Measuring Job Satisfaction of European Entrepreneurs with Past Unemployment:
Forced or Free, Happy or Not?
Clemens Pegritz Studentnr.: S2529998
23th of June 2014
University of Groningen
First supervisor: Dr. Florian Noseleit
Second supervisor: Dr. John Qi Dong
Word count: 10,840
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3 Contents
Abstract ... 4
Introduction ... 5
Literature Review ... 8
What does Happiness mean to Economics and Entrepreneurship? ... 8
Job Satisfaction and Self-Employment ... 9
The Stigma of Unemployment ... 11
Necessity and Opportunity Entrepreneurship... 12
Methodology ... 15
Data and Measures ... 15
Control Variables ... 16
Results ... 19
Descriptive Results ... 19
Regression Analysis ... 21
Discussion ... 25
The Benefits of Entrepreneurship ... 25
Past Unemployment and Interaction Effects ... 25
The Differences between Necessity and Opportunity Entrepreneurship ... 27
Implications ... 28
Target Groups and the Dangers of Long-term Unemployment ... 28
Policy Examples and Possible Solution ... 29
Limitations and Future Research ... 30
Limitations ... 30
Future Research ... 30
Conclusion ... 32
References... 33
Appendix ... 36
4 Abstract
Combining data from 26 countries of the European Social Survey (ESS), this study analyzes job satisfaction in the context of employment relation and the influence of past unemployment. The study uses self-employment as a proxy for entrepreneurship and compares the job satisfaction of entrepreneurs to employed people. Adding past unemployment of at least one year to both kinds of employment relation leads to four distinctive groups. The regression analysis of job satisfaction, conducted in two models, tries to answer three main questions: Do entrepreneurs enjoy higher job satisfaction than employees, like established literature suggests? Do entrepreneurs still receive the proclaimed benefits of being “their own boss”, although past unemployment is expected to reduce their job satisfaction? Finally, are entrepreneurs, which have encountered past unemployment, less happy with their jobs than those who did not? The analysis of the last question reveals similarities to the literature of necessity entrepreneurship, but the study tries to shed light on all four introduced groups in terms of job satisfaction. The results indicate entrepreneurs receive higher satisfaction from their jobs than employees. Adding past unemployment to both groups does not remove the benefits of entrepreneurship. It most profoundly affects employees, because employees that faced past unemployment of one year or more are the group with lowest job satisfaction. The differences in job satisfaction between the groups of entrepreneurs with and without past unemployment seem only to be related to an income effect. The findings can be relevant for policy implications.
Keywords: Job satisfaction; Entrepreneurship; Self-employment; Past Unemployment
5 Introduction
The goal of this study is to analyze the question, how past unemployment influences the job satisfaction of entrepreneurs using employees as a comparison group. There are three main reasons why this is a compelling topic to study.
First, entrepreneurship has become an important topic for economic and innovation research in recent years. Different studies show that it might have a positive impact on economic growth (Audretsch and Keilbach 2004, Van Stel et al. 2005, Audretsch 2009, Hartog et al. 2010), job creation (Hartog et al. 2010), technology diffusion (Schmitz 1989) and market competitiveness between firms (Audretsch 2009). The interdependency of entrepreneurs and the economic system can also be found in their indirect relationship with innovation efforts (Audretsch 2008). Already Schumpeter expected entrepreneurs to find new solutions and become innovators to gain a competitive advantage over other market participants (Schumpeter 1934).
Because of their ability to create innovations, studying and understanding entrepreneurial characteristics can therefore also contribute to the field of innovation management.
Second, self-reported job satisfaction is a useful measurement for individual utility gained from work, which is why integrating or applying it can be beneficial for economics and business administration. Especially in early stages of self-employment, entrepreneurs are often not willing or able to report significant information about their salary for surveys, which favors the approach of looking at job satisfaction. It is captured by most of the established socio- economic panels via survey questions, which also cover determinants and influential factors contributing to it. One literature stream uses this information to investigate, if any benefits stem from being in a certain employment relation.
Benz and Frey (2008b), for example, show that self-employed individuals are
significantly more satisfied with their work than employees of a company or organization, which
holds for several countries around the world (Benz and Frey 2008b). They identify self-
determination, which for instance means having an interesting job and being independent at
work, as the most influential factor leading to the increased job satisfaction compared to
employees (Benz and Frey 2008b). In 2004 Frey et al. introduced the concept of procedural
utility in order to explain these non-monetary effects of self-employment (Frey et al. 2004). It
proclaims that people do not only value outcomes, like salary or working hours, but also the
circumstances contributing to them (Frey et al. 2004). In this sense the procedural utility
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approach differs from traditional economic theories, because there utility only stems from instrumental values, like higher income (Benz and Frey 2008b). The economic concept that comes closest to it is the theory of compensating wage differential, which is an established theory in the field of labor economics (Benz and Frey 2008a). It explains the matching of workers and companies in the way that unpleasant job characteristics have to be compensated through higher wages (Rosen 1974, Smith 1979). Therefore also non-monetary effects are incorporated. They result from positive working conditions, like having an interesting job or autonomy, but can also be negative, like dangerous working conditions (Rosen 1974, Smith 1979). The difference to procedural utility is that the mentioned circumstances are not used to explain work-related satisfaction, but to calculate a fitting wage and hence again only express utility in a monetary fashion.
Building upon the idea to investigate non-pecuniary effects on job satisfaction, Block and Koellinger (2009) compared the start-ups of nascent entrepreneurs and found that necessity entrepreneurs are less happy with their start-ups than opportunity entrepreneurs (Block and Koellinger 2009). They are also accounting procedural utility for the difference in job satisfaction, because the group of nascent necessity entrepreneurs encounters push factors to start a new business and therefore is unable to make an optimal decision for themselves (Block and Koellinger 2009). These push factors can include current unemployment or missing alternatives at the labor market and create the conditions that lead to the negative utility effects on job satisfaction (Block and Koellinger 2009). On the downside, their sample originates from a survey of nascent entrepreneurs, where some respondents might not have started their business yet. Furthermore it does not include employees, making a comparison as carried out in the focal paper of Benz and Frey (2008b) impossible.
As discussed above, previous literature has shown that individual utility can be a useful
instrument for researchers to either explore the influence of necessity and opportunity
entrepreneurship or different employment relations on job satisfaction. This study tries to
synthesize both approaches using the large amount of observations of the European Social
Survey (ESS). To do so, it focuses on past unemployment instead of necessity and opportunity
entrepreneurs. The trait of past unemployment of at least one year has the advantage that it can
also be found with employees, which enables the comparison to the study of Benz and Frey
(2008b). If it is applied to employees and self-employed people, it enables to differentiate
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between four distinctive groups. The main focus of this study lies on the group of entrepreneurs that were unemployment for one year or more. These entrepreneurs are used as a proxy for necessity entrepreneurship, which enables a comparison to the literature about necessity entrepreneurship, like for example the study of Block and Koellinger (2009). The idea behind the comparison is that longer periods of unemployment will lead to increased pressure to find a job, which matches the definition of push factors. Such factors make an optimal employment decision for the mentioned group more difficult. Especially, if no other options are available, people are pushed towards becoming self-employed, which is why they are called necessity entrepreneurs.
As self-employed people only account for a fraction of the working population, those who reported past long-term unemployment are even fewer. In contemplation of an analysis that considers the employment situation and past unemployment of respondents, the observations of 26 countries of the ESS 2010 data are combined to create a fitting sample. In summary, the influence of past unemployment of one year or more on entrepreneurs constitutes the center of this study, but including employees in the analysis enables the possibility of having a comparison group to them.
Third, the implications of this study might be applicable for policy makers. The aim is to provide results to improve policies in such a way that they will enhance entrepreneurship capital (Audretsch and Keilbach 2004). Different studies have shown that a large amount of latent entrepreneurs exists in developed countries (Blanchflower and Oswald 1998, Blanchflower et al.
2001). One reason why not more people engage in entrepreneurship is that they have to overcome financial entry barriers (Benz and Frey 2008b). Governments can try to identify those people and support them with subsidies or lump sum payments to overcome entry barriers and start an own business (Meager 1996). Usually policy makers intend to support people that are not likely to become entrepreneurs, because otherwise the actions might not be as effective, which is called dead-weight (Meager 1996). Focusing on groups that suffered from past unemployment, the results of this study will give information about individuals that during this time span were not able to escape unemployment by becoming self-employed or just did not especially value it earlier. Therefore, self-selection, like it is the case when people leave their job in order to pursue an opportunity as an entrepreneur, is less feasible.
The results indicate that individuals are better off, if they chose self-employment over an
employed job, having a background of past unemployment. Employees with this trait are the
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worst off group in terms of job satisfaction and therefore one possible target group for policies.
Although not explicitly the focus of this study, this advice might also be applicable for currently unemployed job seeker.
Literature Review
What does Happiness mean to Economics and Entrepreneurship?
Happiness research can be a valuable addition to economic and entrepreneurship research. There is the argument that economics should take individual happiness into account, because this kind of perspective is missing in economic standard theory (Benz and Frey 2008b).
A more general approach can be used to connect theory and real world scenarios, which is especially important for economists that provide advice to decision makers (Frey and Stutzer 2002, Block and Koellinger 2009). Introducing happiness research in economic policy improves the prospects of cost-benefits analysis of the effect of government expenditures (Frey and Stutzer 2002). Determinates of happiness can also be examined on a macro level. There are studies investigating the relationship between happiness and GDP, inflation and the unemployment rate (Frey and Stutzer 2002). For this study only micro level factors on happiness are relevant, because it focuses on one single year. Therefore external economic factors are less important as when using data including a time dimension. Finally, the field of entrepreneurship research can profit from learning about the inclination of individuals towards starting a business or about those who are already running one, which again might help to improve policy implications (Block and Koellinger 2009).
The scientific term for happiness is subjective well-being, which means that individuals
are directly asked about their overall life satisfaction (Benz and Frey 2004). Capturing well-
being directly has the advantages that respondents also take circumstances like past experience,
expectations and procedural utility into account (Frey and Stutzer 2002). In this way it differs
from decision utility and the rational choices of the homo economicus, which for example cannot
fully explain entrepreneurial behavior (Block and Koellinger 2009). On the downside, measuring
happiness is susceptible to biases, which makes it impossible to approximate an absolute value of
happiness (Frey and Stutzer 2002). Such biases occur because of the formulation and order of
survey questions or the condition of the participant. In most cases the aim of happiness research
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is to study the composition of happiness, which is possible because the errors of surveyed people are usually not systematic (Frey and Stutzer 2002). This leaves subjective well-being as a satisfying proxy for individual happiness.
From the perspective of happiness research, it is important to consider the difference between job and life satisfaction. The latter is a difficult subject to investigate, because many factors influence a person’s life. For instance, self-employed may enjoy higher job satisfaction because of higher autonomy and job variety, but income variation, long working hours and other common problems within self-employment can reduce life satisfaction under certain circumstances, which makes it often hard to establish causalities (Blanchflower et al. 2001, Benz and Frey 2008b). As this study investigates only work related aspects, like for instance employment relations and past unemployment, the scope can be reduced to job satisfaction. It follows the literature stream about individual job satisfaction, where, identical to the explained case of happiness, a survey question is used to measure self-reported job satisfaction (Blanchflower 2000, Benz and Frey 2004, 2008b, 2008a). Influential factors can be extrinsic, like salary, working hours and job security, or intrinsic satisfaction levels, which are related to the perception of work and procedural utility (Rose 2003, Frey et al. 2004). They include autonomy, the quality and nature of the job and social relations (Rose 2003). Also the employment status of a person influences job satisfaction in a strong manner (Benz and Frey 2008). Unemployment makes an exception, because there is a relationship between it and overall happiness. Researchers found that unemployed people experience high non-monetary costs and a significant decrease in life satisfaction (Clark and Oswald 1994, Winkelmann and Winkelmann 1998, Clark et al. 2001). This effect even occurs, if they receive the same income as prior to their unemployment (Frey and Stutzer 2002). Other important factors are of socio-demographical nature, like country, age, gender, education and relationship status. In order to explain determinants of job satisfaction, it is important to control for these non-work-related aspects and therefore they will be discussed in the methodology section and used as control variables in the analysis.
Job Satisfaction and Self-Employment
Self-employment is the most elementary form of entrepreneurial activity and is often
used as a proxy for entrepreneurship (Blanchflower et al. 2001, Block and Koellinger 2009,
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Block and Wagner 2010). Studies show that a large amount of latent entrepreneurs exist in developed countries and that the main problem, faced by potential entrepreneurs, is to raise the necessary capital to start a business (Blanchflower and Oswald 1998, Blanchflower et al. 2001).
To answer why these people would prefer to become self-employed, a large body of literature looks into the relationship between job satisfaction and self-employment.
Benz and Frey conducted three studies in which they compared the job satisfaction of employees and self-employed people and consistently found evidence that the latter group is more satisfied with their jobs (Benz and Frey 2004, 2008a, 2008b). Previous studies from different European countries support these findings (Blanchflower and Oswald 1998, Blanchflower 2000). In their focal paper “The value of doing what you like: Evidence from the self-employed in 23 countries”, Benz and Frey (2008b) found that the relationship holds in 23 countries in Europe, North America, Eastern Europe and non-western countries, whereupon only a few non-western countries showed exceptions (Benz and Frey 2008b). The identified main reasons for the higher satisfaction levels of the self-employed are higher autonomy and having an interesting job (Benz and Frey 2004, 2008a, 2008b). There is a strong correlation between these two attributes, which are combined in the term of “self-determination” and together account for 80 percent of the job satisfaction differentials in western countries (Benz and Frey 2008b).
Interestingly, extrinsic work characteristics, like salary, job security and the possibility for advancement only explain a very low percentage of the differentials (Benz and Frey 2008b). A seemingly matching result was found in a study by Hamilton (2000), which concluded that people except lower wages in order to become self-employed (Hamilton 2000). Because of the mentioned findings, Frey et al. (2004) introduced the concept of procedural utility, which stems from three main ideas: First, utility is understood as well-being. Second, procedural utility also includes non-instrumental determinants, like pleasures and displeasures of processes. Finally, the concept acknowledges that humans have a sense of self, which means that people care about how they are seen by others, and how they perceive themselves.
The concept matches with the findings of Benz and Frey (2008b), as the authors think that people seem to not only value the outcomes of their job, but also the process and conditions leading to the outcomes (Frey et al., 2004, Benz and Frey 2008b, Block and Koellinger 2009).
The results point to the idea that individuals receive value from having autonomy or the feeling
of “being your own boss”, which can almost be seen as a consumption good in economic terms
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(Benz and Frey 2008b). These arguments and findings suggest that self-employed people have higher job satisfaction than employees, which leads to the formulation of the first hypothesis:
Hypothesis 1: Self-employed respondents have higher self-reported job satisfaction than employees.
The Stigma of Unemployment
Employment is thought to be one of the most influential factors considering well-being and happiness research strongly suggests that losing it is an unfortunate event that severely depresses people (Clark and Oswald 1994, Frey and Stutzer 2002). An interesting paradox about work is that many people tend to see their job as a burden, but empirical evidence indicates that having none significantly decreases well-being, even if there is no change in income (Frey and Stutzer 2002). This is supported by many studies, which find that unemployed individuals tend to be significantly less happy than employees (Winkelmann and Winkelmann 1998, Clark et al.
2001).
Examining mental distress, Clark and Oswald (1994) found in their research that unemployed receive an around twice as high mental distress score than employees. The results rise with the level of education, and when only people in working age are considered, the scores are highest for the class of people between 30 and 49, followed by the group above 50 (Clark and Oswald 1994). Even if controlled for specific fixed effects, the non-pecuniary effects of being unemployed on satisfaction seem to be much higher than the one associated with income loss (Winkelmann and Winkelmann 1998). Although this negative relationship is quite established, the causality could be interpreted in the way that unhappy people might perform worse than others and therefore get laid off by their employer (Frey and Stutzer 2002). Winkelmann and Winkelmann (1998) were able to refute this argumentation, because they found strong evidence that the causality runs from unemployment to unhappiness and not the other way round (Winkelmann and Winkelmann 1998), which can be attributed to psychological and social factors (Feather 1990, Frey and Stutzer 2002).
Returning to the comparison of self-employed people and employees in terms of job satisfaction, this study tries to investigate the relevance and influence of past unemployment.
High levels of past unemployment, especially if the duration exceeds one year, have a strong
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negative effect on life-satisfaction (Clark et al. 2001) and many studies suggest that it is important for policy makers to recognize the dangers of long-term unemployment, as it might have detrimental effects on the future prospect of employment (Winkelmann and Winkelmann 1998, Clark et al. 2001, Frey and Stutzer 2002). Accordingly, the benefits of being self-employed might not be valid for the self-employed people that were confronted with past long-term unemployment. For instance, Darity and Goldsmith (1996) expect that the adverse effects of being unemployed and suffering from low levels of psychological wellbeing will lead to lower productivity and changes in search strategies, which may include the preference of occupational choice (Dartiy and Goldsmith 1996). Therefore the second hypothesis is derived from introducing the characteristic of past unemployment to the relationship of the first hypothesis:
Hypothesis 2: Past unemployment of at least one year offsets the relationship that self- employed respondents have higher self-reported job satisfaction than employees.
Necessity and Opportunity Entrepreneurship
A fundamental decision for job seekers is whether to become independent contractors on
the market or rather work as employees at a firm or institution (Benz and Frey 2008b). It seems
as if the circumstances and the background of an individual have a big influence on the decision
of becoming an entrepreneur and whether a new business is successful or not. To include more of
this information the Global Entrepreneurship Monitor (GEM) started dividing between
opportunity and necessity entrepreneurs in 2001, followed by recent literature about this topic
(Bergmann and Sternberg 2007, Block and Sandner 2009, Block and Wagner 2010). The
division of both groups relates to whether “push” or “pull” factors were predominant in the
decision-making process to become an entrepreneur. For example, the group of necessity
entrepreneurs is often characterized by past or ongoing unemployment and missing opportunities
on the job market (Block and Koellinger 2009). These circumstances function as push factors,
because they increase the pressure on an individual to find and accept a job. The absence of other
options for work may finally lead to entering entrepreneurship. In contrary, opportunity
entrepreneurs are defined as people that engage in entrepreneurship, because they want to pursue
a business opportunity (Block and Sandner 2009, Block and Wagner 2010). They are pulled into
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starting a new business, because they expect the opportunity to be profitable compared to their previous employed situation. The two classifications are used to further explore socioeconomic characteristics and determinants of success of difficult starting conditions (Block and Wagner 2010). For instance, researchers try to find answers for whether becoming a necessity entrepreneur is desirable from an economic perspective, because opportunity entrepreneurs tend to remain longer in self-employment (Block and Sandner 2009) and are able to exploit more profitable opportunities (Block and Wagner 2010).
For this study, the relevant question is whether necessity entrepreneurs have lower job satisfaction than opportunity entrepreneurs or whether no significant difference exists between both groups. For instance, Block and Koellinger (2009) use a similar approach to the focal study of Benz and Frey (2008b) about job satisfaction of employees and self-employed people, but they focus on nascent necessity and opportunity entrepreneurs. Their findings show that people are significantly less satisfied with their start-ups, if they were unemployed before and lacked other job opportunities (Block and Koellinger 2009). Furthermore, they illustrate that influential factors on start-up satisfaction are high levels of independence and creativity, but the financial success of the start-ups is accountable for the strongest positive effect (Block and Koellinger 2009).
The authors give two possible explanations, why both groups differ in job satisfaction levels (Block and Koellinger 2009): The first reason is related to the aspirations of entrepreneurs, who were unemployed for a period longer than 12 month. This group probably does not have the individual preference of becoming self-employed and their reduced utility might stem from expected disadvantages, like unsecure pay and high working hours. The second reason lies in the decision process itself. As already mentioned it is possible that push factors are limiting the options and might lead to the reduced utility for necessity entrepreneurs. Finally, Block and Sandner (2009) look at reasons that might separate both groups from the perspective of opportunity entrepreneurs. They discuss whether following a business opportunity causes entrepreneurs to especially value entrepreneurship and whether this self-selection includes higher human capital endowments to pursue opportunities.
As the study also tests for interaction effects between the variables of unemployment and
self-employment and the sample includes employees, who can be affected by past unemployment
too, the predictive margins of the job satisfaction will be calculated to oppose the different
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groups. Here, past unemployment of at least one year will be used to divide entrepreneurs into two distinct groups. As already mentioned, long periods of unemployment create a push factor, which is why the group of self-employed people that encountered them, can be compared to necessity entrepreneurs. Based on the discussed findings and the similarity of past long-term unemployment and necessity entrepreneurship push factors, the third hypothesis is derived as:
Hypothesis 3a: Self-employed respondents, which encountered past unemployment of at least one year, have lower self-reported job satisfaction than self-employed respondents that did not.
However, there are also reasons to expect contradicting findings to the study of Block and Koellinger (2009). First, the distinction between necessity and opportunity entrepreneurs itself might be critically discussed. One argument against the term of necessity entrepreneurs is that starting a new business cannot be forced and is a personal decision, particularly in countries where a basic living is guaranteed by the welfare system (Kautonen and Palmroos 2010).
Second, other studies found less evidence that differences between necessity and opportunity entrepreneurs proceed after they started their own business (Block and Sandner 2009, Block and Wagner 2010, Kautonen and Palmroos 2010).
For instance, it is hard to prove that higher human capital endowment of opportunity entrepreneurs leads to higher job satisfaction for this group. In fact it is quite difficult to measure what excels entrepreneurs, because they have to fulfill different tasks and therefore require a broad skillset (Lazear 2004, Block and Sandner 2009). Researchers in the field of opportunity and necessity entrepreneurs try to solve this problem by focusing on the years of education in the profession used for the start-up or business (Block and Sandner 2009, Block and Wagner 2010).
Controlling for this variable the effect of higher capital endowment for opportunity entrepreneurs is not significant anymore (Block and Sandner 2009). In addition, the education in the conducted profession has a stronger influence on the discovery and exploitation of opportunities for necessity than for opportunity entrepreneurs (Block and Wagner 2010).
It appears that education does not necessarily set the two groups apart, which leaves the
underestimation of income as the strongest argument against the idea that push factors divide
necessity and opportunity entrepreneurs in terms of job satisfaction. It is likely that necessity
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entrepreneurs for the main part want to earn a livelihood, which puts high emphasis on the variable of income (Kautonen and Palmroos 2010). Block and Koellinger (2009) find that income has the biggest impact on start-up satisfactions, but it seems surprising that although they are controlling for it, the results still show that necessity entrepreneurs gain significantly less utility from their start-ups than opportunity entrepreneurs. As the study relies on nascent entrepreneurs that may still have the start of their business ahead of them, it is possible that the respondents underestimate the importance of income. Kautonen and Palmroos (2010), for example, do not find strong support for differences in job satisfaction of necessity and opportunity entrepreneurs. In their study they define start-up satisfaction as the preference to proceed in self-employment over the possibility to switch back to paid employment and show that the negative effect on satisfaction for necessity entrepreneurs is relatively small and not long-lasting (Kautonen and Palmroos 2010). They expect that a satisfactory level of income and its regularity would offset the differences between opportunity and necessity entrepreneurs in terms of start-up satisfaction (Kautonen and Palmroos 2010). The study will also use a model including compensating control variables for household income and working hours. As differences in job satisfaction might be due to higher income of self-employed respondents that did not face past unemployment, a contradicting hypothesis is formulated as follows:
Hypothesis 3b: Self-employed respondents, which encountered past unemployment of at least one year, do not have lower self-reported job satisfaction than self-employed respondents that did not.
Methodology Data and Measures
The data for the empirical analysis stems from the 5
thRound of the European Social
Survey (ESS). The ESS is a cross-national socio-economic survey for academic purposes. Its
advantage, compared to well-established panels like the German Socio-Economic Panel or the
British Household Panel Survey, lies in the multitude of European countries participating. The
2010 survey includes a module about work, family and well-being, which is especially useful for
the research questions at hand. All participating countries asked the same questions to enable
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consistency across countries. The ESS 2010 survey consists of 46,149 observations from 27 European countries. The sample for the analysis consists of all individuals that are either employed or self-employed and responded to the questions to construct the control variables.
Latvia had to be excluded, because there were no observations of self-employed individuals that reported past unemployment of at least one year. This leaves a sample constructed from data of 26 European countries, which are specified in Table 5 in the Appendix. It consists of 22,686 observations, whereof 19,465 or 85.80 percent are employees and 3,221 or 14.20% self- employed.
Self-reported job satisfaction is used as the main explanatory variable in the empirical analysis. Similar to established literature about job satisfaction, the dependent variable is assessed with the question: “How satisfied are you in your main job?” (G53) (Blanchflower 2000, Benz and Frey 2004, 2008a, 2008b). Individuals are asked to answer the question using a scale from 0 to 10, with 0 being extremely dissatisfied and 10 extremely satisfied. In this study self-employment will be used as a proxy for entrepreneurial activity, which is commonly found in the literature about job satisfaction (Blanchflower et al. 2001, Block and Koellinger 2009, Block and Wagner 2010) and the research area of entrepreneurship and balanced skills (Bublitz and Noseleit 2013). In its simplest configuration it describes a person that has created a job for him/herself, but it also includes people that start their own venture. The self-employed individuals and also employees will be targeted by utilizing the question, “In your main job are/were you...” (F21). The definition of self-employment is quite similar and consistent across countries (Blanchflower et al. 2001), which is an advantage for the approach of this paper that works with countries form different European regions. This dummy variable is the first independent variable of interest. Finally, individuals that suffered an unemployment spell of at least one year were identified in the questionnaire as well. The question used in the survey is
“Any period of unemployment and work seeking lasted 12 months or more?” (F37), which again leads to a dummy variable that is the second independent variable for the regressions.
Control Variables
For the regression analysis, socio-demographic characteristics can explain a part of the
variation of job satisfaction. Therefore control variables will be applied, which are also derived
from survey questions. For Model I, these include country, age, age squared, years of education,
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gender and partnership status. A second regression Model II additionally includes compensating control variables, which for this study are the average number of hours worked per week including overtime and household income. In the following subsections the control variable will be briefly discussed:
Age
With increasing age, entrepreneurship gets less desirable for the group of latent entrepreneurs, but at the same time the probability of becoming self-employed increases with age, which is most likely due to more experience, self-confidence and available capital (Blanchflower and Oswald 1998, Bergmann and Sternberg 2007). On the other hand, the difficulties of uniting work and family life and considerations about the remainder of the working career and retirement decrease the probability of becoming self-employment in later years, which leads to an inverted U-shaped relationship between age and propensity of entrepreneurs (Bates 1995, Bergmann and Sternberg 2007). Therefore the control variables also incorporate a quadratic term, age squared.
Education
The reasons to become an entrepreneur are versatile and widely debated (Bergmann and Sternberg 2007). Entrepreneurs are facing a great variety of tasks and activities, which require certain capabilities (Lazear 2004, Bergmann and Sternberg 2007, Block and Sandner 2009).
Therefore educations seems to be an important control variable. The years of education are related to the entrepreneur’s human capital endowment, which in turn can influence the decision to become an entrepreneur and also job satisfaction (Block and Wagner 2010)
Gender and Partnership
Gender is used as a control variable, because there are gender-specific differences in
employment relations, which also applies for entrepreneurship (Carter 1997). In industrialized
countries the propensity of male entrepreneurs is higher than of female entrepreneurs (Reynolds
et al. 2004, Xavier et al. 2013). Because of the focus on European countries, this overweight is
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also expected to be found in this study. Furthermore a possible family life makes it reasonable to include a partnership variable, which shows if the individual lives in a partnership or marriage.
Country
The dummy variable, which is representing the observations of the participating countries, permits to compare them to the first country in the regression. It shows the differences between countries and if working in a particular country has a significant effect, when it comes to job satisfaction. The group of self-employed with prior unemployment spell of at least one year is difficult to target, because both characteristics reduce the number of observations. In order to counteract this problem, it was necessary to combine the data of the all available countries for the sample. As the ESS always surveys around the same amount of people within each country, they do not represent the correct sizes of populations. As no population weights were applied, the sample represents European employees and self-employed, but not the European working force.
Working Hours and Household Income
Working hours and household income are the compensating or extrinsic control variables in this study. Benz and Frey (2008b) found that monetary benefits only account for a small amount of satisfaction differentials between employees and self-employed people. On the other hand, for necessity entrepreneurs wage was identified as the single most important contributor to start-up satisfaction (Block and Koellinger 2009). If income has a strong relation to job satisfaction, it will take out a lot of the variation of the explaining variables of the model.
Therefore it will be applied in a separate Model II. Working hours represent the counterpart to
income in its effect on job satisfaction. In order to improve the proxy of self-employment for
entrepreneurship other studies have excluded part-time self-employed form their study (Block
and Koellinger 2009, Bublitz and Noseleit 2013). One argument to do so is that in their case, the
causality between occupation and job satisfaction is less clear (Block, Koelligner 2009). Apart
from using the income and working hours as control variables in the regression, this study uses a
t-test to compare the means of different groups in the descriptive statistics. If part-time self-
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employment is stronger in one of the compared groups, it should change the composition and size of the mean, which would be visible through a significant t-test.
Results
1Descriptive Results
The two independent variables separate four distinctive groups: Employees
UE0, Employees
UE1, Entrepreneurs
UE0and Entrepreneurs
UE1. Identically with the codification of the data, UE1 (1 = yes) means possessing the trait of past unemployment of at least one year and UE0 (0 = no) means not possessing it. The focus of the study lies on the group of Entrepreneurs
UE1and therefore the descriptive statistics are used to compare the means of different variables to the other groups. Tables 1 – 3 show the comparisons in the order of the size of the mean job satisfaction, starting with the highest of group Entrepreneurs
UE0.
Table 1
Note: The stars show whether the differences of the means ∆ (Mean) are significant. They are based on t-tests for the equality of means and χ
2-tests for the quality of proportions. A p-value has to be less than *** p<0.01, ** p<0.05, * p<0.1 in order to rejected H
o.
Table 1 illustrates the two groups of entrepreneurs. As already expected after discussing gender in the control variables section, both, Entreprenerus
UE0and Entrepreneurs
UE1, show a higher percentage of male entrepreneurs (66% vs. 60%). The proportion of men is significantly higher in the group of Entrepreneurs
UE0(p<0.1). The descriptive statistics show significant
Entrepreneurs
UE0Entrepreneurs
UE1Variable Mean Std. Dev. Mean Std. Dev. ∆ (Mean)
Job statisfaction 7.69 1.95 7.22 2.3 0.47
***Age 46.22 11.81 43.85 10.61 2.37
***Education (years) 13.45 4 13.43 4.25 0.02
Working hours (incl. overtime) 47.39 16.75 43.09 17.66 4.3
***Gender (dummy, 1 = male) 0.66 0.47 0.6 0.49 0.06
*Partner (dummy, 1 = yes) 0.74 0.44 0.66 0.48 0.08
***Household income 6.45 2.72 5.44 2.73 1.01
***Children (dummy, 1 = yes) 0.53 0.5 0.54 0.5 -0.01
**20
differences between both groups of entrepreneurs in terms of job satisfaction, as Entrepreneurs
UE0have a higher mean of job satisfaction (7.69 vs. 7.22). On the other hand this could be explained by their significantly higher household income (6.45 vs. 5.44). Furthermore Entrepreneurs
UE0also significantly excel Entrepreneurs
UE1in mean working hours (47.39 vs.
43.85) and age (46.2 vs. 43.9). Interestingly, it is not possible to reject the H
0in case of the difference of educational years, which means that Entrepreneurs
UE1do not significantly differ in the variable of education from the comparison group without past unemployment of one year or more (13.45 and 13.43). Respondents of both groups are very likely to be in a relationship (73.7% and 65.4%) and the probability of having children lies at around 50% (53% vs. 54%), which is similar and not significant in all four groups.
Table 2
Note: As described above (Significance: *** p<0.01, ** p<0.05, * p<0.1).
Table 2 compares the group of employees without the trait of past long-term unemployment of with entrepreneurs possessing it (Employees
UE0vs. Entrepreneurs
UE1).
Probably the most important information from Table 2 is that two groups are on a similar level of mean job satisfaction (7.31 vs 7.22), with Employees
UE0on the higher end, which will be further investigated by the regression analysis and looking at the predictive margins. Employees
UE0have a significantly higher mean household income (6.3 vs. 5.44) and a lower mean working time (40.35 vs. 43.09) than Entrepreneurs
UE1. The same applies to the age of both groups (41.77 vs.
1