HUMANITARIAN
INTERVENTION AND THE
CHALLENGE OF FOOD AID
DISTRIBUTION: ITS
IMPLICATIONS
A CASE STUDY OF FOOD AID DEPENDENCY IN SUDAN
Andrea María Palomar Fernández
S3484777
Francisca Conde Street, 3, Community of Madrid, Madrid, Spain
+34 608743155
a.m.palomar@student.rug.nl
DATE: 15.05.2019
Supervisor: dr. C. M. Ryan
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ABSTRACT
Numerous conflicts and political instability are threatening international peace and security. As a result, humanitarian aid emerges as a core element to control, mitigate and protect affected states and population. Most of these conflicts are taking place in Africa, where most of the humanitarian projects are deployed. However, these humanitarian interventions have risen the controversial problem of dependency.
Concerns about the dependence that humanitarian relief creates on households are growing among theorists. Many authors have studied the implications of humanitarian assistance on households´ dependence. Even though there are different typologies of dependence, this research is focused on food aid´s dependence, which remains the most relevant. Sudan has suffered one of the worst famines and it has been tagged as one of the worst humanitarian disasters. During civil wars and insecurity, food became, on the one side, as a weapon of war and politics, and on the other side a mechanism of survival.
Throughout the thesis, I use humanitarianism and food insecurity theories to conduct and explain the relation between long-standing humanitarian intervention and food aid dependence. This article is also focused on dependency theory and its implications to support the theoretical framework and the main question.
Food is crucial for daily life and, therefore, to survive. Hence, not having enough food and nutrients can lead to famine and future diseases and deaths. Thus, through food, a weak population can be easily manipulated. In this way, a long-term humanitarian intervention may have more possibilities to create dependence on the receipt society, due to the prolonged supply of food aid.
Unlike previous studies, this thesis argues that food aid´s dependence is not only at the households´ level, but at government and humanitarian intervention´s level as well. I define it as a triple dependency, a vicious circle of dependency among government, citizens and humanitarian intervention. In this sense, all sides of the conflict –population, government and humanitarian projects- are dependent on food aid at different levels. Despite they all have different causes to be dependent on food aid supply, they depend on it in order to meet their basic needs. This research tests humanitarian intervention projects´ dependence on food aid as an instrument to keep their interests on the field and control their security and benefits, as well as government´s dependence on the food aid provided by humanitarian programmes to sustain and finance the insurgency. Moreover,
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the report conducts an analysis of households´ dependence on food aid to evaluate their real dependence on it. In addition, the thesis proposes the assumption of households´ reliance on UN and NGOs credibility and authority as a possible dependence rather than food aid dependence.
In conclusion, this research makes a critic to humanitarian interventions to improve its strategies and relations, but it recognises the value of aid projects in saving lives. Understanding dependency through different levels is essential to find out about the weakness of humanitarian interventions and make them progress.
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TABLE OF CONTENT
Declaration of the candidate 1
Abstract 2
Table of contents
5
Abbreviations 8
Chapter 1. Introduction 10
1.1 Long-term humanitarian interventions: the problem of dependency 10 1.2 Aim of this research 11
1.3 Research structure 12
Chapter 2. Theoretical Framework 15
2.1 Reasons for humanitarian intervention 15
2.2 Humanitarian intervention´s literature research 16
I. The right of intervention or non-interference 16
II. The concept and context of humanitarian intervention 17
III. Humanitarian interventions and food insecurity´s relation 20
2.3 The problem of food insecurity: context and concepts 20
2.4 Dependency: a side-effect of humanitarian interventions 23
I. Different perspectives: the concept 24
II. Level of dependency´s impact 25
2.5 Questioning the theory 27
Chapter 3. Methodology 33
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3.2 Empiric´s data 36
I. Primary and secondary data 37
II. Quantitative analysis 41
3.3 Aim of the methodology 41
3.4 Limitations 42
Chapter 4. Contextual conditions underlying Sudan’s humanitarian
crisis. 1984-1998 43
Chapter 5. Case study of Sudan’s food aid dependency 47
5.1 Bahr el Ghazal. Humanitarian intervention in 1998 47
I. The crisis 47
II. The humanitarian intervention in Bahr el Ghazal 52
A. Role of the Government 52
B. Role of OLS and NGOs 56
- Critics to OLS and NGOs 56
- Donations and national interests 59
- Food aid provision 60
- Impacting on Sudan 61
- International response´s failure 62
C. Role of Sudanese´s victims 63
5.2 Darfur. Humanitarian intervention in 2003 66
I. Spreading the crisis 66
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A. Role of UN agencies and NGOs 69
B. Role of the government and rebels 72
C. Role of citizens 74 5.3 Key Findings 76
Chapter 6. Conclusion 79
6.1 Recommendations 81Chapter 7. Bibliography 82
7.1 Academic articles and books 82
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Abbreviations
ACLED…………..The Armed Conflict Location and Event Data Project AU……….African Union
DRC………..Democratic Republic of Congo EU………..European Union
Factbook ECC……Factbook Mapping Environmental Conflicts and Cooperation FAO………Food and Agriculture Organisation of United Nations
GOS………...Government of Sudan HRW…………...Human Rights Watch IC………...International Community
ICISS……….International Commission on Intervention and State Sovereignty
ICRC……….International Committee of Red Cross IR………...International Relations
MONUSCO……...United Nations Organization Stabilization Mission in the DRC MSF………Médecins sans Frontières (Doctors without Borders)
NATO……….North Atlantic Treaty Organization NGO………Non-Governmental Organization NYT……….New York Times
OCHA……….Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs OEC………The Observatory of Economic Complexity
OLS……….Operation Lifeline Sudan R2P………..Responsibility to Protect
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SCF……….Save the Children Fund
SPLA………..Sudan People's Liberation Army SPLM………..Sudan People's Liberation Movement UCDP………..Uppsala Conflict Data Program UK………...United Kingdom
UN………...United Nations
UNAMIS………….United Nations Advance Mission in the Sudan UNAMID………….United Nations/African Union Mission in Darfur UNEP………...United Nations Environment Programme
UNICEF………United Nations International Children's Emergency Fund UNMIS……….United Nations Mission in the Sudan
US……….United States
USAID………..United States Agency for International Development WFP………..World Food Program
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CHAPTER 1: Introduction
1.1 Long-term humanitarian interventions: the problem of dependency
The number of humanitarian disasters has drastically increased all over the globe (UN, 2018). Conflicts and natural disasters are leading to mass starvation and deaths. The number of people affected by food insecurity has risen to approximately 820 million in 2017 (FAO, 20171). Most of them belong to the African continent, which holds the largest amount of civil wars, insecurity and human rights abuses (UN Report, 20102). Africa sustains civil wars but it is also being seriously affected by climate change. Concerns about international peace and security are arising among lawyers, international organizations and member states of the international community. The 21st century tries to address the global challenges by the end of 2030 in order to face “poverty, inequality, climate, environmental degradation, prosperity, and peace and justice” (UN Sustainable Development Goals, updated). Moreover, the atrocities in Rwanda, Kosovo or Bosnia have risen the debate based on humanitarian action and the role of the international community before, during and after those mass atrocities. Humanitarian interventions remain a core component to keep peace and security, and protect human rights and human needs.
Nonetheless, humanitarian intervention has been a controversial issue among experts who defend the right and responsibility of the international community to intervene in order to protect a population from mass atrocities (Badescu, 2010; Evans, 2015; Stewart, 2003; Welsh, 2004), and those who consider humanitarian intervention as a violation of the principle of sovereignty and territorial integrity (Bryer and Carins, 1997; Diprizio, 1999; Ayoob, 2001; Wood and Sullivan, 2015; Narang, 2015; Hjorth, 2015; Schachter in Holzgrefe and Keohane, 2003). Concerns about humanitarian intervention´s side effects are a hot point within humanitarianism theory. Accordingly, despite saving lives, a set of literature underscores the problem of dependency at the household level created by relief
1 According to FAO, the number of people facing starvation has increased from 804 million in 2016 to 821 million in 2017. Since 2014 the rise of people in food insecurity situation are growing. The worst situations is taking place in Africa and South America.
2 Africa, namely Sub- Saharan Africa, is still the most affected area by conflicts, insecurity and human rights abuses. In 2016 the Internal Displacement Monitoring Centre reported that 38% of people in Sub-Saharan Africa were forced to displace due to the conflict, while 30% of people were affected in the Middle East. Moreover, the Integrated Food Security Phase Classification also illustrates in a report from December 2018 to February 2019 that the most affected population by food insecurity is localised in Africa.
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aid. Correspondingly, a long-standing humanitarian intervention providing the basic needs to the victims may emphasize dependency as a long-term explanation that caused laziness or reduce initiative among the population.
This paper is focused on food aid dependency, given that food insecurity is still a potential threat to international peace and security3, and the number of people facing starvation is increasing despite the fact that world has enough food to feed the global population. In spite of humanitarian intervention provides food aid to diminish food insecurity, a long-term humanitarian response and inadequate humanitarian strategies may create dependency among the population. Accordingly, a body of scholarly literature (Barret, Pantuliano, Little, Sen, Zeweld or De Waal, among others) on food insecurity and food assistance analyse the impact of food aid on the receipt society. Some studies are concerned with the problem of food insecurity´s oblivion from the international community, while other authors considered that food provision is not the unique solution for food insecurity and what this implies.
1.2 Aim of this research
However, what is less discussed is the dependency that humanitarian intervention through the provision of food aid may create in governments and humanitarian programmes as well. As it was mentioned above, most of the studies are focused on food insecurity dependency at the household level, but they do not take into account the impact of food provision on other sides of the society.
Through the analysis of the case study based on Sudan prior to its independence, the research argues that governments and humanitarian interventions can be dependent on food aid. Despite their different purposes, all the parties rely on food aid in order to meet their needs. This creates what I have defined a triple dependency circle where governments, NGOs and victims are dependent on food aid in order to fulfil their needs. Nonetheless, a war-affected society requires food provision as a basic need to survive as the Universal Declaration of Human Rights states in Art. 25. Contrarily, governments and
3 According to the UN, food insecurity still remains a core problem that affect people and states, as well as it threats their development and stability. In order to end with this, the 2030 Agenda tries to improve food security and stop hunger.
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humanitarian intervention, namely, donor states that formed the programme, rely on food delivery with strategic intentions. For instance, on the one hand, the government of Sudan made use of food aid as a counterinsurgency strategy to control the path of the civil war while controlling the population and territory. On the other hand, the long-term humanitarian intervention used food aid as a tool to sustain their business, diplomatic relations and interests on the field, as well as to the prestige that it entails to the IC.
In this sense, this research searches to explain the “triple dependency” problem among households, governments and international interventions. Besides, the article shall illustrate households’ dependency under food insecurity circumstances to the figure that humanitarian interventions, led by UN, Oxfam or ICRC among others, represent, its prestige and credibility.
This article is not against humanitarian interventions or NGOs´ role, but it seeks to explain the relation among long-standing humanitarian intervention and food aid dependency in order to provide a base to improve humanitarian strategies in food distribution and raise concerns about the timing of those interventions.
1.3 Research structure
In order to answer the research question and come with an understandable explanation, the report shall proceed as follows:
The research is divided into six parts. The first part coincides with the introduction. During this first section, I advance the matter of study. In this case, I describe the circumstances surrounding humanitarian interventions in the globe, given that these programmes have increased in the last years as the number of conflicts do not decrease (Doocy et al. 2011; Perrin, 1998), their study remains crucial to understand and improve the deployment of those missions – such as the one in Sudan, Democratic Republic of Congo or Somalia-, as well as the impact on the victims and the state. For a better understanding of the research, I provide a background of international interventions facing food insecurity and the problem of dependency. In this first section, I introduce the justification of the topic and, therefore, the research question. Moreover, I make reference to the scope and delimitations of the issue at stake. The goal of this part is to introduce the topic and the contribution that I make to academia.
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The second section of the research takes a closer look at the already existing literature about humanitarian intervention, food insecurity and the problem of dependency. It seeks to discuss the role of humanitarian interventions facing food insecurity and famine difficulties mainly in Africa. Besides, this part conducts the side-effects of dependency caused by those long-term humanitarian interventions. The objective is to study what has been said before about the topic and outline the concepts of intervention, food insecurity and dependency. The idea behind this is also to provide a more understandable overview of what other scholars have studied about the issue. This would allow setting more carefully theories and terms. By doing so, the study can move forward and identify a theoretical gap or flaws among the existing literature. The aim is to underscore the problem of “triple dependency”. Besides, the article studies the hypothesis of households´ dependency on the credibility and reputation humanitarian workers have or what they represent for the victims. Thus, this second section includes other authors´ perspectives what shall also demonstrate the importance and relevance of the issue. Afterwards, through this literature review, I illustrate the research purpose and question-based research. The purpose is to settle the main research question within the actual literature and contribute to academia. The following section develop the methodological framework and analysis I have used to support and build up my argument. Both quantitative and qualitative analysis have been used.
The fourth section provides a background of the case study based on Sudan between 1998 and 2011. Due to the complexities of this case, it is useful to rely on the facts that took place before the 1998 famine and before the independence of South Sudan. The food insecurity´s problem developed in Sudan prior to the division is due to several civil wars and natural disasters, such as El Nino. This part contextualises the background of the case study from 1989 famine while introducing briefly the theory and the next section of the case study. Thus, the contextual framework in which humanitarian interventions were deployed in Sudan and the rise of food insecurity in 1998 should be explained by taking into account the situation –agricultural, climate, infrastructures, malnutrition or conflicts- before the emergency of 1998. This would also illustrate the theoretical foundations and the theoretical gap that shall be argued in section fourth. In a general level, this section helps to understand the role and practices of aid programs, as well as the level of risk and insecurity of the society.
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In order to make more visible the theoretical argument, the fifth section discuss the case study, which is based on Sudan before the 2011 independence. The case study is settled from 1998 until 2011. The methodological frame for these years relies on the following facts. On the one hand, in 1998 started the famine that has been considered as one of the worst famines in history (Human Rights Watch, 1999). One of the most affected areas was Bahr el Gazhal. Several long-standing UN missions, such as UNMIS or UNAMID, and the long-term situation and problem of food insecurity drove to adverse effects such as dependency at different levels. Moreover, Sudan´s famine and its roots, as well as climate conditions, were not well address and it was spread to areas such as Darfur in 2003. On the other hand, in 2011 took place the autonomy of South Sudan and, therefore, areas such as Bahr el Gazhal are currently from South Sudan, which implies different politics and conflicts. In addition, there are few studies concerning South Sudan´s famine, which is currently being one of the worsts (Norwegian Refugee Council, 2018; Oxfam, 2018; Reliefweb, 2018), and it is needed analysis and information prior its independence in order to understand more precisely the situation. The case study seeks to explain the argument expounded in the theoretical framework through practice. Therefore, this identifies both the literature gaps and the contribution that this paper makes to academia.
Lastly, the next section include the conclusion of the research. During this part, I develop the main findings of the study by analysing the case study and its relation to the theory that I have argued through the article. Humanitarian intervention is considered to create a dependency at the household level, however, this research has suggested that humanitarian assistance does generate a triple dependency –international interveners, government and households. Secondly, this article has tested the assumption that households have a dependency on what humanitarian organisations represent4, its credibility, prestige and authority. Finally, I include recommendations with the objective of foster further study and analysis of the issue. These recommendations also have the goal of improving the quality of life of the victims and the procedure of humanitarian interventions. In this section, I explain what this article has proposed both for academia and practical considerations.
4 In the Western World, United Nations is represented with peace, security or stability. Nonetheless, the perception that the UN may have in areas where they act may change. For instance, in countries such as the DRC the population is hostile to the presence of the UN.
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CHAPTER 2. Theoretical framework 2.1 Reasons for humanitarian intervention
Humanitarian interventions have been the hot point of numerous debates among theorists, lawyers, policy-makers and international organizations since the end of the Cold War. The 20th century generated new conceptions, frameworks and complexities to humanitarianism and its responses. The literature that surrounds humanitarian intervention or relief is also supported by theoretical discourses and political guides that give insights about the impact and effects of them on the affected population and on the state. Humanitarian aid still divides academia between those who defend the right and responsibility of intervention and those who consider humanitarian intervention as a violation of state sovereignty. The case of Rwanda symbolises the failure of the IC because of the lack of intervention, while the case of Bosnia represents the deficiency of international interventions due to the “illegal” reaction of NATO. However as the Secretary-General of the United Nations, Kofi Annan emphasized “(i)f humanitarian intervention is, indeed, an unacceptable assault on sovereignty, how should we respond to Rwanda, to Srebrenica – to gross and systematic violations of human rights that offend every precept of our common humanity?” (Annan in Badescu, 2011: 32).
According to the Global Conflict Tracker, there are currently around 25 relevant conflicts in the world. These conflicts go from the war in Syria or political instability in Iraq to the violence in Mexico, from the danger of Boko Haram in Nigeria to the war and famine in South Sudan. A total of 47 countries are named by the United Nations5 as the least
developed countries in the world as a consequence of political uncertainty, civil wars, natural disasters, economic crisis, famine or diseases. Unfortunately, the number of people suffering the consequences are growing. For instance, the number of refugees from South Sudan to neighbouring countries is 2.4 million people and 7.1 million people are facing acute undernutrition (UNHCR, 2018), in Yemen 17 million people are facing food insecurity (Oxfam, 2018) and in the Democratic Republic of Congo 13.1 million people are in need of humanitarian assistance (OCHA, 2018). More countries are also suffering food insecurity or are in need of humanitarian aid. Due to the complexity and the high number of people suffering there is a global concern regarding the problem provoked by
5 List of Least Developed Countries. As December 2018. Most of the countries represented in the list belong to Africa and Middle East. The analysis of those countries are based on the study of their income, human assets and economic vulnerability, as main factors.
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conflicts. In addition, poverty and food insecurity appear as a cause of those conflicts, which leave millions of people in need of humanitarian assistance.
Therefore, the need for humanitarian interventions remains crucial to assist millions of people facing acute malnutrition and famine as a result of conflicts, natural disasters or political instability. As the Universal Declaration of Human Rights points out that “(a)ll human beings are born free and equal in dignity and rights” (Art. 1) and “(e)veryone has the right to a standard of living adequate for the health and well-being of himself and of his family” (Art. 25) and so is the responsibility of the state to protect and provide freedom and rights to its citizens in order to maintain the peace, security and wellbeing of the nation. Nevertheless, as current conflicts show –Syria, South Sudan, Yemen…-, if the state is not able to provide the basic needs or basic human rights to its nationals, then it is the role of the international community to intervene.
2.2 Humanitarian intervention´s literature research
I. The right of intervention or non-interference
Either against or in favor, many debates have arisen about the presence of the international community and the deployment of humanitarian interventions around the globe. Some authors (Badescu, 2010; Evans, 2015; Stewart, 2003; Welsh, 2004) defend the need of doing something to protect people suffering and solve their inequalities. This set of literature perceives humanitarian intervention as a responsibility to protect. If the state is not able to fulfil its responsibilities and obligations towards its citizens, then there must be a third entity able to do so. The goal is to avoid excessive amounts of deaths, high imbalance of equalities and rights, and the reduction of poverty. Scholars that hold this view explain the need for humanitarian intervention as a mean of survival for the victims. It was the government of Canada which announced and developed in 2000 the term “responsibility to protect” and its practical implications. Responsibility to protect was then primarily concerned with the matter of obligation among the main powers.
Nonetheless, the other side of academia claims the right of non-intervention and illustrate the adverse effects of humanitarian assistance rather than the benefits (Bryer and Cairns, 1997; Diprizio, 1999; Ayoob, 2001; Wood and Sullivan, 2015; Narang, 2015; Hjorth, 2015). These authors, Bryer and Cairns, Diprizio, Ayoob, Wood and Sullivan, Narang or
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Hjorth, as well as Wolff, De Vattel, and Kant (in Holzgrefe and Keohane, 2003), and Mill (in Clarke, 2014), among others, evaluate intervention as a principle that breaks with the autonomy and sovereignty of the states. Tesón argues that “humanitarian intervention violates communal integrity” (2009: 94). Moreover, they argue that the proliferation of relief aid can have direct effects such as creating dependency in the population.
Overall, it is important to take into account that humanitarian interventions have saved many lives, which can measure the role, importance and efficacy of relief aid operations. It is the case of the genocide in Rwanda, where the international community failed due to the lack of intervention. However, although the goal of humanitarian action is to ameliorate the situation of the victims and affected state it can also have side-effect or it can influence either the patterns of the conflict, the agriculture, the education or the behaviour of the population. This, nonetheless, will still save more lives than non-intervention.
II. The concept and context of humanitarian intervention
Throughout the literature based on humanitarianism and humanitarian aid, the concept of humanitarian intervention has been defined as the assistance, prevention and protection of victims and human rights when “massive violations of human rights inside the domestic jurisdiction of a state” take place (Welsh, 2004: 2). It has risen as a “modern peacebuilding and post-conflict reconstruction” (Narang, 2015: 184). The main objective is “avoiding acute human suffering” (Barret, 2005: 158). Conflicts, natural disasters and human rights abuses taking place, most of them in Africa, Middle East and east-Europe such as the case of the former Yugoslavia, Rwanda, Somalia, Sierra Leone or Iraq –among others, rose the attention and the principle of the “need to do something” (Welsh, 2004) from the Western world in order to assist and protect the victims of those atrocities. Notwithstanding, the international community (IC) does not only have the responsibility to rebuild and assist the affected population by a catastrophic situation, but also “support conflict prevention, mitigation and resolution, and assist in the development of accountable governance, security and justice institutions” as the UN Security Council Resolution 1996 of 8 July 2011mentions (in Aleksi Ylönen, 2014: 103).
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Theorists, such as Donnelly (1993), Finnemore (1996), Wheeler (2000), Welsh (2004), Evans (2006) or Badescu (2010), among others, have deeply studied the construction and context of humanitarian interventions, its norms and limits, and the responsibility of doing something to stop humanitarian catastrophes. These authors belong to the scholarly literature that regards intervention as a principle to protect human´s life. They then consider that “states have the right and responsibility to employ military force against another state in order to protect civilians in danger” (Welsh, 2004: 52). By relying on the responsibility to protect these authors´ goal is to improve the power and norms of humanitarianism. By doing so, they suggest the need for having better legal and ethical policies that would make possible a more institutionalised humanitarian interventions and better work on the field. They are aware of interventions´ problems but they do defend the philosophy of helping victims. Furthermore,international organizations, such as the United Nations, Oxfam or Amnesty International also support interventions and its legal and moral values. On the other side, lawyers and policy-makers are also focused on the terminology, complexities and implications of humanitarian intervention in order to establish a common framework of analysis and policies for it. The objective of those policies is to control and reduce the adverse effects of interventions.
In this way, both lawyers and policy-makers claim “the need to ‘do something’ in the face of evil” (Welsh, 2004: 56) through humanitarian interventions that deal with the conflictive situation while protecting victims. At the same time, humanitarian programmes are a business for lawyers and policy-makers and, consequently, they support interventions.
The ICISS (the International Commission on Intervention and State Sovereignty) is concise and clear when it describes the threshold of intervention of the IC, which is based on “A. large scale loss of life, actual or apprehended, with genocidal intent or not, which is the product of either deliberate state action, or state neglect or inability to act, or a failed state situation; or B. large scale ‘ethnic cleansing’, actual or apprehended, whether carried out by killing, forced expulsion, acts of terror or rape.” (2001: XII). According to this, the intervention would follow a criterion based on deaths, suffering or ethnic cleansing in order to start working. On the one hand, this reduces the risk of the deployment of humanitarian aid no needed while respecting the principle of autonomy of the state (ICISS, 2001). On the other hand, this benchmark could sometimes be very strict, while leaving the suffering too long. As a consequence, the intervention will need to take a
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term period as well. Even more, if the emergency has been developed due to civil wars. However, it is these long-term interventions what could impact more on the receipt country by creating dependency or prolonging the conflict.
Besides the ICISS framework, there are also scholars such as Fassin and Pandolfi (2010) who define a benchmark for the intervention and the use of force. They develop the term “humanitarian emergency” as the appropriate situation for triggering international intervention. This “humanitarian emergency” would take place when “the threshold of catastrophization is crossed” (2010: 48) and when a state declares “state of alert and calls(ing) for special preparedness in order to face an existential threat” (2010:48). For them the intervention must be developed when there are a “large numbers of people unequally die and suffer from war, displacement, hunger, and disease owing to human-made and natural disasters” or suffer “from war to genocide, from epidemics to famine” (2010:48). Although this threshold could encompass a wider range of situations, it is still very blurry.
One recent study also examines that the humanitarian intervention is promoted by “key regional powers (that) have taken the lead in lobbying the Security Council for action” or due to the “strong domestic pressure and media attention” in Western states (Welsh, 2004: 5). This approach will also determine even the durability of interventions because there is a threshold to intervene, but not for a deadline of those projects. As a result, these powers –either mass media or lobbying- remain in the field long periods, causing adverse effects such as dependency on the population or prolonging conflicts.
In spite of that, humanitarian assistance provides basic needs and legal rights to the victims. This can be done through cash transfers, material assistance, food aid, sanctions or military power (de Waal, 1994; Maxwell, 2008; Doocy et al., 2010; Acaye, 2015). A large amount of deaths due to famine and the situation of people facing malnutrition and important inequalities has made of food aid one of the most important humanitarian aid projects. Alinovi et al., argue that “the key features of most protracted crises, in addition to the loss of human lives due to conflicts, are the increasing levels of food insecurity and hunger.” (2007: 2). The World Health Organisation also emphasises the size of this problem with “52 million children under 5 years of age are wasted, 17 million are severely wasted and 155 million are stunted” and “around 45% of deaths among children under 5 years of age are linked to undernutrition” (Report February 2018).
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III. Humanitarian interventions and food insecurity´s relation
Some set of literature is concerned with the dilemma of food insecurity´s oblivion or indifference from the international community. This relies on the fact that the impact of famine on the society is indirect, does not affect to the international community and the number of deaths is not battle-related causing hundreds of deaths in few hours, but progressive. As a consequence, it has less impact on Western society. Moreover, the Western world does not suffer the lack of food, instead it holds the largest food production and consumption (Godfray et al., 2010). As Gegout describes “the national interests of Western countries would involve: (1) safeguarding their own security” (2009: 232) as the main objective. Nevertheless, the international community need to do something to stop this problem that affects millions of people in the world, international trade and the exploitation of natural resources.
Humanitarian interventions have increased food aid programs due to the size of the problem of famine and food insecurity (United Nations Report, 2018). This food aid projects have been described by Doocy et al. as “a pillar of humanitarian response which is essential for addressing short-term food insecurity associated with displacement and loss of livelihoods” (2010: 274). Furthermore, according to the World Bank, food aid “can also assist in better transition to longer term agricultural productivity growth and local market development” (2010: 1). Undoubtedly, food aid has helped millions of people after disasters and has saved millions of lives, although it has incited problems such as dependency. In this way, is essential to describe food insecurity in order to understand the problems, solutions and how the humanitarian intervention can prevent it or reduce it.
2.3 The problem of food insecurity: context and concepts
Nowadays, the problem of food insecurity is one of the main concerns of the international community. As the World Health Organisation points out “undernutrition is the single greatest threat to health worldwide.” (WH0 in Barret, 2006). The lack of food security can arise due to conflicts, natural disasters or economic crises. Conflicts and natural disasters strongly impact on the population and on the society, from the infrastructures and transports to agriculture. For instance, Yemen, Somalia, South Sudan or Nigeria are
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suffering famine due to either civil wars or natural disasters. Mass displacements, as well as affected livelihoods, prices and basic needs such as food and health services, are provoked by conflicts or natural disasters. The reduction of food at national or local level leads to starvation. De Waal argues that starvation takes place after a “long processes of marginalisation and impoverishment” (2014: 33). It means “an increased risk of death, a risk which accelerates as nutritional status declines” (De Waal, 1990: 476). If the issue of starvation is not treated as it has to be, through humanitarian and food aid, it can lead to famine. However, Barret states that “(s)ometimes what the poor most need to insure their food security is not food – or at least not the type of food being provided through local food aid distribution – but rather health care, clothing (…)” (2002: 11).
The Integrated Food Security Phase Classification (IPC) describes famine when it accomplishes three criteria: “first, at least one in five households face an extreme lack of food; second, that more than 30 per cent of children under five suffer from acute malnutrition; and third, that deaths exceed two out of every 10,000 a day” (2018: 11). Mass starvation leads to famine. However, it is between starvation and famine when food insecurity arises. There is then a period of malnutrition and deaths which will drive to declare the state of food insecurity. The lack of access, bad quality of the products and unavailability of them will hardly restrict food. Although this can start as a dearth famine, it will end in famines that kill. This thin line between starvation and famine is marked by the food insecurity threshold, which is crucial for the development and deployment of humanitarian aid and food aid programs.
Food insecurity is also described by authors such as Maxwell as “being first and foremost a problem of access to food, with food production at best a route to entitlement, either directly for food producers or indirectly by driving market prices down for consumers” (1996: 157). Scholars such as Barret add more details to this definition and he explains food insecurity in three different generations according to the understanding there was of it. Hence, the first generation of food insecurity emphasized “on aggregate food availability”, the next generation was focused on “individual- and household-level access to food” and the third generation placed “food security in a broader framework of individual behavior in the face of uncertainty, irreversibilities, and binding constraints on choice” (Barret, 2014: 2106). Unlike Barret and Maxwell, Messer and Cohen make mention of the importance of nutrients when talking about food insecurity, given that is not only the access or availability of food but the quality of it. The quality and conditions
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of food are essential to provide nutrients and health to the receipts. Thus, Messer and Cohen define food insecurity as “food shortage, lack of access to food, malnutrition, or some combination of these factors” (2006: 300). Recent studies also focus on the importance of nutrients and energy of the available food to keep proper levels of food security and health among the victims. Anderson and Cook highlight the “adequacy of energy intake, adequacy of nutrient intake, feelings of deprivation or restricted choice, and normal meal patterns” of food security at the individual level (2016: 143).
Therefore, if a state is declared under food insecurity and/or state of famine, something must be done by the state to tackle the situation. Otherwise, the situation can get worst with mass displacement, conflicts, diseases, deaths and infections that can affect neighbouring states. As Karbo emphasises, Africa´s conflicts tend to have a “spillover effect, and they subsequently affect all the countries in the region” (2008: 126).
However, the majority of these governments is not able to handle the situation on their own. They are unstable, with poor resources and weak institutions, and corrupts in many cases. In spite of the autonomy and sovereignty they have over their territories, they cannot leave their citizens in such circumstances where even basic needs are not covered. In this sense, and against those who believe that humanitarian intervention is a “violation of the cardinal rules of sovereignty” (Wheeler, 2000: 11), the international community has the responsibility to intervene in order to avoid a deterioration of the situation and help either citizens or governments to establish measures –or at least provisional measures- that can facilitate basic needs and rights to the population. When food insecurity is provoked due to conflicts the relation between humanitarian aid and population may vary from situations affected by natural disasters. In cases where conflicts are taking place “food insecurity and famines are actively used as weapons of war” (Concern Worldwide, 2008: 8).
In fact, food insecurity and conflicts are causal links (Hendrix, 2013). So, food insecurity and starvation can lead to riots and social unrest but conflict do also drive to food insecurity and famine, creating a circle. On the one hand, the lack of food and livestock, and the insecurity to cultivate or establish commercial agreements, as well as the consequent diseases and infections are the root of numerous conflicts. Popular rebellions demanding justice and basics needs can drive to national conflicts. On the other hand, conflicts destroyed lands and increase social tension and unrest due to the need for food
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and resources. In addition, conflicts also dismantle commercial roads, infrastructures, transports... This makes more difficult to humanitarian interventions to deliver food and facilitate the assistance to the victims. The lack of proper infrastructures can delay international aid and generate unequal distributions (Stewart, 2003; Oloruntoba and Gray, 2006; Radelet et al. 2004). Insecurity and social fear lead to maximising protective measures in order to survive. Subsequently, the availability of food is reduced due to the risks and threats that suppose the displacement to get it and cultivate it. At the same time, robberies and riots to obtain water, food or livestock also influence the reduction of food. As a result, as Hendrix argues, there is a “nuanced relationship between food insecurity and violence” (2013: 2). However, as he states “the vicious cycle of food insecurity and conflict can be transformed into a virtuous cycle of food security and stability” (2013: 2). Thus, when food insecurity is generated as a result of conflicts then humanitarian projects must be focused not only on food aid and mitigation of the situation, such as diseases or malnutrition but also on the reestablishment of institutions, justice and economic programmes that have been destroyed due to conflicts and government´s vulnerability. Conflicts breakdown human needs and rights. Hence, international interventions must also work on political and security strategies. The humanitarian intervention takes then the form of needs-based approach and rights-based approach, while when food insecurity takes place because natural disaster the projects takes a basic-need approach (Richmond, 2015: 58; Barret, 2006). It is understood under natural disaster circumstances that it was not food insecurity man-made and, therefore, there is no need to work at the institutional level but at the local level by providing the basic needs that the catastrophe has destroyed. Nonetheless, in both cases, there is a relation between humanitarian intervention and food insecurity.
2.4 Dependency: a side-effect of humanitarian interventions
Besides this set of theories based on the “responsibility to protect” of humanitarian interventions, there are also scholars who study and question the side-effects of international relief programmes. In this sense, there is a concern on the problem of the adverse effects caused by humanitarian intervention and the relationship is built between the problem of food insecurity and what this implies.
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One of the main worries related to the literature and practice of humanitarian intervention, as well as food insecurity, have recently been the relation of dependency provoked by the external assistance on the recipient society. The problem of dependency illustrates a theoretical discourse in which international interveners and theorists frame one of the adverse effects of humanitarian aid on war victims or poor societies.
I. Different perspectives: the concept
The term dependency has been attached to several definitions. The most common one represents dependency as “the antithesis of development approaches” by Harvey and Lind (2005: 12). Dependency is associated with negative connotations and it is perceived as “a particular problem in contexts where relief assistance has been provided over a prolonged period” (Harvey and Lind, 2005: 10). Lautze and Hammock define dependency “as extreme reliance on resources beyond one’s control” (in Harvey and Lind, 2005: 10). In this way, it is considered that humanitarian relief, such as food programs, may generate dependency and, therefore “undermines initiative and may create laziness” (Harvey and Lind, 2005: 22). Thus, an individual or community relies on external resources for its day-to-day life, such as food, clothes, health services…-or even economic growth because either the individual or community thinks that they cannot do it, or because they actually cannot do it by themselves due to the circumstances. This can result in dependency from the community to humanitarian aid. Another approach presents dependency as “the idea that the continued provision of relief risks creating what is sometimes called a dependency mentality or dependency syndrome” (Harvey and Lind, 2005: 22). Under these situations people receiving international aid get unmotivated to develop their own activities or work. The idea behind it would be such as “if they provide for free with what I need, why should I work, pay or put effort to get it?” Related to this, Little defines dependency as “a condition where farmers modify their social and economic behaviour in anticipation of food aid” (2008: 861). Due to the link is being done between international aid and dependency with negative connotations, there are emerging more approaches that associate intervention with something bad and closer to colonialism. Authors such as Cooper, Cunliffe, Jabri or Pfaff consider that humanitarian interventions are failing in colonial practices through the imposition of Western values, its authority or its present on the field. According to these authors, these interventions cause side-effect on the receipt
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society. Although humanitarian programmes contribute to the establishment of peace and security in fragile and conflictive states, they also act without taking into consideration the locals and they may create either dependency or, as those authors state, a new kind of colonialism from the 21st century.
Some other recent studies examine dependency from positive and negative sides. It is the case of Harvey and Lind, Little and Barret. On the one hand, these theorists argue positive dependency as helping people that otherwise would be suffering or would not be able to do the work by themselves. This kind of theory would be attached to short-term relief operations, while negative dependency is linked to long-term interventions as it was described above. Negative dependency takes place “when current needs are met at the cost of reducing recipients’ capacity to meet their basic needs in the future without external assistance.” (Barret, 2005: 10).
II. Level of dependency´s impact
Nevertheless, humanitarian aid does not only can cause dependency at the individual level through creating demotivation, disincentives or laziness, as well as undermining initiatives (Harvey and Lind, 2005; Acaye, 2015). It can also generate dependency at the economic level of the state due to the impact of aid in the local market and, consequently, in the prices. Moreover, social relations among the community can also suffer from humanitarian aid, as well as politics. In fact, De Waal found that external aid could impact negatively on the relationship between state and citizens (1996). Even development of the state could be affected because of the relation between humanitarian aid and the dependency it generates, given that the progress of the state would rely on international resources and values rather than on the national ones.
In other cases, the problem of food insecurity and the victims of it fall into a dependency circle due to the long-term or excessive use of humanitarian aid. As a result, external aid can cause food aid dependency as well. As Collier indicates “high aid has been the cause of slow growth in Africa” (1999: 544).
In this way, due to the increasing number of emergencies, most of which are in Africa and the Middle East, the number of humanitarian interventions and their resources have considerably grown (Doocy et al. 2011; Perrin, 1998). However, at the same time, there
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has been a rise associated with the side-effects provoked by humanitarian interventions. Humanitarian aid has shown to create dependency among the population that it is assisting. One of the most relevant dependencies is, from my point of view, food aid dependency. As I consider, food insecurity does not only entail being dependent on food aid, but it also implies future dependency on security and development. If food insecurity means lack of “availability; accessibility; utilisation; and stability” of food and water (Concern Worldwide, 2008: 11), then it is not only food what is at stake but rather the lives of the victims. Not having enough food and nutrients can lead to famine and future diseases and deaths. Barret also states that it is not only food aid what food insecurity victims need or depend on but rather “health care, clothing, shelter or other essential goods and services” (2002: 11).
Before proceeding, it is important to problematize and unpack the relation between the concept of dependency and being dependent on something, such as in this case: be dependent on food aid. The term dependent makes reference to a temporal explanation of what is happening at a particular moment. During periods of famine in Sudan, people relied on external aid in order to obtain food for its survival. In those particular moments where lands are degraded and eroded, there are droughts and erratic rains, there is a lack of clean water and livestock died, the only resource of feeding remains either on wild food or external provisions of food. Therefore, while there is not access to food or its quality is scarce, people may need to rely or being dependent on others sources. This temporary need for others assistance may stop once the state or communities are able to obtain by themselves basic needs. Ergo, the state can evolve by its own resources. This could be associated with positive dependency and short-term humanitarian responses. However, the term dependency refers to a longer term of dependence or need of others to get basic or strategic needs. Dependency can shape the structure and growth of a state or group of people, and it can subordinate a state to external powers. It is more related to negative dependency. For instance, a long-term humanitarian intervention has more possibilities of creating dependency. Thus, despite basic needs or strategic needs may get from internal sources of the state, communities or the state still rely on external provisions.
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2.5 Questioning the theory
Therefore, the first point to highlight is the fact that food insecurity dependency does not only mean to rely on food but also being dependant on future development (Maxwell, 2008) and security. If food is provided regularly, households will be dependent on aid while leaving aside their jobs because, as Anderson et al. state, “people might choose to work less” (2005: 16) and having incomes and livelihoods for free. As a result, unemployment may increase (Limodio, 2011) and, consequently, the development will suffer a deceleration. The population may modify its behaviour (Siyoum, 2012) and social relations. Therefore, security and instability become at stake in a state where there are food insecurity and population dependant on external aid (Collier, 1999). The problem does not remain only in the present but rather affects the future development and security of the society and state as well. More specifically, it also indicates to be totally dependent, that is that your life will be in external hands. As a result, the complexity of the problem is higher than expected. As Welsh argues “while states have a responsibility to pursue international justice where they can, they cannot jeopardize other fundamental values in the process” (2004: 75). Thus, the relation it is established between humanitarian intervention and food insecurity dependency is, more than in terms of needs or rights, in terms of survival. Victims put into external hands the security of their survival and development of the state.
Notwithstanding, a difference must be made between short-term humanitarian intervention and long-term relief programmes in conflictive states and, therefore, the dependency they generate (Maxwell, 2009). The objective of both interventions remains mainly to protect victims and keep them alive. It is important to take into consideration that any external intervention influences the state, values and population where it is taking place. On the one hand, a short-term humanitarian intervention will only act for a limited period on time, so it could impact on the receipt society. As Maxwell states, short-term interventions are based on contributions to “fill the gap”, strength aid programmes and improving “the immediate production” (2009: 92). Therefore, short-term interventions are less probable to create dependency. In this way, victims are then still motivated and positives regarding the situation, as it was the case of Sierra Leone in 1999, so they believe in their own means and work. However, these brief interventions are also related to a transitory problem, rather than a chronic one. Maxwell explains that “these
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term responses did not address any of the longer-term causes”. The humanitarian programme, strategy and resources of short-term interventions will differ from a long-term intervention. Moreover, given that by carrying out short period assistance the risk of prolonging the conflict or falling into problems such as dependency is less probable. On the other hand, as Pantuliano explains, it is required to take “long-term strategies and investments to reduce chronic poverty and vulnerability” (2007: S86). Long-term humanitarian interventions are sometimes needed in order to get to the roots of the problems, react to the catastrophe, alleviate the damage caused, protect citizens and rebuild the state (Maxwell, 2009). Nonetheless, during the long period where the external aid is provided several effects can emerge on the community. Narang considers that the greater and longer relief programmes are provided “the longer that conflict will appear to last” (2015: 187). For instance, the risk of creating adverse effects such as dependency can increase, as it was the case in Ethiopia during the 90s and 2000s (Harvey and Lind, 2005; Siyoum, 2012; Acaye, 2015). The longer the humanitarian aid provided, such as food aid, the more the dependency it may create in the receipt society while affecting national development, agriculture and economy.
The concept of dependency is related to be physical or mentally dependent, as it illustrates de term “dependency syndrome” or “aid dependant”. On the one hand, dependency syndrome is explained by Harvey and Lind as an “An attitude and belief that a group cannot solve its own problems without outside help” (2005: 9).or “the idea that the continued provision of relief risks creating a ‘dependency mentality’ or ‘dependency syndrome’” (2005: 4). Nonetheless, there are a set of scholars who question the reality of this dependency syndrome (Little, 2008; Acaye, 2015; Harvey and Lind, 2005). On the other hand, aid dependency is defined as “the extent to which countries are dependent on overseas aid, and the effect this has on economic growth and governance” (2005: 9). Unlike most of these researchers focused on dependency, my assumption is that population or households are not only dependent on external and material aid –food, clothes, health services, agricultural production-, but rather at some point and after long-term interventions receipts of aid are dependent on the own entity, reputation and credibility that humanitarian interveners provide through their actions. For instance, the figure and what they represent, such as the case of blue helmets of United Nations, the red waistcoat of Red Cross or the green t-shirt of Oxfam, which are associated to security and peace. The prestige, authority or credibility of these organisations make them be also
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perceived as saviours. The figure of the entity of organisations acts as a mother for children, bringing feelings of protection and security. It works as a “placebo effect”. Humanitarian programmes provide feelings of security, stability, protection and peace. Then, it is more the idea those interveners illustrate, rather than what they do, what causes that dependency. Therefore, people may be psychologically dependent on what these organisations represent. As a result, households need just the presence of those organisations to feel secure and protected. This dependence may households also believe that without that external aid they cannot be secure. As it is defined in The Economist “(t)he organisation's (UN) credibility rests on member-states' perception of its competence, honesty and accountability” (2005). If people in affected countries associate international aid projects as something positive, once these workers are on the field the population will have those positive feelings, while creating a dependency to those figures that “provide” stability. As Ted Kaptchuk, Professor of Harvard-affiliated Beth Israel Deaconess Medical Center argues about the placebo effect, “it can help you feel more comfortable in the world, and that can go a long way when it comes to healing." (2017).
Then, the community or households need the assistance of international interveners to survive. In many cases, due to civil wars or natural disasters, the first thing population get dependant on is food and water, given that it is also the first scarcity they have. In order to prevent food insecurity and food aid dependency, some actual practices rely on sustainable theories such as “teach a man to fish” (Swidler and Watkins, 2009). Nevertheless, this theory is not always applicable to all circumstances. In such cases where people are dying due to acute malnutrition or are suffering intense diseases, their health´s levels are not adequate to “learn to fish”, but to receive enough humanitarian assistance. In cases, such as those affected by natural disasters, this approach could fit. However, if the humanitarian intervention is long it can also produce dependency on having external aid in everyday life.
As mentioned above, any long-term intervention –such as the mission in the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC) – carries more probabilities to create dependency and long impact. The longer the aid is provided to a population the more the threat of getting used to it and causing dependency. In their article, Radelet et al. suggest that intervention “might” affect population “only indirectly and over a long period of time” (2004: 9). However, several cases, such as Ethiopia (Acaye, 2015: 25) or Somalia (Rasna Warah in Diriye et al. 2014) show this probability of long-intervention and dependency as highly
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possible. Even more, a longstanding relief programme can lead to complexities in terms of resources, relations, distribution of those resources and their administration, and the coordination among donors and government. For instance, aid distribution can foster food insecurity´s negative dependency (Barret, 2005; Little, 2008).
Hence, if humanitarian aid through either cash transfers or provision of food aid is reliable and regular, then people will spend less time looking for food, working with livestock´s or cultivating their own food. Most donors providing aid bring the resources from Western states where they have overproduction and economic surplus. As a result, I argue that the longstanding relationship between humanitarian aid and the problem of food insecurity will impact on the national economy and national market, and more concretely will affect local agriculture and livestock. This would happen not only because the accessibility to lands, stock and soil are reduced by locals who depend on external aid, but rather because these lands will not be used nor cultivated by internationals, which will reduce the quality of them too. In many cases, foreign companies have acquired lands in order to build their own business. In other cases, lands are neglected by international workers, given that food is imported from outside –namely Western states and states´ parties of the intervention- and, therefore, they secure international supply and control the chain of food (Cochrane, 2011). In fragile states threatened by food insecurity, these practices cause an increase in neglected lands. This would lead to fields and livestock deserted and deteriorated. More importantly, this will alter the present and the future of food security, as well as the future development of the state. For example, in 2012 World Food Programme delivered 5 million tons of food, in 2013 United States gave 36 million of food aid to share among 47 countries (Oxfam, 2014) and Oxfam provided 1.3 billion of food in 2017. There is a non-stop flow of food delivered through the year that is, actually, increasing. Moreover, this amount of food is taking from outside the state, weakening the receipt state. Lands without work will degrade them and, therefore, will reduce productivity.
Nonetheless, another point to underscore in the relation of relief aid and food insecurity dependency is the fact that those humanitarian interventions will not only bring about food insecurity dependency at individual or community level as most of the studies suggest. But rather I state the assumption that there is a triple dependency based on governments, citizens and international interveners (NGOs, states and companies). There is then a continuous and vicious circle of dependency that seems hard to break. On the
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one hand, as it was explained above, households can get dependant due to the free assistance, cash transfers or free food they receive. This makes them being less commitment with other works that need effort, population get demotivated and disincentive. As a result, soil, livestock and lands will be affected by household’s dependency. The extent to which households are dependent on external aid is directly proportional to the neglect of lands and consequent deterioration and unavailability. Thus, future development, agriculture and, consequently, the economy will be damaged. Taking into consideration that the economy of those affected countries is mainly based on agriculture, this impact and dependency can seriously impact negatively on them either at short or at long term period. As the minister of humanitarian affairs and disaster management of South Sudan, Hussein Mar Nyot, argued: “If a country relies on aid it'll develop a dependency syndrome” (Al Jazeera, 2018).
Furthermore, the more the households undermine their initiatives and rely more on external aid, the more benefits mean for humanitarian interventions. Several NGOs, international organisations, companies, charities or even states that take part into aid programmes have their own interests, either in the resources of the victim states –such in the case of DRC because of its minerals or Middle East for its natural resources-, in the sale of products or in the deployment of workers. In the same way that security has become a business through private security companies, humanitarian aid is also a business that can create addiction or dependency on the situation it is assisting. As more the international intervention in on the field, more security, control and benefits for the intervention and western world. However, through this desire to provide all needs to the population and obtain their interests, humanitarian programs are increasing the risk of food insecurity. They do so not only by controlling and having access to all products and even the strategies of the distribution of food but also because they are forgetting to take into account local culture, product and lands. This would cause present and future food insecurity dependency.
Associated with the relation of dependency of households and interveners, there is also the one created at the government level. As the NGO Concern Worldwide states “food is leveraged as a weapon of war” from governments and institutions (2008: 5). In some cases, this can lead to the corruption of humanitarian interventions. On the one side, they are who have access and control of food, therefore, if the government of the receipt state needs food as a weapon of war it will rely on external aid to support its objective. Even
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though interveners may not do so, combatants may take their resources and materials (Narang, 2015). On the other side, those fragile and conflictive states that chose to collaborate with international organisations to protect its citizens and provide well-being can rely on them and become dependent on international aid, given that if the objective of the government is to provide protection to its citizens it will not rely on local tribes nor mafias but on humanitarian organisations and their strategies. This is the case of the government of Chad (UN, 2016), which collaborated with non-governmental organisations in order to provide resources to the victims and help in the distribution of those products. The government of Nigeria also called on international community for assistance to fight Boko Haram (Council on Foreign Relations, 2018). Both governments were dependent on external aid in order to provide protection to its citizens.
The success of the government relies, partly, on the humanitarian intervention both if it wants to provide needs and security to its citizens or it prefers to continue with the ongoing conflict.
Thence, while there have been many studies related to the problem of dependency, little has been done in relation to humanitarian interventions. Although the concepts and understandings of food insecurity and dependency have evolved, there are still gaps for inquiring. Thus, this research is more concerned with the study of the relation between long-standing humanitarian interventions and food aid dependency. Accordingly, although the concept of dependency has been taking for many theorists, the research has included the “triple dependency” conception. Most of the studies are based on the dependency generated at the individual or community level, but they do not analyse the vicious circle of dependency among humanitarian intervention, citizens and governments. In addition, this research develops the hypothesis that once this triple dependency is established, the food insecurity dependency caused at individual or community level does not only rely on external aid but rather they are dependent on the credibility or figure that humanitarian intervention represents for them. These humanitarian programmes are linked with security, stability or peace. Therefore, they act as a kind of “placebo effect”. Nonetheless, as it was argued, this dependency will lead to the neglect of lands, soil and livestock, which will affect productivity, as well as present and future food security and development. Overall, on the one hand, victims are, in many cases, totally dependent given that food security is a basic need in order to survive. As Barret expresses, if people are not well feed they will not be as productive and efficient as others with the nutritional
