The perceived employability of Nairobi millennials and its impact on their employment

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Naomi Namarome Simiyu

MSc. Thesis

International Development Studies

University of Amsterdam

Graduate School of Social Sciences

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The perceived employability of Nairobi

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Naomi Simiyu 10863478

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Cover page photograph: Picture of the Nairobi county youth information centre located next

to “Hilton Jobless corner” Cover page design belongs to: Naomi Simiyu (10863478)

Contact: namaromesimiyu@gmail.com

15th January 2015.

Naomi Namarome Simiyu MSc. International Development Studies

University of Amsterdam Graduate School of Social Sciences

Supervisor: Dr. Niels Beeropoot Second Reader: Dr. Nicky Pouw

15th_{January 2015}

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Abstract

Kenya faces an increasing population of unemployed youth. This is attributed to the Kenyan education system and an over-reliance on personal connections for jobs. Hence, this research aims to determine how this interplay between human capital and social capital shapes different employability perceptions among Nairobi millennials and its impact on their employment. The study uses a broad approach on employability and investigates key perceptions on individual aspects of employability and external employability. Individual employability perceptions of attributes, personal aspirations, and individual actions are found to shape employability. Likewise, external employability perceptions such as stereotypes, corruption, employer preferences etc. are also found to have an impact.

This research uses an exploratory design with qualitative data collected from Kangemi polytechnic students. Survey findings are also collected from Kangemi polytechnic students, the All-saints church youth group and university of Nairobi students. Policymakers’ semi-structured interviews provide key supplementary information. Polytechnic students are argued to have higher employability perceptions than university students as findings show that the latter are primarily trained in formal skills, while the former have both formal and informal skills. These findings are limited to the research context and further study on a wider population is recommended. In summary, this thesis looks at millennials in a non-western context and examines them as actors involved in shaping their employment prospects. A shift towards employability skills is recommended, as it represents the complexities of solving the youth unemployment problem. This study endorses employability as it includes all actors in tackling youth unemployment i.e. government, employers, CBO’s and millennials and youth as a whole.

Key Words: Employability; Youth Unemployment; Self-perceived employability; Human capital; Social capital; Core skills

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TABLE OF CONTENTS LIST OF TABLES ... VI

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LIST OF FIGURES ... VI

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LIST OF PICTURES ... VI

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ACRONYMS ... VII

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ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS ... VIII

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CHAPTER 1: INTRODUCTION ... 1

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1.1RESEARCH GAP AND RELEVANCE ... 2

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1.2THESIS OUTLINE ... 3

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CHAPTER 2: THEORETICAL FRAMEWORK ... 4

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2.1HUMAN CAPITAL ... 4

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2.1.1

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The role of education and training in human capital development!...!4

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2.1.2

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The role of core skills in human capital development!...!6

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2.1.3

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Human capital and its role in employment of millennials in Nairobi!...!7

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2.2SOCIAL CAPITAL ... 8

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2.2.1

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Social capital and employability!...!9

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2.2.2

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Social capital’s significance in employment of Nairobi millennials!...!10

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2.3EMPLOYABILITY ... 11

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2.3.1

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Individual and structural employability!...!13

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2.3.2

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Self-perceived employability!...!14

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2.3.3

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Summary on the broad concept of employability!...!15

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2.4EMPLOYABILITY, HUMAN CAPITAL AND SOCIAL CAPITAL SUMMARY ... 15

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CHAPTER 3 METHODOLOGICAL FRAMEWORK ... 17

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3.1.RESEARCH QUESTIONS ... 17

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3.2OPERATIONALIZATION OF CONCEPTS. ... 17

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3.3OPERATIONALIZATION TABLE ... 19

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3.4CONCEPTUAL SCHEME ... 21

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3.5 RESEARCH DESIGN ... 22

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3.6VALIDITY AND RELIABILITY ... 23

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3.7LIMITATIONS AND SCOPE ... 24

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3.8ETHICAL CONSIDERATIONS ... 24

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CHAPTER 4: THE HISTORICAL, SOCIO-ECONOMIC AND POLICY CONTEXT ... 26

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4.1HISTORICAL BACKGROUND ... 26

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4.2SOCIOECONOMIC FACTS AND FIGURES ... 27

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4.3SOCIAL STRATIFICATION AND CHALLENGES OF YOUTH UNEMPLOYMENT ... 30

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4.4POLICY CONTEXT AND EMPLOYABILITY SKILLS ... 31

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4.4.1

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The challenges of current youth policies!...!33

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CHAPTER 5: THE INTERPLAY OF HUMAN CAPITAL AND SOCIAL CAPITAL WITH EMPLOYABILITY ... 35

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5.1HUMAN CAPITAL ... 37

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5.1.1

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Education and training!...!37

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5.1.2

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Core skills!...!41

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5.2SOCIAL CAPITAL ... 43

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5.2.1

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The impact of social capital on employability!...!43

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5.2.2

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Bridging capital and linking capital!...!45

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5.2.3

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Chapter summary on human capital and social capital!...!47

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CHAPTER 6: SELF-PERCEIVED EMPLOYABILITY ... 48

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6.1INTERNAL PERCEIVED EMPLOYABILITY ... 48

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6.1.1

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Perceptions on attributes!...!48

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6.1.3

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Perceptions on individual actions!...!49

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6.2EXTERNAL/STRUCTURAL PERCEIVED EMPLOYABILITY ... 50

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6.2.1

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Uncertainty!...!50

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6.2.2

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Demographic factors!...!52

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6.2.3

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Employer preferences!...!53

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6.2.4

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Stereotypes/Negative attributes!...!54

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6.3UNDERSTANDINGS OF EMPLOYABILITY ... 55

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CHAPTER 7: THE IMPACT OF EMPLOYABILITY ON EMPLOYMENT ... 57

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7.1HUMAN CAPITAL SUMMARY ... 57

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7.2SOCIAL CAPITAL SUMMARY ... 58

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7.3SUMMARY OF THE INTERPLAY BETWEEN HUMAN CAPITAL AND SOCIAL CAPITAL ... 59

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7.4RECOMMENDATIONS AND CONCLUSION ... 60

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REFERENCES. ... 63

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APPENDIX A ... 69

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APPENDIX 1:KENYA GOVERNMENT EMPLOYMENT INTERVENTIONS ... 69

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APPENDIX 2:SUMMARY OF QUANTITATIVE AND QUALITATIVE FINDINGS ... 71

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APPENDIX B: INTERVIEW SCHEDULES ... 78

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MILLENNIAL INTERVIEWS ... 78

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GOVERNMENT INTERVIEWS ... 82

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APPENDIX C: QUESTIONNAIRE SURVEY ... 84

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List of Tables

Table 1: Operationationalization table ... 20

Table 2: Qualitative findings on skills and training of the Polytechnic sample ... 37

Table 3: List of prospective/current jobs of millennials enrolled in university ... 39

Table 4: Summary of employment interventions and functions ... 70

Table 5: Frequency distribution on importance of core skills for employability ... 71

Table 6: Qualitative findings on core skills for employability ... 71

Table 7: Level of trust in job information. ... 71

Table 8: Importance of different sources of job information to employability ... 72

Table 9: Benefits of group participation that strengthen employability ... 72

Table 10: Generalized trust in job information ... 73

Table 11: Frequency distribution on importance of attributes in employability ... 73

Table 12: Perceptions on individual attributes that increase employability ... 73

Table 13: Qualitative findings on sources of aspiration ... 74

Table 14: Perception of factors influencing training aspiration ... 74

Table 15: Qualitative findings on individual actions that shape employability ... 74

Table 16: Quantitative findings on individual actions that strengthen employability ... 75

Table 17: Qualitative summary of external factors that affect employability ... 76

Table 18: Quantitative findings on external factors that affect employability ... 76

Table 19: Quantitative findings of perception on demographic (s) ... 76

Table 20: Negative perceptions on millennials that hinder employability ... 77

Table 21: Frequency of the most important factor in strengthening employability. ... 77

List of Figures

Figure 1: The mutually shared skills between employability and entrepreneurship ... 7

Figure 2: Conceptual Scheme ... 21

Figure 3: Labour force participation rate ... 28

Figure 4: Projected population pyramid 2050 ... 30

Figure 5: Overview of sample characteristics ... 35

Figure 6: Chart showing types of group participation ... 36

List of Pictures

Picture 1: Map of Kenya ... 26

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Acronyms

FPE Free Primary Education

LPO Local purchasing order

LSO Local Service order

KCSE Kenya Certificate of Secondary Education

KYEP Kenya Youth Empowerment Program

KEPSA Kenya Private Sector Alliance

MSE Micro and small enterprises

NYS-Kenya Kenya National Youth Council

NYS National Youth service

TVET Technical and Vocational Education and Training

YEDF Youth Enterprise Development Fund

YESA Youth Employment Scheme Abroad

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Acknowledgements

In as much as I would love to claim this thesis as my own, I owe it to the assistance and support of many. I would like to express my gratitude to the University of Amsterdam, for the opportunity to conduct and organize research for purposes of this thesis. I extend this

gratitude to my thesis supervisor, Dr. Niels Beerepoot for providing valuable feedback and also to Dr. Nicky Pouw, for acting as my second reader. Likewise, I am thankful to my fieldwork supervisor- Dr. Bethuel Kinyanjui and the Economics faculty at the University of Nairobi for providing a workspace and data collection assistance. Most importantly, I am grateful to all the study participants. I am especially thankful to the staff and students of Kangemi polytechnic for your patience and time. Likewise, I am grateful to the All-Saints Youth group and University of Nairobi participants for your valuable input. Lastly, I would like to thank my family and friends, for your invaluable patience and encouragement. I dedicate this thesis to you and to my fellow Nairobi millennials.

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Chapter 1: Introduction

Millennials are individuals born between 1980-1995 or those of 18-30 years of age, and is used interchangeably with the generation-y term (Tubey, Kurgat & Rotich, 2015). However, its definition is laden with contradictions, especially when discussing their attitudes towards work or employment. Millennials are often blamed for their unemployment and defined by generalizations or societal stereotypes. Such stipulations whether unfounded or not could have an impact on their employment, especially when taking into account that young employees are susceptible to precarious labour, underemployment, unemployment or exploitation in the labour market. This scenario is heavily present in Kenya particularly in urban areas where millennials face a high unemployment rate. However, a focus on their unemployment blurs out the different experiences of millennials.

There is need to examine millennials employment using an approach that doesn’t simplify the different employment experiences under an “unemployed category”. Indeed, young people take part in different types of work that allow them to acquire core skills, yet their skills may not be remunerated or formally recognized, even though they are useful in making them employable in the long run (Brewer, 2013). This work is usually more flexible and open-ended, including care work; Voluntary work and creative expression, such as writing or painting are a few examples of undervalued work that is important for human development (UNDP, 2015).

Currently, there is no available information i.e. exact number, characteristics etc. of the different types of (un) employment of young workers in Nairobi. Many are classified as unemployed, without consideration for their varying employment statuses of either

underemployed, unemployed, in training or simply inactive. This thesis explores the concept of employability for its fitting depiction of different types of work and their importance. Employability looks at an individual as an active agent in securing their employment by examining individual strategies towards strengthening their employability and its impact on their (un) employment. Indeed, the 2015 Human Development Report calls for recognition of a definition of employment, which captures all kinds of work that are important for human development, but not included in traditional job frameworks (UNDP, 2015).

In Africa, let alone in Kenya, little attention has been paid to these varying contributors to employment statuses despite an uncertain labour market that is dominated by informal employment and structural issues in the economy (Tubey, et. al., 2015). It is this uncertain Kenyan labour market and the need to represent the actual experience of employment of young people that underlies the premise of this research-to examine how millennials find or remain in a job. Therefore, the aim of this research is to examine perceptions of employability

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of millennials in Nairobi through drawing attention to varied employment experiences by examining their different strategies to seeking employment.

Both social and human capital have an influence on employability as they shape how an individual responds to changes in the labour market; information acquired via social capital allows an individual to adapt through continuous learning as well as increased job

opportunities (Fugate, Kinicki, Ashford 2004). The main problem lies in determining employability of millennials-with different types of human and social capital- and its impact on their employment within the informal/formal dichotomy of the Nairobi labour market. Hence, the role of social capital available through youth groups and close family, as well as the role of human capital in form of work experience and training, is analyzed.

1.1 Research gap and relevance

Firstly, past studies have had varied employability frameworks with very few focused on employability in a non-western context. Furthermore, just as youth research has tended to place youth in a homogenous category, millennial studies have lumped millennials into one cohort without consideration for their diversity (Philipps, 2014). Past research has focused on university students or graduates in “the west” yet different cultures, experience life events differently and some characteristics could differ depending on a culture (Vos & Hauw, 2010). Previous research found that supporting employability skills increases employment (Koen, Klehe, and Vianen, 2013). Hence, there is need to examine the likelihood of this impact in a non-western context. By looking at its impact on employment this study counteracts the common research practice of lumping young workers under the “unemployed youth” category without consideration of their changing status and individual efforts.

Nevertheless, this study is socially relevant as it distinguishes employability from

employment by taking into account that an individual who feels employable is not necessarily always in employment and vice versa (Fugate et. al, 2004). The studying of employability has a wider societal contribution, as an individual’s work is closely tied to their quality of life as “jobs provide income and support human dignity, participation and economic security” (UNDP, 2015). Such work can include unremunerated forms such as volunteer work, which have a wider societal contribution, but not covered under traditional definitions of work (UNDP, 2015; Brewer, 2013). Hence, this study’s contribution also lies in exploring different types of work that make up the quality of life of millennials and society’s.

Through examining the interplay of social capital and human capital and how it shapes employability, this study can assess what employability skills are relevant for employment in the Nairobi labour market. Millennials with different employment statuses can examine shared challenges in the labour market. It offers lessons on how millennials can strengthen their position within a highly competitive labour market. The inclusion of different

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makers serves the purpose of avoiding the “supply side orthodoxy” that is present in most employability studies which often “blames the victim” or the unemployable for their

unemployment (McQuaid & Lindsay, 2005, p. 6). Policymakers can also identify the missing links between the needs of millennials and initiatives geared towards boosting their

employment. In summary, studying employability of millennials offers lessons for young job seekers in Nairobi as well as individuals involved in youth work and practice in Nairobi.

1.2 Thesis Outline

The study made use of an exploratory mixed methods design. It employed interviews from a purposive sample of millennials from Kangemi polytechnic as well as surveys from a larger group of millennials comprised of Kangemi polytechnic students, All-Saints Youth group members and University of Nairobi students. Policymakers involved in various youth employment interventions were also interviewed. The millennials sample groups provided perceptions from Nairobi millennials with polytechnic interviews specifically offering understanding of employability from a Nairobi millennial’s perspective. Policymakers’ interviews not only provided supplementary information but also offered insight on the role of policy in shaping employability and employment of young people in Nairobi.

This thesis is organized according to seven chapters. Chapter 2 will discuss existing literature and explore theories surrounding the key concepts of employability, human capital, and social capital. Chapter 3 will focus on the methodological framework, which includes the research design, conceptual scheme and operationalization of concepts. Chapter 4 will

examine the historical, socioeconomic, political, policy context and research location. Chapter 5 will discuss the analysis findings on social capital and human capital while chapter 6 will focus on the individual perceived employability and external/ perceived employability respectively. Lastly, chapter 7 will summarize findings from chapters 5 and 6 and offer conclusion and recommendations on further research.

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Chapter 2: Theoretical Framework

Employability has shifted from being a “fuzzy buzzword” in employment to a concept applied in labour market policies at various levels. It has been employed at the supranational level in the EU employment strategy, in the U.N. policy action on youth employment and in the ILO at the international level; at a national level, it has been enforced in the U.K. labour market policy and within European countries’ (McQuaid & Lindsay, 2005). In consideration of this “fuzziness” of the employability concept and the broad approach of employment policies, this framework outlines employability as a concept shaped by the interplay between social capital and human capital.

2.1 Human Capital

Human capital theory refers to the skills and knowledge needed to participate in paid employment (Nahapiet, 2011). It extends beyond education and training and includes factors such as health, migration etc. (Tan, 2014). The key to a successful labor market is a highly educated workforce with professional experience, as it’s more employable than a less skilled workforce (Escudero & Mourelo, 2013). Education is often seen as the main way of investing in human capital and boosting economic growth (Tan, 2014). Young people are often

involved in compulsory education or training as individuals with higher formal education and a range of generic skills and work experiences are expected to have higher employment outcomes (Bernston, 2008). Education and level of skills have been found to be a predicator of employability or positively related to perceived employability (Lo Presti & Pluviano, 2015). Hence, this study focuses on education and training and examines whether education, training or skills contributes to the employability of millennials in Nairobi.

2.1.1 The role of education and training in human capital development

The government is usually the main investor in education and training as education is not only a main form of securing human capital but also its social returns are often higher than private returns, resulting in a market failure due to low optimal investment by employers and individuals (Keep & Mayhew, 2010). This failure is attributed to information gaps in the imperfect market and employers’ preferences for investment according to the number of years an employee will work (Keep & Mayhew, 2010).

The Kenyan public education system is made up of compulsory 8-year primary school, 4-year secondary school and a final 4-4-year university component. In 2003, universal free access to primary education (FPE) was introduced and it has been plagued with quality concerns due to over enrolment (Kings, 2005). However, FPE in itself is insufficient. It is considered a prerequisite to secondary school and post-secondary education, as labour market realities of

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primary school graduates are not any different from those who never went to primary school (King, 2005).

It has been argued that when an education system churns out a high number of graduates with skills not valued by employers; this suggests a skills mismatch or lack of information (Brewer, 2013). Within the Kenyan labour force, young people are often perceived as highly educated but unemployable. Formal job aspirations -conditioned by society’s preference for white-collar jobs- has resulted in a preference for formal skills over informal or

vocational/technical education; this has resulted in a rising trend of over-education by university graduates who compensate for a lack of professional skills (Escudero & Mourelo, 2013).

Quality concerns also plague university education with students’ qualifications left in limbo. Recently, it was revealed that some law and engineering programs in various large universities were not accredited (Achuka, 2015; Oduor, 2015). Under such conditions, a university degree does not always result in employment. Furthermore, “over-education” does little to change the perception on employability of Nairobi millennials, especially since formal skills are not always transferable into soft skills needed in the workplace (Escudero & Mourelo, 2013). This renders the young trained worker unemployed or underemployed. Polytechnics or technical, vocational education and training (TVET) institutions have been

raised as an employable alternative to universities. Indeed, Vision 20301_{and the Kenyan}

constitution designate TVET as a crucial source of “middle level manpower” or key

economic driver that will realize vision 2030 (TVET Policy, 2014). Both government and for-profit, non-profit NGOs and church organizations, offer TVET education (TVET Policy, 2014).

The formal economy is incapable of absorbing the constant rise in job seekers due to the aforementioned “occupational filtering” in higher education and the large number of skilled workers joining the informal economy (Keep & Mayhew, 2010). In fact, the informal sector, commonly referred to as Jua Kali, is a significant source of employment (ILO, 1972 as cited by Onsomu & Muna, 2014). According to Brewer (2013), apprenticeship training is an important source of core skills development. In Kenya, this is no different and informal apprenticeship training in the Jua kali sector makes up most of the skills development (Johanson and Adams, 2003, p. 82 as cited by King, 2005). Despite the informal sector’s contribution, it has thrived with a lack of government support and political goodwill. For

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example, harassment and outright crackdown on various trade activities i.e. demolition of street traders shops (King, 2005).

Moreover, there is a lack of information on the quality and quantity of training of millennials whether it is through the aforementioned forms of training or the number of millennials absorbed into the formal or informal sector (Kings, 2005; Murithi, 2013). Hence, this study examines how this misinformation can be overcome through education and training that creates human capital demanded by the Nairobi labour market through core skills that are transferable to the workplace.

2.1.2 The role of core skills in human capital development

Core skills for employability affects every aspect of our daily lives- at school, work and at home; they build upon basic training and includes technical skills required to perform specific duties as well as personal attributes such as punctuality, loyalty etc. (Brewer, 2013). The terminologies used to refer to core skills range from key competencies in the OECD and Latin America, transferable skills in France, essential skills in New Zealand and so on, but all refer to the level of readiness for the job sector (Brewer, 2013, Tymon, 2011). Technology and innovations, along with today’s labor market shifts, means that employers no longer provide on the job training; they demand/hire employees that already have basic training and can adapt quickly to changes (Brewer, 2013, Tubey, et. al., 2015).

Despite the high youth unemployment/underemployment some employers report a skill shortage (Brewer, 2013). It is argued by some that even educated millennials will face barriers to employment when lacking core skills for employability (as cited by Plastrik et al. (2003) in Rosenberg, et. al. 2012; Hope, 2012). The possession of core skills reduces the likelihood of this skill mismatch as individuals can adjust according to demand, becoming better citizens that contribute to their communities (Brewer, 2013).

A comparison of different employment frameworks found that the most common core skills for employability were communication skills, teamwork skills and interpersonal skills (Tymon, 2011). The ILO categorizes such skills as continuous learning skills,

communication, teamwork and problem solving skills (Brewer, 2013). Core skills highlight a multi-faceted approach towards gaining employability. Past studies have focused on core skills acquisition within a formal education/employment setting (Andrews & Higson, 2008; Tymon, 2011, Rosenberg, Heimler, Morote, 2012).

Core skills can be spearheaded through entrepreneurship education that is included in most higher education institutions with the aim to steer graduates into self-employment instead of wage employment (Murithi, 2013, Brewer, 2013). Employability skills require creativity and initiative, as employees are “crafters or intraprenuers” that create for their workplace; job-seekers often have portfolio careers that involve various positions i.e. self-employment, time

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in co-operatives, part-time volunteering, full-time work (Dean, 2010). Such skills are often required for entrepreneurship; hence, core skills and entrepreneurship are not mutually exclusive (Dean, 2010). Entrepreneurship skills are transferable to employability as individuals choose a combination of these skills on a continuum. This relationship is highlighted in the Venn diagram below.

Figure 1: The mutually shared skills between employability and

entrepreneurship

(Dean, 2010)

Conversely, core skills can be acquired through various daily activities done in the home, in the community or recreationally i.e. through sports (Brewer, 2013). However, a lack of formal means of understanding and relaying them to employers means that young job seekers are “unaware or unable to demonstrate the core work skills sought, even if they do possess them” (Brewer, p. 39, 2013). Overall, this justifies the need to explore how core skills development is or can be included in formal education and training. Still, this highlights a need to look at how core skills development outside of formal channels can also be recognized, in order to allow young workers to accurately represent their human capital or capabilities to employers in the Nairobi labour market.

2.1.3 Human capital and its role in employment of millennials in Nairobi

Human capital is valuable as “an individual asset” but its impact on employment is limited, as it depends on “wider social factors” as well as individual employer preferences (Nahapiet, 2011; Harvey, 2010). For example, economic challenges, other than tuition, exist at different levels of education in Kenya; barriers to accessing secondary education and post-secondary education, widens the gap between poor and rich children (King, 2005). Indeed, it is affected by many other irrational factors such as lack of investment by employers or personal circumstances that hinder training and skills acquisition. This follows Sen’s argument that human capital is one of, many forms of capital that is instrumental in

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expanding an individual’s capabilities but broader factors other than the individual economic value also determines an individual’s capabilities (Sen, 2000, Nahapiet, 2011).

In summary, the theoretical argument by various scholars is that human capital investment can only be effective in job creation by targeting skills development as most employers demand basic employability skills (Brewer, 2013; Escudero & Mourelo, 2013; King, 2005; Keep & Mayhew, 2010; Tubey, et. al., 2015). Consequently, this study aims to determine whether a human capital approach that is focused on core skills acquisition and not solely on formal skills or education is necessary to shape employability. However, given its interplay with other factors, it is important to look at other factors that interplay with human capital in order to determine how it shapes employability and affects millennials employment.

2.2 Social Capital

Social capital refers to the “norms and networks that enable people to act collectively (Woolcock & Narayan, 2000). Akin to human capital and employability, it is informed by multiple disciplines (Adler & Kwon, 2002). It can be approached from a broad angle of “practically any social entity or situation” and can be defined on the basis of socio-economic background, access/use of social capital or its outcomes, which limit or benefit an individual (Adam & Rončević, 2003; Lin, 1999).

According to the World Bank, the main sources of social capital include families, social values, public sector, gender, ethnicity, communities and firms (Kearns, 2004). This study focuses on the connections established through some of these sources and its benefits to employability; it draws from the networks view on social capital that looks at connections established through groups, family, friends and associates or the value of horizontal and vertical associations between these connections (Woolcock & Narayan, 2000; Nahapiet, 2011; Adam & Rončević, 2003). Usually, intra-community ties are not mutually exclusive from intercommunity ties and since social capital is dependent on the structure of these social relations, an individual often has a combination of both (Adler & Kwon, 2002). Shared norms that bind the networks will be explored to a limited extent- in relation to employability. There are two main types of social capital. Bonding capital refers to internal/strong/ intra-community ties or close personal relationships, which help individual(s)/group(s) get ahead, and is made up of close family and friends (Adler & Kwon, 2002; Woolcock & Narayan, 2000). Bridging capital refers to external/weak intercommunity ties of an actor to other actors based on class, ethnicity, gender, and socioeconomic status etc. (Adler & Kwon, 2002; Woolcock & Narayan, 2000).

Depending on the combination of weak ties and strong ties, social capital can have some benefits or drawbacks. Those who benefit from social capital are those who can mediate or broker interactions between different networks- usually insiders with ties to closed/internal

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networks and outside networks (Burt, 2000; Lin, 2001; Patulny & Svendsen, 2007). This ability to navigate between these networks and institutions can be viewed as resources, hence the classification of linking capital as a type of social capital in itself (Kearns, 2004).

Social capital does not decline with use and has an element of reciprocity; however, it is susceptible to the “free-rider problem” as it is owned collectively and requires mutual

cooperation from the involved parties therefore it is destroyed or depreciated when an actor(s) withdraws (Adler & Kwon, 2002).

2.2.1 Social capital and employability

Social capital affects access to job information as it can increase its quality, relevance and

timeliness (Adler & Kwon, 2002). Information accessed through strong ties could directly impact employment outcomes or indirectly shape occupational and study aspirations (Verhaeghe, Bracht & Putte, 2015). Networks or the insider-outsider factor on getting a job, has been found to be applicable in the Kenyan context; For example the presence of another employed individual in the household raised the chances of employment (excluding self-employment), by 10.1% and 14.5% among youth aged 15-to-24 and 25-34 age group respectively (Escudero & Mourelo, 2013).

Secondly, the solidarity created through social capital also affects employability. The shared strong social norms and beliefs of bonding capital, fosters compliance with local rules, reducing the need for formal regulation (Adler & Kwon, 2002, p. 29). A social network with strong ties provides reassurance after rejection, motivation and guidance on opportunities in the labour market (McArdle, Waters, Briscoe, Hall, 2007). Nevertheless, bridging capital’ networks provides more resources. Those of a lower socio-economic status are more likely to participate in informal networks, which usually have fewer resources than formal networks; hence why many poorer individuals with extensive homogenous social networks (bonds) are unable to move out of poverty (Nahapiet, 2011; Woolcock & Narayan, 2000). Bridging capital also reduces rent seeking behaviors as network members do not want to damage their reputation with other members by engaging in opportunistic behavior; however, time spent socializing with family and friends as well as networking within groups creates a crowding out effect on labour time (Beugelsdijk & Smulders, 2009).

A third way social capital could affect employability is through the level of trust among actors in the networks. Bridging capital creates generalized trust-which refers to trust in morals and faith in others and is normative while particularized trust-a feature of bonding capital- relies on information and experience with other actors and is tied in with economic theory on the rational actor (Patulny & Svendsen, 2007). Low levels of trust in outsiders, and high trust within members is common in bonding capital within high poverty conditions, as there is a high risk of losing everything if trust is broken; strong ties can be exclusionary or

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lead to mistrust, nepotism, prejudices and conflicts and subsequent high social and economic costs (Patulny & Svendsen, 2007). Still, the success of rotating savings associations can be attributed to the level of trust and satisfaction of bonding capital (Bastelear, 2009; Coleman, 1988). Indeed, it has been used in various Kenyan programs such as the YEDF and Uwezo fund where loans are offered out to savings/group businesses belonging to millennials (YEDF, 2015; Uwezo, 2015).

Bonding capital seems to be the less advantageous form of social capital. However, as already discussed, an individual that benefits the most from social capital has a combination of positive bonding capital and bridging capital and the ability to navigate between the two. Hence, a network that provides benefits of both bonding and bridging capital i.e. trust, solidarity, access to job information or resources is the ideal source of social capital that increases employability. One major limitation of this “network” view on social capital is that it fails to incorporate other institutions at the societal level that are not a part of this network e.g. the government, civil society etc. (Woolcock & Narayan, 2000). Indeed, the ability to benefit from personal connections depends on one’s socioeconomic position and the context in which these networks operate (Letki & Mierina, 2012).

2.2.2 Social capital’s significance in employment of Nairobi millennials

Akin to human capital, social capital’s impact on employment does not take place by itself and is in reality affected by other factors such as government and other outsider networks. For example, public employment services as well as private services provide information on available jobs and skills demanded by employers, affecting employment of young workers (Brewer, 2013). A lack of government support or labour market information creates a low level of trust in outsiders (generalized) and high level of trust in bonding capital

(particularized); when this combination of trust occurs, actors tend to stick to close/strong ties (Patulny & Svendsen, 2007). Inadequate welfare state protection creates increased inequality and a subsequent decline in regulations; this creates uncertainty through widespread crime and increased corruption of public officials as there is little incentive for the poor to respect the institutions that have “abandoned” them and little repercussions for public officials (Portes & Landolt, 2000). Nevertheless, social capital counteracts this decline in social norms created by inadequate international organizations/government policies (Portes & Landolt, 2000).

Social capital shapes human capital aspirations and vice versa as one’s human capital also shapes one’s networks. Indeed, unlike like older adults, the social circle of young people is made up of other unemployed/underemployed individuals hence parents are important job-matching assets (Gupte, Dolf & Barrett, 2011). In a context of limited job opportunities,

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purported skills mismatch, or mistrust between networks, it is then expected for individuals to rely on connections and personal networks

As previously mentioned, this lack of labour market information ranges from the number of trained individuals in a certain field to the skills demanded by the market; this complicates the job-searching process, as millennials are unaware of available opportunities or skills required by employers (Gachugia, Mulu-mutuku & Odero-Wanga, 2014). Therefore, employability is directly tied to social capital as an individual with access to social capital is considered highly unemployable due to feelings of security, independence, motivation etc. and likely to

negotiate or seek better/more fulfilling work opportunities (Qenani, et. al., 2014). Hence, the need to examine whether social capital fills in the gap left by a lack of public safety nets such as employment support or labour market information etc.

However, the aforementioned drawbacks to social capital such as depreciation due to exit of an actor(s) impacts the success of such interventions. This stifles efforts to “gain control over the individualism of the market” through social capital (Portes & Landolt, 2000). A return from investing in social capital is not as direct as other forms of capital. As a form of collective/public good, social capital’s benefits are accrued to persons other than the actor; hence, most of it is “created or destroyed” as the lack of exclusivity “reduces incentive to create” (Coleman, 1988, p. 188). Furthermore, conditions that create social capital such as close family and community ties often shift; meaning it can diminish with time leading to a subsequent decline in human capital (Coleman, 1988).

2.3 Employability

Employability refers to the capability to adapt, network and market oneself in the job-market; it encompasses individual characteristics and accounts for external factors that influence “a person getting into a job...moving jobs or improving their jobs” (McQuaid & Lindsay, 2005, p 200; Brewer, 2013). Indeed, many professions such as law and teaching require ongoing training in order to progress in the field (Smith, 2010).

The concept of employability has gained prominence in western labour market policies due to rising economic uncertainty such as the increased layoffs, outsourcing, job destruction and corporate restructuring as seen in America (Smith, 2010). This uncertainty is embodied in flexibilization and individualization of the modern labour market, hence employability allows people to adapt and obtain new employment on a regular basis (Bernston, 2008). Indeed, research on millennials’ employability is motivated by the common rhetoric that universities are producing unemployable “half-baked graduates” (Stott, Zaitseva, Cui, 2014). Therefore, employability is seen as a way of responding to uncertainty or increasing changes in the labour market.

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Despite its prominence and importance, a lot of debate surrounds the definition of

employability (Bruin & Dupuis, 2008). According to Fugate et. Al. (2004), employability is a linkage of adaptability, career identity and human and social capital. Adaptability refers to the ability to act within uncertainty and leads to a proactive personality/individual that takes advantage of opportunities, has self-efficacy, is information-seeking, has an awareness of their own strengths and weaknesses etc. (McArdle, et. al., 2007; McQuaid & Lindsay, 2005). Indeed, adaptability or a proactive personality has been argued to be useful in helping individuals cope with unemployment as they view it as an opportunity to affect change and strengthen one’s career identity (Fugate, et. al., 2004). An adaptable, proactive individual is seen as highly employable as they maintain a positive self-esteem despite being unemployed, which helps in seeking opportunities for employment (Fugate et. al, 2004). Other

employability frameworks look at individual skills and attitudes and how they articulate them to employers, as well as the context i.e. personal circumstances and labour market

environment (Stott, et. al., 2014, p.711; Rothwell, Arnold & Rothwell, 2006).

There are different strategies to enhance employability. They include identity work which refers to job seeking processes where a job seeker selects an “organizational self” to present to the employer (Smith, 2010). One can also take part in training and networking which increases one’s human capital and social capital or also take part in unpaid and marginally paid labour through volunteerism, internships or short-term jobs (Brewer, 2013, Smith, 2010). Other studies explore external strategies such as the role of labour policies and the effect of economic uncertainty such as economic downturn on graduate students’ employability- focusing on the demand side of the labour market (Smith, 2010, Qenani et. al, 2014). Hence, labour policies can be argued to be a strategy as they influence individual strategies to seeking employability.

There is a growing understanding that there is a need to shift from the supply side orthodoxy of “blaming the victim”-sole focus on the employee or worker, to a broader approach that includes the employers, government etc. (McQuaid & Lindsay, 2005). Employability goes beyond training- technical or vocational. It transcends being employed and focuses on the ability to find a job or remain in a job amid changes in the labour market; it implies continuous development of individual techniques and attributes as well as the ability to acquire fulfilling employment (Brewer, 2013; Stott, et. al., 2014). The current concept of “initiative employability” includes individual responsibility but also collective and interactive aspects, this implies that labour policy should consider the interplay between individual and structural factors when addressing employment (McQuaid & Lindsay, 2005).

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2.3.1 Individual and structural employability

Individual employability can be defined according to the job type or `fulfilling work’ that utilizes graduate skills or abilities; It can also be defined in terms of timing- the period of time that one gets a job after graduating/ before retraining or further learning which is the ability or willingness to continue learning outside the classroom (Harvey, 2010). The ability to

articulate or quickly develop required attributes or core skills to employers is often used to define individual employability e.g. reliability, responsibility, self-discipline, social skills, honesty etc. (Brewer, 2013, Lindsay & McQuaid, 2005).

Other individual aspects include personal motivations to seeking work, access to labour information and support networks, an individual’s “mobility” in seeking work, the nature or extent of personal barriers to work such as disability, demographics such as age and gender, job seeking activities i.e. ability to use formal job search/information services, access to references, interview skills etc. (in Evan et. al, 1999, as cited by McQuaid & Lindsay, 2005). Personal circumstances also affect employability e.g. work culture or a support network within the family, peers or wider community; Household responsibilities such as caring for children or elderly relatives or access to resources such as transport (McQuaid & Lindsay, 2005).

Various life events and circumstances that are also outside an individual’s control can influence employability; This external/structural/demand-side employability includes social, institutional, situational and economic factors that affect an individual’s ability to get a job e.g. welfare policies, economic depression, labour law changes etc. (Lo Presti & Pluviano, 2015; McQuaid & Lindsay, 2005). It includes the labour market location in relation to employment centers, changing customer preferences, nature of local or regional demand- structure of vacancies, required skill level; Macroeconomic factors such as macroeconomic stability, level and nature of labour demand, labour market regulations; Vacancy

characteristics such as availability of entry level jobs, work conditions or recruitment factors such as employer selection procedures or use of informal networks, discrimination on the basis of age, gender etc. (Hillage and Pollard, 1998; McQuaid & Lindsay, 2005).

Enabling support factors i.e. employment policy, support services such as accessible and affordable transport, childcare etc. also impact employability (McQuaid & Lindsay, 2005). Indeed, the type of public employment services can affect access to job information e.g. through the quality of data on vacancies, this impact is particularly critical in many

developing countries which lack resources and are faced with a challenge of reaching out to workers in the informal economy- often unregistered job-seekers (Brewer, 2013). Overall, external or structural factors have a part to play in shaping employability.

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2.3.2 Self-perceived employability

In order to examine employabilit, this study looks at it as a multi-dimensional,

psychosocial construct with subjective and objective aspects (Qenani, MacDougall & Sexton, 2014). Employability is important but is “only one side of the coin”, as it is perceptions surrounding one’s employability, rather than reality that influence an individual’s feelings, thoughts and behavior in the labour marker (Bernston, 2008). Hence, it is important to examine how individuals shape their employability based on perception of individual and external employability factors. However, as seen in the previous section, it is important to employ a broad approach that employs both internal/supply side factors such as personal motivation, personal networks, job skills etc. and demand side/external factors such as employers’ attitudes, quality of jobs, state of the labour market etc. (Vanhercke et al., 2010; Hillage & Pollard, 1998; Rothwell et. al., 2006).

Individuals may have “similar profiles” but differing perceptions (Vanhercke, et. al., 2010). For example, a millennial as compared to an older individual may have higher expectations of being employed in a certain profession that has a preference for younger employees and vice versa (Vanhercke, et. al., 2010). Self-perception and self-efficacy influences one’s ability to secure employment, as they affect an individual’s actions resulting in different employment outcomes (Qenani, et. al., 2014). Furthermore, these factors interplay with human capital theory and social capital. For example, formal education or human capital education bias is not sufficient as a degree-holder is also required to have social skills and other transferable skills in order to be employed (Holmes, 2001 as cited by Lindsay & McQuaid, 2005).

Additionally, individuals with a high perception of their employability due to social capital are less likely to be “psychosocially” harmed by unemployment, and more likely to engage in greater job search and gain high quality re-employment (Fugate et al, 2004; McArdle, et. al., 2007). This makes self-perceived employability a major factor in employment, given the increased uncertainty in the labour market. Indeed, a study found that individuals with a high self-perception on their employability, were more likely to perceive flexibility as less

threatening, while those with low perceptions on their ability to find a new job, “regardless of whether it would otherwise actually be difficult,” may not take any action even if they wanted to change jobs (Bernston, 2008).

Perceived employability takes into account these subjective notions or profiles on

employability. Nevertheless, it has been criticized for being “class-specific” by favoring those with the “requisite educational background, training, temporal freedom, and cultural capital to pursue it” (as cited by Kossek, 2000 in Smith, 2010). It doesn’t provide exact reasons why an individual may feel highly or less employable and hence can’t give direction on specific

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interventions for policy (Vanhercke, et. al., 2010). However, an analysis of how perceptions are influenced by training or networks could provide insight on personal efforts and actual experiences of unemployed millennials in Nairobi. It can shed light on how millennials in Nairobi make use of the various resources available to them. Its focus on different strategies for employment looks at the millennial or youth as an active agent and not simply as a recipient, beneficiary or victim of youth unemployment.

2.3.3 Summary on the broad concept of employability

In summary, any definition of employability needs to consider both individual and structural factors. For example, an individual may be unemployed due to individual factors such as lack of skills but “institutional infrastructure” such as suitable childcare or employer preferences- which may be discriminatory, could all play a part in contributing to their unemployment (McQuaid & Lindsay, 2005). Moreover, the definition of employability varies from the employee, employer or policy maker perspective. For example, an employee may have the required skills and be employable according to an employer yet be unemployable from a policy makers perspective, due to lack of support services such as transport or

childcare in regard to a certain job (McQuaid & Lindsay, 2005). Hence, the subjective nature of employability necessitates the need to adopt a concept that accounts for this. It is for this reason that this study employs self-perceptions on employability as it influences actions taken towards boosting employability.

Evidently, employability is a difficult concept to define as it is influenced by various factors, as elaborated above. Employability definition depends on the context in which it is studied (Thijssen, Heijden, Rocco, 2008). Hence, a focus on perceptions incorporates new understandings on employability that may be present within the Kenyan labour market context. Therefore this study looks at employability as “an individual’s perception of his or her possibilities of getting new, equal, or better employment” (Bernston, 2008).

2.4 Employability, human capital and social capital summary

This study makes use of a broad approach to employability. The focus on human capital and social capital’s contribution to employability takes into account various stakeholders ranging from the employee, employer, government contributes to employability or the ability to “survive in the internal and external labour market” (Bruin & Duspuis, 2008; Thijssen, et. al, p.167, 2008).

Human capital investment can only be effective in job creation by targeting skills development as most employers demand basic competencies or employability skills (King, 2005; Keep & Mayhew, 2010). The nature of social capital requires it to be embedded within the actor’s social structure, therefore its impact depends on contextual factors not related to

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social capital such as an individual’s reputation, financial resources etc. (Patulny & Svendsen, 2007). Indeed, the embeddedness of social capital means that the employment goals and aspirations of young people are shaped by personal relationships and factors affecting it (Jokisaari & Nurmi, 2005). This shows that social stratification /socioeconomic position shapes access to human capital and social capital. Hence, different social capitals provide differential access to job information/assets leading to either opportunities or a barrier (Nahapiet, 2011, Letki & Mierina, 2012, Lin 2001, Verhaeghe, et. al., 2015).

Given the interplay and role of human capital and social capital in shaping employability any challenges surrounding the concepts are likely to affect perceptions on employability. It is then possible for individuals with high levels of trust and support derived from social capital, to be unemployed as predominant factors such as inequality limits access to resources such as jobs (Portes & Landolt, 2000). Furthermore, a focus on education, as shown in the human capital section does not always guarantee employment due to quality concerns and challenges to access that plague the public education system.

In summary, this study examines employability based on the aforementioned broad definition. However, for feasibility purposes, this research will focus on individual aspects but will include external factors from different millennials where possible, to provide a holistic outlook on the link between employability and their employment. Lastly, human capital and social capital have been found to shape employability perceptions, with some scholars discussing them as dimensions of employability (Bernston, 2008; Fugate et. al, 2004). Hence, this study examines the interplay between self-perceived employability with human capital and social capital as its determinants, in order to examine the understanding of employability within Nairobi and its impact on millennials employment.

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Chapter 3 Methodological Framework

3.1. Research Questions

The main question examines how perceived employability influences employment of millennials in Nairobi. The sub-questions focus on the individual aspect by examining how millennials make use of available human capital of education and training and available social capital i.e. groups. The aim is to examine how millennials use both human capital and social capital to build employability through core skills acquisition. The last question explores the impact of employability on employment of millennials in Nairobi.

Main question

How does access to different social capital (informal groups) and human capital (skills) contribute to the self-perceived employability of millennials in Nairobi?

Sub-questions

• How do the different types of social capital among Nairobi millennials help to strengthen their employability?

• How do different groups of millennials in Nairobi decide on what job skills (human capital) to acquire?

• How do millennials use their human capital (skills) and social capital to seek opportunities in the Nairobi labour market?

• Based on analysis of perceived employability among different groups of millennials, what core skills for employability and social capital are useful, and what are its implications for employment of millennials in Nairobi?

3.2 Operationalization of concepts.

Employability along with human capital and social capital are operationalized based on their definitions in the theoretical framework with data indicators collected from the

interviews. Hence, survey indicators include details drawn from the interviews. For example, the understanding of trust in social capital was more specific, it included specific description on trust i.e. government trust and prompted a distinction on what type of trust was being measured i.e. generalized trust or particularized trust. Secondly, given the interplay between all the concepts it became apparent that this relationship had to be more distinct in the operationalization and conceptual framework. Hence, some indicators measuring more than one concept such as parents’ job can be found in both human capital and social capital while

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core skills are found under human capital and employability. This interplay is illustrated in the operationalization table and conceptual scheme below.

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3.3 O

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Co n c e p ts Di m e n s io n s Va ria b le s • In d ic a to rs ( a ll q u a lit a tiv e in d ic a to rs w e re c o lle c te d f ir s t). Q u a n tit a tiv e d a ta c o lle c te d in fo rm of ra n k in g o f an sw er s o n a L iker t scal e o f 1 to 5 i.e. V er y im p o rtan t t o n o t im p o rta n t a t a ll, n e v e r t o a lw a y s . Em p lo y a b ili ty In te rn a l Pe rc e iv e d em pl oyabi lity Ex te rn a l per cei ved em pl oyabi lity In d iv id u a l ch a ra ct e rist ics Co re s kil ls Ex te rn a l Fac tor s • Wh a t a cti vit ie s, e ffo rts d o y o u fe e l in cr e a se y o u r jo b s e cu rit y o r e m p lo ya b ilit y/ o th e r t h a n th o se th ro u g h tr a in in g ? ( D e fin itio n /u n d e rs ta n d in g o f e m p lo ya b ility ) • Wh a t p e rs o n a l a ttr ib u te s d o y o u fe e l in cr e a se y o u r e m p lo ya b ilit y? Pe rs o n a l a ttr ib u te s a cq u ire d th ro u g h g ro u p p a rtic ip a tio n /J o b /e d u ca tio tr a in in g e tc . ( A ttr ib u te s/q u a litie s) • Wh a t in d iv id u a l ac tion is needed to inc reas e em pl oyabi lity? (P er sonal ef for ts ) • Wh a t f a cto rs in flu e n ce d y o u r c h o ic e s? (P e rs o n a l a sp ira tio n s) • Wh a t a re th e d e m o g ra p h ic s: a g e , g e n d e r, so cio -ec onom ic s tat us , and et hni cit y? • Ho w d o y o u fe e l y o u r in d iv id u a l c h a ra cte ris tic dem ogr aphi cs , at tribut es et c. im pac t your em pl oyabi lity? • Wh a t s kil ls d o y o u fe e l a re n e ce ss a ry fo r y o u r e m p lo ya b ilit y/t o m a in ta in a jo b ? (C o re s kil ls ) • Wh e re d o y o u d e ve lo p /le a rn c o re s kil ls ? O p p o rtu n itie s t h ro u g h g ro u p /tr a in in g e tc . ( C o re s kil ls s tra te g ie s) • Wh a t e xte rn a l fa cto rs d o y o u th in k c o u ld a ffe ct yo u jo b o r p ro sp e cti ve o p p o rtu n itie s? Co rru p tio n /in se cu rit y/t ra n sp o rt ch a lle n g e s. (E xte rn a l fa cto rs p e rc e p tio n ) So c ia l c a p ita l Bo n d in g ca p ita l Pe rc e p tio n o n fa m ily fr ie n d s su p p o rt. Pe rc e p tio n o n gr oups ’ s uppor t. • Wh a t r e so u rc e s a n d s u p p o rt fro m fa m ily a n d fr ie n d s i n cr e a se s e m p lo ya b ilit y? (F a m ily s u p p o rt , F ri e n d s s u p p o rt ; B o n d in g c a p ita l re so u rc e s; P a re n ts ’/ F ri e n d s’ jo b ) • Ty pe of gr oup/ Lev el of par tic ipat ion w ithi n gr oup? • Ch a ra cte ris tic s o f Ch a m a , s p o rts g ro u p s, ch u rc h g ro u p e tc .? • Re so u rc e s a n d s u p p o rt th ro u g h g ro u p th a t in cr e a se e m p lo ya b ilit y? Ty pe of s kil ls /c or e sk ills gai ned though gr oup?

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Br id g in g ca p ita l Level of tr us t. Sa tis fa cti o n in bondi ng capi tal . • Do y o u h a ve a cc e ss to jo b in for m at ion from gr oup? • Level of P ar tic ul ar iz ed trus t. D o you trus t job inf or m at ion from gr oup/ clos e fam ily/ friends ? • Level of s at is fac tion in res our ces and suppor t f rom gr oup/ fam ily and friends . Ar e y o u s a tis fie d w ith th e s u p p o rt fro m fa m ily a n d fr ie n d s/g ro u p (s )? Pe rc e p tio n o n out sider net w or ks . Tr us t in out sider s. • Ty pe of out sider net w or ks i.e. link s t o gov er nm ent , pr iv at e em pl oy er s et c. • Ac ce ss to in fo rm a tio n fr o m o u ts id e rs ? D o y o u re ce iv e jo b in fo rm a tio n fr o m th e fo llo w in g ? (G o ve rn m e n t, pr ivat e com pani es /em pl oyer , J ua -Ka li s e cto r, In te rn e t, tra in in g in sti tu tio n ). • Level of gener al iz ed trus t i. e. Tr us t in G over nm ent , pr ivat e com pani es /em pl oyer , J ua -Ka li s e cto r, In te rn e t, tr a in in g in stitu tio n . Hu m a n Ca p ita l In d iv id u a l ski ll/j o b . In d iv id u a l per cept ion Ex te rn a l oppor tuni ty per cept ion. • Wh a t is y o u r jo b o r jo b a sp ira tio n /H ig h e st e d u ca tio n le ve l o b ta in e d ; T yp e o f t ra in in g i.e . f o rm a l o r in fo rm a l; Wo rk e xp e rie n ce ; p a re n ts ’ jo b ? • Sa tis fa cti o n in c u rre n t/p ro sp e cti ve jo b (s )/ sta tu s. Ar e y ou pr oud of c hos en job? (R eput at ion) • Ar e y o u s a tis fie d in a va ila b le o p p o rtu n itie s f o r y o u r jo b ? (Sa tis fa cti o n in a va ila b le jo b s) • Co n fid e n ce in e m p lo ya b ilit y c re a te d th ro u g h a jo b /e d u ca tio n . ( E xte rn a l la b o u r p e rc e p tio n ). Ta bl e 1 : O p e ra tio n a liz a tio n t a b le

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3.5 Research design

This research made use of a mixed methodology with an exploratory design. Given the contemporary nature of the “the millennial stereotype”, the different groups acted as a case study. According to Woodside (2010) & Yin (2012), “a real-life contemporary phenomenon in its natural context is a case study” and should involve a multiple case study design with multi-sites to be studied and multiple methods to analyse the collected data (as cited by Wahyuni, 2012, p. 72). The research employed a multi-case study exploratory design, which allowed for comparisons between different millennials and provided understanding on their employability in Nairobi.

Methods

The exploratory design was carried out in two phases. The first phase was the qualitative stage, which involved interviews of millennials and observations. Observations took place at the Kangemi Polytechnic during informal discussions and interviews were conducted with students that were willing to participate. The qualitative data serves the purpose of providing in depth information on perceptions of employability of millennials who participate in informal groups but also includes analysis of perception from key informants. Initial analysis of the qualitative data was also used to inform the survey design of the quantitative stage. Interview questions were modified into Likert scale survey questions. Scales were generated from analysis of responses and ranking from the interview process. A test survey was issued to participants in Kangemi. From the results, most of the survey questions went unanswered and according to the participants, the survey was too long. Hence, the survey was modified and in subsequent surveys, participants reported less issues. Past studies on

employability used scales that primarily focus on employability of university students or a specific study programme (Vos & Hauw, 2010; Creed & Gagliardi, 2014). Therefore, in order to develop a relevant but rigorous survey, it was considered necessary to use input of

participants in order to design relevant questions. See appendix C for a copy of the interview schedule and questionnaire survey.

Units of analysis and sampling

The main units of analysis were Nairobi millennials. The units of data collection were drawn from the informal Kangemi area and from the University of Nairobi and All Saints Cathedral youth group. The millennials were part of different groups ranging from church

groups, savings group (Chama2_{), sports group, theatre group etc. Due to time limitations it}

was not possible to include other groups of millennials groups involved in varying avenues

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