: “new show homes’ for sale”...In senses other than ’house’, however, ‘home’ remains a highly emotive word, as in ‘homeland’, ‘homesick’, ‘home town’ and even the ‘Home Guard’ (Room 1985, 122).

2.2.2 C hanging D efinition of "H om e" Based on U se/D eco ratio n

Etym ological review of the w ord "hom e" has been used to clarify its m eaning (H ayw ard 1975,3; M ackie 1981,21).2 H ow ever, for the purposes of this stu d y , a brief description of the changing use of hom e as a physical stru c tu re /so cial concept in its E uropean-A m erican context, pro v id es a more useful background. In addition, a review of tren d s in hom e decoration suggests th a t em phasis o n com fort an d particular styles reflects the im portance placed b y society o n the creation of "hom iness."

H om es, o r in th is case dw ellings, w ere once m ore public; for exam ple, the lo rd 's h om e h a d g reat halls full of servants an d visitors, w hile the hom es of artisans in clu d ed their w orkshops an d shops. In H om e, a history of

housing, technology, a n d social attitu d es from the M iddle Ages to m o d em tim es, Rybczynski (1986) traces the developm ent of hom e as a concept. In the fo urteenth century, to w nhouses com bined living in a n u p p e r area o f one single large cham ber a n d w orking space at the low er level. Beginning in the 1600s, hom es, at least for the better-off, contained "privacies," room s in w hich the in d iv id u al co u ld be sheltered from public view . In the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries, hom es becam e the scene for dom estic rath er th an w orking life a n d com fort gained new im portance. Funk a n d W agnalls’ N ew S tan d ard D ictionary (cited in Mackie 1981,58) presents the 18th and 19th centuries' view of the hom e as a private sphere an d refuge, essentially a fem inine space: "H om e (dw elling) cam e to m ean an en d eared dw elling as the scene of dom estic love an d h a p p y an d cherished fam ily life...."

Rybczynski believes th a t the evolution of hom e com forts w as gradual, accom m odating the in tro d u ctio n of electricity, the disappearance of servants an d reap p earan ce of the sm all fam ily hom e. But th e em phasis o n hom e com forts becam e m u ch m ore p rev alen t after the E xposition Internationale des A rts Decoratifs e t In d u s trie s M odem es held in Paris in the sum m er of

1925. This ex trao rd in ary focus o n th e hom e interior featu red pavilions h ighlighting th e glam o u r of elaborate decoration a n d lig h tin g a n d th e Esprit

Nouveau of Le C orbusier. The scene w as set for m o d ern h om e decoration.

W hile th e em p h asis o n hom e decoration h as c o n tin u ed th ro u g h o u t this century, th ere h av e b een changes in the general social attitu d es tow ards hom e. In the 1950s Jackson w rote th a t "the m o d ern A m erican hom e, even the m o d ern farm h om e, is fast becom ing little m ore th a n a place w here m em bers of the fam ily (not all of them , by any m eans) e at one o r tw o m eals a day, sleep a n d enjoy occasional sociability " (Jackson, 1952,6). The late 1960s an d 1970s in N o rth A m erica can be seen as a p erio d w h e n self-fulfillm ent m eant m ore th a n attach m en t to anyone or anyw here. But m ore recently there is the "com ing [of] a new aw areness, a slow ing d o w n , a search for roots, fam ily ties, a p assio n fo r the 'n a tu ra l' a n d for the lan d , th a t p o w erful sym bol of connectedness" (Johnson 1982, 9). This is seen as a re tu rn to the p erv ad in g them e o f h om e as a central cultural value and a m eans to stabilize society (W right 1980, 294). The C o m m u n itarian M anifesto (G w yn 1992, A5)

p u b lish ed in N o v em b er 1991 seeks "a n active citizenry concerned a b o u t the m oral direction of the com m u n ity " a n d C linton's 1992 A m erican p residential election cam p aig n p ro m o ted "changing values" to stren g th en the fam ily a n d com m unity. This em p h asis h as tran slated into concern ab o u t the fam ily an d social values o f hom e. A m itai Etzioni contrasts th is m o v em en t w ith the en v iro n m en tal m ovem ent: "W e h av e h a d , an d still h av e a n d still n eed , an en v iro n m en tal m ovem ent. W h at w e n e e d now is a social en v iro n m en t m ovem ent, to h eal society in the sam e w ay w e're try in g to heal n a tu re " (Gw yn 1992, A5).

Reflecting these values, h om e deco ratio n for th e p riv ileg ed has retu rn e d to m o re trad itio n al them es. The designer R alp h L au ren m im ics v arious historical p e rio d s in his hom e fashions a n d is "n o t so m u ch

interested in recalling the authentic appearance of a historical period as he is in evoking the atm osphere of traditional hom iness an d solid dom esticity that is associated w ith the past...a desire for custom an d routine in a w orld

characterized by constant change a n d innovation" (Rybczynski 1986,9). The British d esig n er Laura A shley's "w hole philosophy centred aro u n d the hom e, the fam ily...m aking p ro d u cts th at m ake people feel com fortable, cosy"

(M arkoutsas 1992, C l).

A lthough a form idable task, and thus beyond the scope of this work, a review of p eo p le's o w n histories w ould doubtless a d d to this discussion of the m eaning of hom e. The H istory W orkshop m ovem ent has been responsible for the developm ent of a "p eo p le's history," often created by ordinary people w ritin g about them selves, a n d frequently creating the only histories available w hich describe the lives of w om en and children. Biographies, while often telling of h u m a n relationships an d social class, less frequently discuss the m eaning of h om e to their subject (Porteous 1989, 232). Together w ith fictional accounts, how ever, these sources w ould augm ent the study of the m eaning of hom e. Sim ilarly, the lives of previous in h ab itan ts can

som etim es be traced th ro u g h their hom es (Box 2).

Box 2-Home as History of Its Residents

She is cordial as I leave, but she has told me she likes being alone. Of course she isn’t alone at all. The place is filled with her predecessors...(Johnson 1982,112). To dwell means to inhabit the traces left by one’s own living, by which one always retraces the lives of one’s ancestors (Illich 1985, 8).

The comer to the right of the front door is the one that fifty years ago held an umbrella stand and where my father...deposited a dripping wet umbrella; and where for twenty years hung a horseshoe found by my uncle Corrado...(Levi 1989, 25).

This section h a s sh o w n that, in this c en tu ry (except for a sh o rt p e rio d in the 1960s), th ere h a s b e en a co n tin u al increase in em p h asis o n h o m e as refuge, security a n d p ossession, source o f attach m en t, affection a n d m em ory, a n d liv ed -in sp ace in w h ic h "h o m in ess" is a n im p o rta n t v alu e.

2.3

Spatial and Physical Aspects ot Home

I live in m y house as I live inside m y skin: I know more beautiful, more ample, more sturdy and more picturesque skins: but it would seem to m e unnatural to exchange them for mine Levi 1989, 25).

Spatial aspects of place are expressed as a cluster of m eanings as illu stra te d in Box 3:

Box 3 - Home - Cluster of Meanings

Home Is the space - group - time entity in which Individuals spend the greater part of their lives. It is preferred space, and it provides a fixed point of reference

around which the Individual may personally structure his or her spatial reality (Porteous 1976, 390).

The concept of home is applicable across all scales from the Individual psyche, the room, the house, the street, the neighbourhood, the town to the nation and the globe. Home can refer to a physical entity such as a cave, a house, an orphanage. On an experiential level, home can refer to the daily round of life in one's habitual abode (Mackie 1981. 2).

From th is c lu s te r of m ean in g s several th em es em erge: h o m e as a h ierarch y of physical places; the d ich o to m y b etw een p riv ate space a n d p u b lic space; h om e as the core n o d e or cen tre of o n e 's activity space; a n d th e p h y sical appearance of h o m e. W hile I h a v e relied o n a E u ro p ean -A m erican co n tex t for th is discussion, I n o te th a t a w id e r a n d less ethnocentric ran g e o f research p ersp ectiv es w ill so o n a u g m e n t th is co m m en tary (B enjam in a n d Stea, in press).

2.3.1 H om e as a H ierarchy of Physical Places

G enerally, an d despite the A m erican attem p t to define hom e by w hat w e carry aro u n d in our car (A ppleyard 1979,18), the spatial concept of hom e is conceived as a series of concentric zones ranging from one's room to one's nation. Each of these levels of hom e can be considered as a separate focus of attachm ent w ith the levels o f dw elling a n d su rro u n d in g neighbourhood or landscape being the m ost relevant to the concept of dom icide, although certainly w hole regions can be affected:

Room: Dw elling: Neighbourhood: Landscape: V illa g e: Region:

My home is the room I live in for a time, the room I've grown accustomed to, and which, in a manner of speaking, I have covered with my own invisible lining (Havel 1991, 49).

As a home the house is a creation having special properties accessible only to the people who made it their home. These properties...are difficult to portray from the outside. This is because in its deepest sense home is always something personal and private (Karjalainen 1993, 70).

To be forcibly evicted from one's home and neighbourhood is to be stripped of a sheathing, which in its familiarity protects human beings from the bewilderment of the outside world (Tuan 1974,99).

Pioneer records are rich in examples of settlers formin'* unusually strong attachments to the familiar features in the landscape Tees 1982,1),

The villager w ho has never moved away...retains the unique mark of his particular village. If a man says that he comes from Akenfield he knows that he is telling someone from another part of the neighbourhood a good deal more than this. Anything from his appearance to his politics could be involved (Blythe 1969,18).

Fried and Gleicher (1961)...concluded that "the commonest core lies in a widespread feeling of belonging someplace, of being 'at home' in a region that extends out from but well beyond the dw elling unit" (Hayward 1975, 6).

N ation: O Canat.a, our home and native land...(Lavalle6 and Routhier 1880),

Earth: To be at home on the planet and welcome here, humanity must understand and appreciate the primacy of that home, the Eden w e have never left, and the wild that is its emblem (Rowe 1990,34).