An analysis of the contribution of the Bantu towards the Ciskeian economy

AN ANALYSIS OF

THE CONTRIBUTION OF THE BANTU

TOWARDS THE CISKEIAN ECONOMY.

by

GERHARD JAN HENDRIK SCHOL TEMEIJER

Skripsie goedgekeur ter gedeeltelike nakoming van die vereistes vir die graad Magister Commercii aan die Potchefstroomse Universiteit vir

P. u. vir

c. H. o.·

Maart 1970.

DANKBETUIGING.

Graag wens ek hiermee my opregte dank en waardering aan die volgende persone en instansies uit te spreek wat behulpsaam was met die daarstelling van hierdie skripsie:

In besonder my promotor, Prof. Dr. D. P. Erasmus wat my onder moeil ike omstandighede met toegewyde lei ding en raad bygestaan het.

Graag wil ek erkentlikheid verleen aan wyle Prof. Dr. F. J. J. Coetzee, onder wie se leiding hierdie skripsie

aangepak is.

Die Departement van Bantoe-Adrninistrasie en Ontwikkel ing, en spesifiek die Kantoor van die Hoof Bantoe-sakekommissaris te King William's Town; vir hul voortdurende geduld, raad en belangstelling.

Die bib I ioteekpersoneel van die Universi tei tskol I ege van Fort Hare, asook ander lede van die personeel vir hulp en wenke.

Alie ander persone en inst_ansies, wat nie hier genoem is nie, maar van hulp was met hierdie studie.

Mev. M. Gordon, wie op kort kennisgewing met groot_ywer en onderskeiding die tikwerk behartig het.

My skoonouers, vir hul voortdurende aanmoediging en belangstel I ing.

My oue,~s, sonder wie se daadwerklike hulp en belangstelling ek nie in die posisie sou wees om hierdie skripsie daar te stel nie.

Ten slotte, my opregte dank aan my vrou vir haar hulp met die taalkundige versorging, asook haar bystand en aanmoediging toe ek dit die nodigste gehad het.

Kroonstad.

Desember 1969.

( i )

N D E X.

P A R T I.

SCOPE AND GENERAL METHODOLOGY APPL IED.

C H A P T E R I .

INTRODUCTION.

1. The pr obi em defined

2. The scope of the investigation

3. Method of investigation

P A R T 11.

A BRIEF NARRATIVE BACKGROUND OF THE

PEOPLE AND THE AREA UNDER CONSIDERATION.

C H A P T E R 2.

HISTORICAL DEVELOPMENT OF THE CISKEI.

1.

Evolution of the Ciskei

2. The evolvement of the Bantu Areas

C H A P T E R 3.

CULTURAL PHENOMENA OF THE CISKEI.

1.

Homestead set ti ement 2. Division of labour 3. Economic organization (ii)/3.1 • . . . . • • PAGE. 4 8 12 13 18 21

4~

5.

6.

3. 1 General 3. 2 L and ( i i ) 3. 3 Livestock Obi igations lnher i tance

.

Conclusion C H A P T E R IV.

.

PHYSICAL PHENOMENA OF THE CISKEI. 1 • Introduction 2. Physical phenomena

3.

2. 1 Relief of the Ciskei 2. 2 Climate of the Ciskei 2. 3 Soil types of the Ciskei 2. 4 Vegetation of the Ciskei

Water supply acid irrigation in the Ciskei

4. Minerals

5.

6. Sex structure of the Ciskeian people Age structure 7. Conclusion P A R T I l l .

QUANTITATIVE ANAL YSIS.

C H A P T E R V.

QUANTITATIVE ANALYTICAL METHOD EXPLAINED.

1. Introduction (iii

)/2

. . . .

24

25

26

27

28

30

32

34

38

39

41

45

48

( i i i )

2. The method explained

...

....

...

.

..

2. 1 Direct' method

2. 1. 1 The expenditure method

2. 1. 2 The production method

2. 1. 3 The income method

2. 2 The allocation method

...

..

3.

Classification of the geographical product

...

.

..

1 •

C H A P T E R VI. PRIMARY INDUSTRIES.

Introduction

1. 1 Sources of information

1. 2

Methods of calculation

2. Agronomic production

2. 1 Dry-I and product ion 2. 2 Irrigation farming 2. 3 Results

3. Animal husbandry

3. 1 Net changes in I ivestock inventor ies . . . .

3. 2 Wool, hides and skins

3. 3 Slaughter stock 3. 4 Dairy products

3. 5

Poul try (iv)/ 4 . . . . 49

so

51

55

56

57

58

61

62

64

65

( iv)

4. Forestry

5. Mining and Quarrying

6. Results and reliability thereof

C HA P T E R VI I. SECONDARY lr'-JDUSTRIES.

1. Introduction

1. 1 Sources of information 1. 2 Methods of calculation

1. 2. 1 Manufactu,~ ing

1.

2. 2 Construction

1. 2. 3 Electricity, gas and water

2. Domestic industries

3. Results and reliability thereof

C H A P T E R VIII. TERTIARY INDUSTRIES.

I.

Transportation, storage and communication . . . . 1. Introduction

1. 1 Sources of information 1. 2 Methods of calculation

2.

Resu I ts and rel i ab i Ii ty thereof

...

..

....

II. Wholesale and retail trade

.

...

1 . Introduction

1.

1 Sources of information 1. 2 Methods of calculation

2.

Results and reliability thereof

...

Ill. Fin

anc

i

a

l in

s

titutions,

fi

xe

d prope

rty and

ownership of dwel I ings

66

68

70 71 72 76 78 79 81 82 83 (v)/ 1 . . . . • . • . . . . • • . .

( v) 1. Introduction

2

.

I. II.

1.

1. 1 Sources of information 1. 2 Methods of calculation

Resu I ts and rel i ab i Ii ty thereof

C H A P T E R IX.

SERVICES.

Government services

1.

Introduction

1.1 Sources of information 1. 2 Methods of calculation

2.

Results and reliability thereof

Other services

1.

Introduction

1. 1

Sources of information 1. 2 Methods of calculation

2. Community services 2. 1 Medical services

2. 2 Other community services

3. Business services

4. Recreation and entertainment

5. Personal services

6. Results and rel i abi Ii ty thereof

C H A P T E R X. MIGRATORY LABOUR•. Introduction 84 85 87 88

89

90

91

92

(vi)/1. 1 . . . .

(vi)

1. 1 Sources of information

2. Results and reliability thereof

93

PART IV.

SUMMARY AND CONCLUSIONS.

CHAPTER XI.

THE REGIONAL DISTRIBUTION OF THE GROSS

GEOGRAPHICAL PRODUCT AND AN ANALYSIS THEREOF 95

APPENDIX 1 1 1

Table 1.

2.

3.

4.

5.

6.

7.

8.

9.

1

o.

1 1 . 1 2 . 13, 14, 15. 16, {vii) LIST OF TABLES.

Population in Bantu Areas and area per magisterial district of the Ciskei for the period 1961 - 65.

Boreholes in the Ciskei 1966.

Income and expenditure of an irrigation settler. Agronomic production. Gross value added on basis of magisterial districts for the Ciskei, 1961 -65. Animal husbandry. Gross value added on basis of magisterial districts for~ the Ciskei 1961 - 65. Agriculture and For es try, Mining and Quarrying. G1~oss value added on basis of magisterial districts for the Ciskei, 1961 - 65.

· Manufacturing, Construction and Electricity Gas and Water. Gross value added on basis of magisterial districts for the Ciskei, 1961 - 65. Transportation, Storage and Communication. Gross value added on basis of magisterial districts for the Ciskei 1961 - 65.

Wholesale and Retail Trade. Gross value added on basis of magisterial districts for the Ciskei, 1961 - 65.

Financial Institutions, Fixed Property and Ownership of Dwel I ings. Gross value added on basis of magisterial districts for the

Ciskei, 1961 - 65.

Government Services. Gross value added on basis of magisterial districts for the

Ciskei, 1961 - 65,

Other services. Gross value added on basis of magisterial districts for the Ciskei,

1961-65.

Migratory Labour. Gross value added on basis of magisterial districts for the Ciskei,

1961 - 65.

The Gross Geographical Product for magisterial districts and production sectors, 1961.

The Gross Geographical Product for magisterial districts and production sectors, 1962.

The Gross Geographical Product for magisterial districts and production sectors, 1963 •

(viii)/17 Page 8 35

60

62

66

69 77 80 82

86

88 91 94 96 97

98

17.

18.

19. 20. 21. 22. 23.

1.

2.

3.

(vii j)

The Gross Geographical Product for

magistcr ial districts and production sectors, 1964

The Gross Geographical Product for

magister ial districts and production sectors, 1965.

The percentage dist,~ibution of the gross geographical product of the diffe,~ent magisterial districts according to production sectors, 1961.

The percentage distribution of the gross geographical product of the different magister ial districts according to production sectors, 1965.

The percentage distribution of the total gross geograph i ca I product of the Ci ske i according to production sector s, 1961 - 65.

Analysis of the Gross Geogr aphical Product of the Ciskei on basis of magisterial districts,

1961.

Analysis of the Gross Geographical Product of the Ciskei on basis of magisterial districts,

1965.

LIST OF FIGURES.

Bantu Areas of South Africa

The Ciskei Age structure 99 100 101 102 103 104 105 2 6 42

PART I.

- 1

-CHAPTER ONE.

INTRODUCTION .

1 . THE PROBLEM DEFINED.

The genera.I political pol icy of the Republic of South Africa, with special reference to separate development of the differ~ent race groups, gave rise to the establishment of Bantu areas over the entire area of the Republic (See fig. 1) 1). These areas are, with the exception of the ar ea in the North Western Cape Province, from an agricultural point of view, of the best quality in the Republic of Sou~h Africa. From a glance al figure it is clear that a large part of the Bantu areas lies within the warmer regions of the Republic. A majority of these areas al so fal I within the good rainfal I zone of the Republic, so that a

relatively large portion of the frost--free regions of South Africa

is Bantu areas.

As far as rainfal I is concerned, the Bantu areas are especially

wel I-situated, because 76 per cent receives more than twenty inches

per year, compared to only 35 per cent of the Republic as a whole 2)

Accordingly, the agricultural circumstances and the chances for

success seem good, but al though the Bantu have al ways been

agriculturists, the Bantu areas are to-day generally regarded

as ur.iderdeveloped, despite the fact that the Bantu have been

residing in areas like the Ciskei and Transkei for well over

two hundred years.

A

typical description of the Bantu homelands can

be got from an impressionistic word picture of an underdeveloped

country, skilfully painted, by a general manager of the United

Nations Special Fund for Economic Development:

2/Figure 1 . .••••...

1) Union of South Africa. Summary of the Report of the Commission for the Socio-Economic Development of the Bantu /:...reas within the Union of South Africa, Map No. 6.

-2-0 0 ~

:!i

0 Ill .,; w ~

"'

w ~ 0 ...J

u

1,/) 2 0 Ill 0 0

- 3

-Everyone knows an under~developed country when he sees one.

It is a country character ized by poverty, with beggars in the

cities, and villagers eking out a bare subsistence in the rucal

areas. It is a country lacking in factories of its own, usually ·

_with inadequate supplies of power and Ii ght. It usually has

insufficient roads and railroads, insufficient government services

and poor communications. It has few hospitals, and few

institutions of higher learning. Most of its people cannot read

'

or write. In spite of the gener~ally prevailing poverty of the

people, it may have isolated islands of wealth, with a few persons

I . . rvrng . rn I uxury 1 ) .

Al though current I iteratur e have various criteria of underdevelopment

primary emphasis is placed upon per capita incom~, on the issue of

poverty and prosperity, al though it I eaves room for secondary

emphasis on quantity of population 3) as well as the quality of the

working population.

History has pr~oved that for a country to develop, a certain

mentality among its population is needed. Underdevelopment

is therefore, in the fir~st instance a sociological problem, fr~om

V\hich economic underdevelopment stems. Therefore, a country

is underdeveloped if its people are underdeveloped. Whether

this is the case in any specific courhtry can be judged from every phase of the inhabitants' social life; philosophy of life, traditions,

4./

attitude ... . . .

1) Hoffman, P. G. One Hundred Countries - One acid One Quarter p.

14.

QLJ:1>ted from Enke, S. Economics Billion People,

for Development, p. 16.

2) For a synopsis of these criteria, see : Agarwal a, A. N. & Singh, S. P. (ed.) The Economics of Underdevelopment, p. 9 - 13. Al so see Bonne, A. Studies in the Economic

Developinc:nt, p. 12 - 13.

3) Agarwal a, A. N. & Singh, S. P. (ed.) op. cit., p. 12 and Enke,

' S. op. cit., p. 17.

-

4-attitude towards life and death, convenience and

inconvenience and the deg,~ee in which he is aware of

his wants.

In this study a section of the Bantu hom0lands will be

analysed. F rom factual data obtained it will be possib le

to determine the status of this area, as wel I as the ,~easons for the existing situati~n. It will also be possible to detect

the bottle-necks and suggest possible solutions. It will,

however, first of al I be necessary to provide a narr~ative

description of the country, the people and the activities

of the people before the factual data is supplied. The

factual data will consist of gross geographical income per capita on basis of magisterial districts for a five year period

viz. 1961 - 65, or the first Ciskeian five year plan lodged

by the Department of Bantu Administration and Development.

Such an analysis of a Bantu area should broadly reveal the

position of most Bantu areas in the Republic, should the necessary qua! ifications be brought into consider ation.

2. THE SCOPE OF THE INVESTIGATION.

The investigation treats the Bantu areas of the Eastern

Cape Province, or the Ci skei. The concept Ciskei, however, has no generally accepted definition, and is different for

purposes of administration, geographical description, climatic description or other purposes. In the strict sense of the word the term 11_Ciskei11 _{implies the area to the west of the}

Kei River, but in the language of the people it has become

generally accepted to include al I the Bantu areas of the Eastern Cape Province.

- 5

-According to the I atter exp I anation the Bantu a1'eas of

the Ciskei, as allocated under the Chief Bantu Affairs

Commissione1' of the Ciskei, can be divided into two

main resions, viz. the Ciskei-proper and the Scattere d-Ciskei. This division explains itself if the map of the Eastern Cape Province Bantu areas is studied (F ig. 2) 1 )_

The Ci skei --proper consists of the concentration of Bantu

areas in the districts of East London, l<ing William's Town, Keiskammahoek, Middledrift, Victoria East, Peddie and Fort Beaufort.

The Scattered-Ciskei includes the remainder of the Bantu areas in the Eastern Cape Province which I ies scattered in loose units from as far south as Humansdorp up to Herschel on the border of the kingdom of L esotho.

Accordingly, the Scattered-Ciskei includes all the Bantu areas in the districts of Stutterheim, Cathcart, Queenstown, Glen-Grey, Humansdorp and Herschel.

According to this division the Ci ske i-proper (hereafter referred to as the Ciskei) can be defined as the Bantu areas to the west of the Kei River, to the south of the Winterbe rg-Amatol a mountain range, to the east of the Kat and Fish Rivers, with the Indian Ocean as the final border. It lies in a general north western direction as can clearly be seen on fig. 2.

The most northern point of the Ciskei is the northern beacon of the Nyarneni I ocation in the Amatola mountain range on

32° 331 _{I ati tude South. From this point it stretches due}

south to the mouth of the Great Fish River as the most southern point on 33° 301 _{latitude south. The most western point is} the railway station Baddaford on 26° 341 _{longitude East with} the Kwenxura location in the east as the most eastern point

6

_,

/

F·

_{_}

_1gure

_{. 2}

.

....

1) Els, W.C. Die.Fisiese Gesteldheid van die Ciskei en enkele aspekte van die Potensiaal, Fig.

1.

0. F

.

S

.

,

...

,

...

.)>••·' • ) ( ~

-6-TH£

C

IS

K

E.1

, . . . 28° ...

,.

_.J }

,

·

'

·-·

-·

..

.

-

,,,. ; , y-'· ,,..

·,

,,· I ;

,.

\

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TRANSKEI

r----

---1---_J·

.,

~-,

.'

·-·~

I

.~

_,., f

CATHCART FIG. 2. 5<:.ALE IO S O 10

I

b-d

I

Ml LES

7

-. 0

on28 9 1 longitudeEast.

The Ciskei was chosen and defined as set out above in

agreement with the principles taken into account by the Bureau

of Market Research in the demarcation of economic regions 1 )_

• "According to the principle of homogeneity, the boundaries of

an area must be dema1~cated in accordance with the degree of

similarity in r espect of one or a combination of economic,

physical, social and other characteristics. Areas g1~ouped

together as a homogeneous region may differ in respect of

certain characteristics, but the degree of similarity must be

greater than the degree of difference2).

The principle, however, was not adhered to in the case of the Eastern Cape Province with the 1960 demarcation of

economic regions. Accordingly the definition of the Ciskei

differed substantially from the economic region number 19 as

d etermine . d b y t h e B ureau o f C ensus an d S tat1st1cs · · 3) . The

districts of East London, King William 1s Town, Keiskammahoek, Middledrift, Victoria-East, Fort Beaufor t and Peddie are

homogeneous in respect of population and physical aspects,

especially since they are all on the seaward side of the

mountains. Fort Beaufort is included in this area mainly because the Healdtown Fingo location extends from

Victoria-East into the Fort Beaufort district4).

The population and area of each district for the period

s/

1961 - 1_{65 . . . .}

1) Nel, P.A. Changes in the Bou,ndaries of the Economic Regions, p. 1 ff.

2) Ibid.

3) The division of the Bureau of Market Research of the University of South Africa corresponds to the view of the author, with the exception of Fort Beaufort which is

regarded as part of the Ciskei by the author.

4)

This is the only difference between the division made in this study and that of the Bureau of Market Research.

- 8

-1961 - 1_{65 is set out in table 1.}

T ABLE

. 1 ) 1 •

POPULATION IN BANTU AREAS AND AREA PER MAGISTERIAL

DISTRICT OF THE CISKEI FOR THE PERIOD 1961 - 65.

AREA

-

_(Square

DISTRICT POPUL ATION Miles.)

1 961 1962 1963 1964 1965

East London 29945 32165 34585 36606 38721

Fort Beaufort 5009 5109 5211 5315 5Li-2 1

Kei skammahoek 21346 21773 22208 22652 23105 King William's Town 69681 71075 72497 73947 75426 Mi ddl edrift 28395 28963 29542 30133 30736 Peddie 22581 23033 23494 23964 24443 Victoria East 15005 15305 1 5611 15923 16241 TOTAL 191962 197423 203148 208540 214093

3. METHOD OF INVESTIGATION.

The method of investigation to be used in this research will differ from other regional gross geographical product studies in that provision

195 20 123 450 291 279 118 1476

will have to be made for the role played by tribal customs, beliefs and rituals in the Bantu economy, especially in the case of the rural Bantu

areas which are sti 11 I ess influenced by European economy and reveal major characteristics of Bantu tribal economy. Accordingly,

two methods of research will be used in this investigation, viz. a narrative analysis and a quantitative analysis.

The narrative analysis alone will be used in chapters _11,

.!....!J.

and IV to describe the historical development of the Ciskei as well as some relevant cultural and physical phenomena.

9/The historical . . . .

1) Department of Bantu Administration and Development - Agricultural and Engineering Section of the Chief Bantu Affairs Commissioner's Office. Agricultural Annual Report 1961, 1962, 1963, 1964, 1965. Also see App_endix p. 11 '1.

- 9

-The historical narration will br iefly treat the a,~rival and

sett I emenl of both the Ban tu and European population groups

as wel I as the evolvement of the Bantu areas.

The cu I tural aspects have most i mpo,~tant inf I uences on the

economy of the Bantu and wi 11 be treated under the fol lowing

headings: homestead settlement, division of labour among men,

women and children, economic organization, with special

reference to aspects such as agronomic production, animal

husbandry, domestic ·industries, ownership, ·obligations and

i nheri lance. It will be pointed out how each of these aspects

exercises a substantial influence on the economy of a tribe.

The physical phenomena with relevance to the Ciskeian

economy will be treated under the headings : Relief, climate,

soil types, vegetation, farming possibilites, water supply

and irrigation and minerals. In addition, the sex and age

structure of the Ci skei an people wi 11 al so be analysed, since these

two aspects have most important influence on the economy and

the economic potential of the area.

Part three treats the sectoral analysis and the methodology

applied. The first part of each chapter will consist of a

narrative description of special factors pertaining to the

Ci ske i an economy.

The descriptive method of approach towards the economy

of the Ciskei gives a fair idea of the contribution of the Bantu

towards the economic development of the Ciskei in particular,

and South Africa in general. It is, however, not satisfactorily

for planning purposes, since it gives no definite basis for

- 10

-forecasting which is indispensable in any planning project.

In the recent few decades the quantitative rather than the

qua Ii tative approach played an important part in many countries 1

economics . . This was, among others, a result of the new

"Keynesian approach", which diverted the attention of

economists from micro-economic analysis and the descriptive

economy to macro-economics and the factual or quantitative

approach.

The second method, viz. the quantitative analytical approach

was initially run on national basis, but it was soon realized

that these figures could not be interpreted reaiistlcally with

regards to the national economic structure of a country, since

a study of national aggregates may fail to disclose the nature of

the problems that affect the constituent parts.

This is especially the case in South Africa with its radical

differences in climate, soil types, mineral deposits, etc., and

the corresponding differences in economic activities and

accordingly, population 1). Accordingly, a regional quantitative

approach was employed and has since its initiation increased in importance for various reasons set out below2). This method

wi 11 be used to determine gross geographical product added on

magisterial district basis for the period 1961 - 65 according

to a sectorial analysis as set out in the standard industrial classification3) as modified for the area under consideration. The results for each sector wi 11 be given at the end of the relative chapter, and the final results

11/wi 11 ••••••••

1)

The population composition is, however, not only determined

by economic factors, but al so by historical, political and

social factors, as will be seen below.

2) Chapter V,

p,

48.

- 11

-wi 11 be taken together at the end.

From this the importance of each sector· will be pointed

out, the results analysed and deductions made.

PART 11.

---A BRIEF NARRATIVE BACKGROUND OF THE PEOPLE AND AREA UNDER CONSIDERATION.

- 1 2

-C HAPTER II.

HISTORICAL DEVELOPME!'-IT OF THE ClSl-<EI.

1.

EVOLUTION OF THE CISKEI.

The first inhabitants of the C iskei of whom we have histor ical

evidence, were Bantu people cal I ed the Xhosa, descendants of

the ancient chief Xosa 1 )_ These Bantu people came from the

north and entered the present day Republic of South Africa

in three racial streams known as the Abe-Nguni, Abe-Mbo

and Arna-Lal a2). The Abe-Nguni stream included among others

the Arna-Xhosa section which was ruled by Xosa (1535 - 1560):

According to tradition they sett! ed on the Kei Riv'3r during

1670 - 7"5 under their chief Togu.

Soon after the first European inhabitants settled in the eastern parts of the Cape of Good Hope in 1652 the Xhosa drove the

Hottentots, who separated them from the Europeans, southwards. These Hot ten tots or Strand! ope rs 3) wer e the first people with whom the European set ti e,~s came into contact and it was not unti I about 1702 that the first contact between the Xhosa and Europeans took pl ace to the West of the Great Fi sh River 4).

The gradual western movements of the Xhosa continued

1 3/

to . . . .

1) For con tempi at ion of earlier inhabitants, see:

Thea!, G. M. Geschiedenis van Zuid-Afrika. Chapter one. 2) Burton, A. W. Sparks from the Border Anvi I,

Glossary. For more detail also see : de Jager, E.J. Die Geskiedenis van die Arna-Xhosa en Ama-Tembu. In Historia, volume IX, no. 3. p. 219.

3) Cory, G.E. The Rise ofSouthAfrica, Vol.

1.

p. 5. 4) Ibid., p. 20 ..

- 13

-to such an extent that under Palo ·they took up their

location in the lzeli-district near the present day King Williarn1_s Town1), whilst Rarabe1_{s sons settled along the Amatola}

mountain range and in the area between the Keiskamma and

_ Buffalo Rivers. Jt was in these areas that sevet'al wars were waged between the Europeans and Xhosa in a fierce

struggle for power.

In the meantime the Europeans were al so expanding their

territory eastward, and in 1778, after a tour by governor

van Plettenberg, the region as fai' east as the Great Fish

River, became recognised - though not lawfully proclaimed

until November 17802), whilst in 1819 the Keiskamma River

was proclaimed as the new boundary of l<.affi rl and3).

2. THE EVOLVEMENT OF THE BANTU AREAS.

In 1806 the British Government finally took over the Cape

of Good Hope from the Batavian Republic. This resulted in

a clash between Afrikaner and Briton in the Cape of Good Hope,

but in contrast to the clash between European and Non-European,

this clash was not confined to the military mileu only. One

of the main points of strife was the difference in cultural

background which brought the Afrikaner in direct confrontation

1) Ibid,, p.24.

2) Ibid,, p. 3.

3) Kaffi rl and after the name 11_{Kaffi r'' given to the} natives of South Africa at that time.

- 14

-with foreign missionaries in South Africa who were inspired by philantropical writings of Rousseau and others, proclaiming freedom, equality and br~otherhood. These ideologies were conveyed especially to the Non-Europeans, which brought the Afrikaners in direct confrontation with a line of thought unknown and unacceptable to them. It was especially the strict Puritan tendency of the Afrikaners of the nineteenth century that was irreconcilable with the new philosophy.

11Vir

die Voortrekker, . . . was di t vol gens godsdi ens ti ge

oor tuiging onbetaaml ik en verkeerd om met onbeskaafde Nie -Blankes op gelyke voet te verkee,~ 111 )_

This principle of separation between the two main race groups was acknowledged in the cons ti tut ion of ₁₁Het Zui d-Afrikaanse Republiek11 _{(Transvaal) which r·ead} 11 Th_{at the} Republic admits no equality between coloured and White inhabitants, either in Church or State11 , and also that 11 no coloured persons nor halfcasts are admitted to meetings of Volksraad, nor to any civic privileges 112 ).

The Afrikaners of the Republics 3) realized that the European had'to protect himself against the rapid integration of the

Bantu in economic, social and political spheres and accordingly gave the Non-European no equal political ,~ights.

This pol icy was in direct contrast to the more I iberal policies pursued by the British Government Officials in

the Cape Province and Natal with regard to the Non-European population .. This is clearly proved in the Constitution

15/of . . . .

1) Nel, D. E. Die Verbreiding van die Bevolking in die Transke i-Gebi ede, Vol. I, p. 235.

2) Macmillan, W.M. Bantu, Boer and Briton: The Making of the South African Native Problem, p. 10. Also Nel, D. E. op.cit., p.237.

3) 11 Republ ics 11 here refers to the Republics of the Orange Free State and 11 Het Zuid-Afrikaanse Republ iek. 11

- 1 S

-of the Cape Colony in 1853 where no distinction was made between race and colour for franchise purposes.

The first trace of es tab! i shment of the present Bantu areas was found as early as 1903 - 05 when an inter-Colonial

South African Native Affairs Commission 1) r ecommended that land be put aside by proclamation for the Bantu in the

form of reserves.

The report played a major role in the dr~awing up and proclamation of the Native L and P,ct no. 27/19132), the main purpose being 11_{to make further pr·ovision as to the}

purchase and leasing of land by Natives and othe1~ Persons in sever al parts of the Union and for other purposes in connection

with the owner ship and occupation of land by Natives and other

Persons113)_ Under this Act the Ciskeian Native Areas were demarcated more or I ess as they were scheduled after the

1 877 - 78 Kaffi

r

War 4). This act also laid down that, except with the approval of the Governor-General, no Native could

acquire any land but that in the scheduled native area as set out in the appendix to the act. It should also be noted that no

person other than a native could acquire any land in the scheduled native areas S).

11_{Die Naturelle-Landwet, . . . was duidel ik 'n tydel ike}

16/ maa tree1 . . . .

1) Report of the South African Native Affairs Commission,

1 903 - OS, p. I.

2) The Union Statutes 1910 - 47. Classified and Annotated

Reprint, Vol. 10, p. 135 ff. This law was amended by the

Native Trust and Land Act, no. 18/1936, and the Native

Laws Amendment Act, no. 46/1937. Also see Brookes,

E. H. The History of Native Policy in South Africa from 1830

to the present day, 1927. p. 334.

3) Ibid.

4) Union of South Africa. Report of the Commission for the

Socio-Economic Development of the Bantu Areas within the

Union of South Africa, 1955, vol. 4, ch, 11, p. 8

- 16

-maatreel om die status quo i nsake ei enaar skap en bewon ing

van grond in die Unie sowel ten opsigte van nature! le as

van ander persone te handhaaf, vi r soverre di t gedaan kan

word sander veel moei I ikhede te veroorsaak I _{totdat ander} voorsiening deur die Parl ement gernaak sou kan word1 111

).

This act is clearly proof of the intention of the Government

to lay down definitely, for South Africa as a whole, the

principle of possessor y segregation on cultural and racial grounds2).

The act further provided for the appointment of a commission,

the Native Land Commission or so-called Beaumont-Commission3).

This Commission submitted its report in 1916, but nothing

came from its recommendations until 1936 with the proclamation

of the Native Trust and Land Act no. 1 B/1936. A corporate

body, to be called the South African Native Trust (the Trust) was

constituted by this act, and was intended to 11_{be administered}

for the settlement, support, benefit and material and moral

welfare of the Native of the Union114). Section six of this act

states that 11_{there shall be vested in the Trust}

-a. Al I Crown I and which has been reserved

or set aside for the occupation of the natives;

b. all Crown land within the scheduled native areas,

and al I Crown I and within the r el eased areas11_5).

17 / The . . . .

1) Unie van Suid Afrika. Offisiele jaarboek van die Unie en van

Basoetoel and, Betsjoeanal and-protektoraa t en Swazi I and. no. 8, 1910 - 25, p. 946.

2) Brookes, E. H. op. cit., p. 334.

3) After the chairman of the Commission, Sir William Beauman:.

4) Sttatutes of the Union of South Africa, 1936. Act no. 18/1936,

chapter two, section 4, p. 92.

- 17

-The Act al so provided that the Tr~ust may from time to

time acquire land for native settlement1), _provided that

the land acquir'ed does not exceed seven and a quarter million

morgen in total, and specifically 1, 616, 000 mo,~gen in

the Province of the Cape of Good Hope.

Under this act the

·

c

i skei an Ban tu areas al so fel I under the

Native Trust, and although the consolidation of the Ciskei

is not complete since al I farms and land set aside for the Bantu by Act 1

s/

1936 have not as yet been bought,

the area wi 11 more or I ess, except for the final boundary,

be the same as that indicated in this dissertation.

1

s/

Chapter I I I .

- 18

-CHAPTER I l l.

CU LTURAL PHENOMENA

OF THE CISKEI.

1. HOMESTEAD SETTLEMENT.

The typical-Ciskeian scene is cluster s of huts, grouped together

in a dozen or so to form a typical Xhosa homestead settlement,

found at irregular distances scattered over the 1,476 square

miles area which it comprises. Each homestead settlement

has its cattle-kraals nea,~ to the homestead in contrast to the lands

and pastu,~e grounds, the fields for cultivation, the water supply,

washing places and the spots where wood is gathered, which

are usually a considerable distance from the homestead

settlement which uses it.

The cattle-kraal forms the centre of the homestead, around which the dwel I ings or houses are arranged. The space

between the huts and the kraal is used for social and business

gatherings.

The houses are arranged in more or less a semi-circle,

facing east ward where possible. The pl an of the typical

Xhosa homestead is dominated by the nature of the polygamous

family which forms the basic social, economic and educative

unit. The homestead is also important from the point of view

of authority. According to it the huts are arranged

in accordance with the status of each wife since the wives

are each allocated a specific position in the Xhosa household.

2. DIVISION OF LABOUR.

The main division of labour among Xhosa, as among most

other Bantu tribes, is between men and women in general and

sub-division between the age groups of the different

- 19

-sexes.

The men usually go to the cattle-kr~aal where they spend

most of the day in ta I k, with or without a background of

work to accompany it. 11_{The talk may be merely desultor~y,}

in which case most of the men engage in some seated handicraft

as wel I - braying skins, carving objects out of wood or ho,~n,

making wi re-wor·k, weaving baskets, etc. The talk may al so

be important, in which case accompanying work tends to stop111).

Usually the talking is accompanied by beer dr inking and inter

-mi ttent sleeping. In agriculture, the men clear the new fields

of trees and occasionally take part in planting, weeding and

reaping nowadays, al though the actual ti 11 ing of the soi I, from

the initial planting to the final reaping and threshing is mainly

done by women and older girls.

Al I work connected with cat tie, goats and sheep, e.g. the

herding, milking and slaughtering, is essentially the work of

the men since women are prohibited by taboo from handling

these animals2).

The men also help with hut- and kraal building, and supervise

the boys and youths in their activities, but on the whole the

Xhosa men are relatively inactive. 11_{The average Bantu in the}

20/ Areas . . . .

1) Schapera, I. (ed.) The Bantu-Speaking Tribes of South Africa,

p. 149ff.

2) This taboo acts as a safe-guard to promote the general wel I being

of catt!e. Accordingly newly-widowed, pregnant and other

ritually 11_impure11 _{persons are forbidden to approach the anim,3ls}

closely or walk through the herd. Cattle are always closely connected

to the ancestral spirits which are regarded as holy by the Xhosa. The

women being subject to menstrual periods are prohibited from the

cattle-kraal and the handling of the cattle, sinceduring such times

they are liable 11_{to defile anything they come into contact with}11_•

20

-Areas places a high value on leisure and displays a rapidly increasing marginal disutility of effort11

_1).

The younger men and older boys who are not with the

cattle wi 11 busy themselves with manual I abour accompanied by

much shouting and joking, while the younger boys take the

stock to the pasture, and the very smal I boys attend to the sheep, goats and other smal I stock.

The Xhosa women fetch water and gather wood, and during the rest of the day they busy themselves about their manifold household duties. The older women I ook after the homes lead and smaller children, stamp maize, make pots and prepare beer. The younger women I abour in the fields for the who I e

d ay w h ere t h ey o sowing, wee d . d.

mg,

reap1ng, etc. . . . 2) .

The Bantu economy is great! y hampered by the many traditions in connection with the division of I abour. In many forms of production the only division of labour is between the sexes. Actually, everywhere among the Bantu, sex traditionally determines different occupations3).

The economic I ife of the Bantu has, however undergone a great change since they came into contact with the Europeans. Not only the customary labour division has been influenced, but also home-crafts to a large extent. As the influence of Western civi Ii zation expanded, the personal economic self-sufficiency declined. Factory-made articles rep I aced many of their home-craft products which are of

21/ inferi_or. . .

1) Samuels, L. H. (ed.) African Studies in Income and Weal th,

p.

234.

2) Bruwer, J.P. Die Bantoe van Suid Afrika, p. 115 - 17. 3) Hunter, M. Reaction to Conquest : Effects of contact with

Europeans on the Poncio of South Africa, pp. 73 - 75; 85 - 91; 95 - 108.

- 21

-inferior qua! i ty to the machine-made rep! i cas. The modern metal plough pulled by oxen has created a difficult set of

. 1 )

circumstances . On the one hand women are not al lowed to work with cattl e, and on the other hand, men do not wo1~k in the fields. Economic gain and the possibiltiy of greater

prosperity as wel I as i nab i Ii ty on behalf of women to hand I e the new plough and oxen, has meant that

mm

are compel led to do the ploughing. Hunter

2

)

states that 11_{the taboo on women}

working with cattle has prevented them from assisting in the pl anting when ploughs are used and pl ouging is now r egarded as the \.'IJ'.Ork of the boys and young men . . . . Women pl ant what patches are cultivated by hand11_•

3. ECONOMIC ORGANIZATION. 3. 1 General.

Before contact with the Europeans the Xhosa of the

Ci skei, Ii ke the other Bantu tribes of South Africa, were relatively self-sufficient. They provided food and she! ter for themselves by breeding cattle, growing grain and pump-kins, hunting, making cJ othes, huts of clay, wood and grass, as well as household utensils and weapons from materials at hand. It was a simple firsthand or primary confrontation with their ow. environment since very little technology was known or applied.

3. 2 Land.

Among the Ciskeian Bantu, as probably among all other Bantu tribes in South Africa, al I I and traditional I y be! onged

22/

to . • . . . 1) Tractors are not yet in evidence since the individuals have not

sufficient capital, whi I e the sizes of plots do not as yet justify such an expenditure.

A

number of chiefs and Bantu Affairs Commissioners Offices possess tractors which the Bantu can hire at R3-50 per morgen for ploughing and planting.

22

-to the tribe as a whole. Individual owner ship was not practised and I and tenure was on a communal basis. The Cape of Good Hope Commission on Native Laws and Customs of 1883 found that, acco1~ding to Native custom,

the paramount chief is theoretically regarded as the owner of the land occupied by a tribe, and acts as trustee, holding it for the people, who occupy and use it in subordination to him on communistic principles1).

The main features of the present system of tenu1~e in the unsurveyed locations of the Ciskei are that the al location of

lands is in the hands of the Bantu Affairs Commissioner who acts after consu I tati on with the headman. Provision is made for registration of allotments upon which the allotment holder receives a document in the form of permission to occupy a plot. Provision is also made in Proclamation no. 302 of 1928 as amended, fo1~ the protection, transfer, temporary absence of the holder, devolution of rights in

case of death, r emoval of improvements, rights to commonage, cancellation of rights of occupation, etc.

The extent of a homestead site is usually approximately half a morgen (one acre) whereas the arable allotment of an economic unit is generally six morgen. The arable allotment invariably consists of various pieces of land with a total of about six morgen.

The livelihood of the Bantu is intimately bound up with their system of land tenure.

It

has always been the chief source of making a living, and this is still to-day to a very large extent, the case with the Xhosa of the Ci skei.

23/Of the . . . .

- 23

-Of the total Bantu population of 308,535 in the magisterial

districts under consideration, 220, 115 are regarded as

rural l)_ Of these 183, 115 live in the Ciskeian Bantu Areas2).

It is thus very clear that land is most important to the

Ciskeian Bantu. A statement of Schapera in connection

with I and use by the Bantu, I argel y applies to the Ci skei an

Bantu, al so: 11_{They erect their dwel I ings on the I and,}

cultivate it, graze their livestock upon it, and hunt over its sur face.

They use it1_{s water for domestic purposes and for their herds}

and flocks; they eat the wi Id fruits and the foods it produces

and make medicines from its vegetation; they convert its

wood into huts, palisades ar:)d various utensils, and its

reeds and grass into basket work, thatch and string;

and they extract from it metals, clay for their pots, and

earth for the floors and walls of their huts113).

Once a man has been granted some I and it r emains his

possession for as I ong as he I ives there. He has the so I e right

on his arable I and whether he cu I tivates or not, but can never

sell it to an outsider. Should he finally abandon the spot his

I and reverts to the tribe as a who I e and can subsequent I y be

assigned to someone else.

The natural r esources of the I and, especial I y the grazing,

however, are common property and are never reserved for the

use of any particular person. This rule also applies to

other natural resources, e.g. water, wood, grass, clay,

edible plants and fruit, etc.

24/3. 3 . . . .

1) According to the 1960 census.

2) According to the 1960 census of the Department of Bantu

Administration and Development :Annual report 1960.

- 24

-3. 3 Livestock.

The position with r egard to livestock, however, is

totally diffe,~ent. Cattle and other domestic animals

are considered private property. The owner of these can give them away, sel I and slaughter them at wi 11.

The economic aspect of the possession of cattle is not the

only impo1'tant aspect. Social and other motives al so

play an important and dominant role.

The seriousness of the vast overstocking in the Ciskei is clear proof of this. Catt I e are often used as a means of payment, especially where payment is due to a fellow Bantu, e.g. fines, taxation or lobola.

The produce of the stock and I ands is recognised as belonging to particular houses, and as such is reserved for the use of the inmates, e.g. milk, wool, eggs and grain. The women usua 11 y work with these pr educe, but they cannot sell it, give it away or, in the case of corn, make large quantities of beer without their husbands I _consent.

4. OBLIGATIONS.

Closely connected with the previous section are the

principal obi igations among the Bantu between members of the same cl an in regard to property and services. These obligations especially pertain to members of the same clan or family as well as between individuals and their chief.

With all Bantu tribes there are special obligations towards relatives. They are entitled to special hospitality and are invited to al I feasts where each receives special portions of the meat, beer and such food as is available. On the other hand, whenever a man has any big task on hand, he may, instead of raising a workparty

-

25

-call upon his relatives for assistance.

Apart from these economic and other obi igations, a man

must also pay tribute to his chief, both in labour and in

kind. The chief even has the I ega I power to enforce the

customary tribute accruable to him. Thus, he receives

a portion of al I fines I evied in the tribal court, he can cal I

upon his subjects to perform various tasks for~ him and his

wives, and upon his appointment as chief he receives cattle

from the head of every family. The result of this is that

the chief is usually the largest cattle-owner of the tribe.

On the other hand, a quality always required of a chief

is generosity. It is expected of him to provide beer and

meat in liberal quantities when people visit him, assist him

at court or work for him. Thus the economic advantages

of being a chief are balanced by his obligations.

5. INHERITANCE.

Inheritance, I ike most other aspects of tribal I ife, is also

governed by various traditional rules. The heir in each house

is the eldest son, who on the death of his father inherits al I the

I ivestock and other property of the particular house in which

he was born. Daughters do not inherit anything, and it is

the task of the brothers to look after their sisters. The

results of an investigation into these customs in the Ciskei

today, prove that the widow inherits all the belongings of

the man which automatically then goes to the eldest son. He

must then take care of his mother and the rest of the fami I y

when he is old enough to take over the responsibilities

which thus devolve upon him.

26

-6. CONCLUSION.

The spread of Western civilization over South Africa has al so inf I uenced the Ci skei an ><hos a. Thei ,~ economic I ife has under gone great changes since first contact with the Europeans. Much of their earlier life has been

altered and modified with the introduction of money and European machine manufactured goods which replaced

many native articles, e.g. agricultural implements, c!othing, domestic utensi Is, etc. Thus, new methods of agriculture, stockbreeding, new systems of trade and new forms of occupation have been introduced which have brought great reforms in Xhosa I ife and customs. The main characteristics of the economi c I ife of the Xhosa, have, however, been

maintained to a certain degree. They are stil I a pastoral people, and in a lesser degree, agriculturists, and still organised in clans.

The introduction of schools and a university in the Ciskei by the missionaries and later by the government has

contributed considerably to the development of the Ciskei, but the percentage of trained labour that remains in the Ciskei is negligible. The Ciskei and its people still belong to the category of developing countries in which a high percentage of productive resources is wasted unproductively. This, however, need not be the case, since the physical resources available should enable them to make a better living.

2.

- 27

-CHAPTER IV.

PHYSICAL PHENOMENA OF THE CI SKEI.

1. INTRODUCTION.

From a climatological point of view, the Ciskei-proper is

most suitable for human habitation. Nowhere in the whole

of the Ciskei do we find such cold areas, or such dry

or wet regions that it is unfit for human sett I ement.

Not even the mountain area, except for the rocky cliffs

or river beds, bars human entrance and economic exploitation.

The climate, soi I types and vegetation are general I y such a

quality that it is easily accessible to the human entrepreneur.

The exp Io i tab i Ii ty of the Ci ske i is al so proved by the very dense

rural population, since the degree of habitability of an area

is determined by the actual human exploitation.

The physical phenomena of the Ciskei discussed in this

chapter, include relief, climate, soil types and vege_tation.

PHYSICAL PHENOMENA.

2. 1 Relief of the Ciskei.

A

study of relief supplies us with a background fordrainage,

climatological differences, rainfal I, soi I types and vegetation.

The relief of the Ciskei varies from the coastal belt which

stretches inland for about 15 miles and up to a height of

about 1,000 feet above sea-level. From here the Ciskeian

plateau stretches for about sixty miles inland and reaches

a height of approximately 3,000 feet. As the northern

boundary we have the Amatola mountain range with its highest peaks up to more than 6, 000 feet above sea-I eve I.

-

28

-The gr~eat height of Lhe Amatola range, the

numerous branches o-f the Buffalo and Keiskamma Rivers

and the short distaDce between the mountain r~ange and the sea, r enders the Ci skei a rel a I ivel y water-abundant country.

The effective drainage network of streams and rivulets and the

high rainfall in the mountain area, contributes greatly to

the exploitability o-f the Ciskei. Thus Els1) ar~gues that the

Amatola mountain range promotes the hydroloJicai cycle over

the Ciskei - t_he formation of orographic precipitation and the run-off from the mountain catchment area through the

Keiskamma and Buffalo drainage systems across the coastal

plateau and coastal belt. back to the sea. In addition to this

advantage and its general I oca tion, i. e. between the mount a ins

and the sea, the Ciskei is eminently habitable since the whole

of the coastal belt and the Ciskeian plateau is relatively flat.

This boosts both agriculture and stock breeding and, in

addition, has other economic advantages, e.g. cheap road and railway construction, irrigation possibilites, etc.

2. 2 C limate of the Ciskei.

The climate of the Ciskei is generally pleasant to

the human being and suitable for a very large variety of economic activities.

29/ The Ciskeian

- 29

-The Ciskeian coastal belt has a temper~ate moist climate

with rain throughout the yea1~1}. The main rain season

is in the summer with a maximum in Murch and a minimum

in June. The annual rainfall of this area is about forty

inches per year which renders it suitable for intensive

cultivation, especiaily of tropical fruits and vegetables. This

possi bi Ii ty is further corroborated by the fact that the winters

are frost-free, whilst the summers are relatively cooler than

would be expected.

The Ciskeian plateau also falls in a zone with rain throug

h-out the year, though the winte,~s are much drier than those

of the coas ta I be It. It has a minimum rainfall of twenty inches

per year in some parts, but has a general average of 25 - 30

inches per annum. The water supply in the winter is, however, supplemented by falls of snow on the mountains. In addition

it has a frost period of about 30 days per year which renders

it less suitable for the production of tropical fruit tha.n the

coastal belt.

The annual rainfall in the Ciskeian mountain area, i.e. the

Arna tol a-Winterberg range, is often more than 60 inches per

year2), which renders summer grazing most favou,~able.

During winter, however, it is cold and has frequent falls of

snow, but this again supplements the water supply during

the dr ier winter months.

The maximum mean temparature in the Ciskei is about

82° Fahrenheit (28° Celsius) during January, but extremes

30/of . . .

1) According to the method of Koppen as applied to South Africa

by Schultz. Union of South Africa. Summary of the report of the Commission for the socio-economic development of the

Bantu Areas within the Union of South Africa, The Government Printer, Pretoria,

1955.

p. 47 & map

16.

2) Departement van Landbou.

111 , p.

62.

- 30

-of 109° Fahrenheit (LJ.3° Celsius) are also known at times

when hot1_{berg winds' blow.}

mean temparature is round about ?0° Fahrenheit (21° Celsius), but can rise to 93° Fahrenheit (34° Celsius) on exceptionally hot days.

The whole of the Ciskei can be descr ibed as having a temperate

rainy climate which is regarded as one of the world's most

productive climates. We do, however, find relative extremes

between the warme1~, wetter and frost-free coastal belt and the coole1~, drier and frost-stricken nor th-weste,~n par'ts of the Ciskeian plateau.

The climatological factors have an important bearing on the economic potential of the Ciskei. The fine soil, the high rainfall

and good regional dist,~ibution of water, r encJer the Ciskei eminently

suitable for both agriculture and stock-farming - a fact which fits the tradi on al set-up of the Ci ske i an Ban tu very wel I.

2. 3 Soil types of the Ciskei.

Although the soils of South Africa comprises an unusually

comp I icated mixture of various types, a fairly homogeneous Gley-like podsolic soil is found in the Ciskei. ''Alie gronde

op die sedimentere gesteentes wat 95% van die Ciskei oppervlakte

beslaan is primer dieselfde tipe, naamlik sanderige tot san

dleem-gronde en klei tot kleileemgronde en weens klimaat en plantegroei is die Groot-Ciskei bepaald podsolies11_{1). It is formed by the}

decomposition of aqueous rock, especially shale, sandstone and

laterite under conditions of a relatively high rainfall.

31/ The soil

1) Union of South Africa. Report of the Commission for the

Socio-Economic Development of the Bantu Areas within the

- 31

-The soil is usually sour, and requires ,~egular manuring,

to which it ,~cacts favourab I y.

An importnnt aspect that must be borne in mind is that

all fer tile soil is not of necessity productive soil, since p;~oductivity of soil is determined by, inter alia, relief, slope, drainage, vegetation, soil biotics and climatological

aspects, e. g, temperature and ,~ainfal I.

A further component which cont,~ibutes to the fertility and productivity of the Ciskeian soil is the dolerite formations

which are found in la,~ge quantities everywhere in this region.

The dolerite decomposes relatively quickly to form b!ack

and red clayey soil which is excellent for cultiviation,

especially along sloping terrain, since this type of soil

is to a large extent resistant to soil erosion. This characteristic

renders it all the more valuable, especially against the back

-ground of the unscientific agricultural practices in the Ciskei.

The soil of the coastal belt consists mainly of red and black

clayey decompositions. It is cultivated intensively and is

especially favourable for pineapple growing, and to a lesser degree for fodder, corn and meal i e crops.

The Ciskeian plateau also comprises large decompositions

of dolerite, but its productivity is hampered by layers of

shale which r ende,~s cultivation more difficult. In the

western parts of the Ciskei traces of lime can also be

found in the shale, which implies that these parts are not

- 32

-suitable for agricultu,~e, but for stock-breeding instead.

Vegetation is, however, more scanty in these parts and overstocking can completely ruin the potential of these areas.

Influenced by the general occurrence of dolerite, by the favourable climate and good vegetal cover, the soi I of the Amatola mountain area generally is of good depth and texture. Dolerite clay and clay loams appear~ on the slopes, grey loams to black clay at the lower elevations and peat soils on the plateau1). In the Amatola forests earthworms have command of the fo,~est floor to the extent that the annua I fa 11 of I eaves is consumed and i ncorpo,~a ted in the soil.

On the whole, depending on the degree ·of abuse, the soil is good, receptive and retentive of moisture, while the natural contrivances of the catchment (vegetat_ion, slope, etc.) - as far as they still exist and function -are also good for regulating the run-off2). In toto, the soil of the Ciskei enables its inhabitants to set a high standard of agriculture, should the possibilities be exploited.

2. L~ Vegetation of the Ciskei.

Since the earliest days the Ciskeian Bantu has gone by vegetation to determine the fertility of the soil3)_ It is also an important element in the determination of the potential of an area for stock farming.

33/ The three . . . .

1) Department of Agr~icultural Technical Services. Report of the Interdepartmental Committee on the Conservation of Mountain Catchments in South Africa._ p. 47 !.

2) Ibid.

- 33

-The three main climatological a1~ ,as of the Ciskei can be classified for vegetational purposes in accordance

I I, C , , 1)

with the division by t,e Tom 1nson omm1ss1on :

The vegetation of the Ciskeian coastal belt can be classified as Eastern coastal bushvel d. This type of vegetation

consists of moist and dry forests, coast dune bush, gulley

and riverine bush2), as wel I as a scrubby of Acacia

woodland3) which is dominently found in this area.

The Ciskeian plateau has a typical Zululand Thornveld

vegetation. It consists of scattered bushes, mainly Acacia

Karoo with vast grass I ands thr.nughout 4). These grass! ands

fall naturally into two main classes, viz. the sweetveld of

the war~m areas with a low rainfal I, and the sourveld found in the cool er and wetter ar~eas. The great advantage of the sweetveld is that it is palatable both in summer and in winter,

whereas the sourveld is palatable in summer only.

The sweetveld is mainly found in we! I-managed areas, but

unluckily this case is still the exception rather than the

rule in the Ciskei. The sour grassveld is more commonly found in the Ciskei. It has a particularly high carrying

capacity under circumstances of proper husbandry, but as has been said, it unluckily loses its nutritive value

during winter.

34/ The Ciskeian

1) Union of South Africa. op. cit., vol. IV, Chapter 12.

2) Board C. The Border Region.

Land Use in the Eastern Cape,

Natural Environment and Chapter V.

3) Mountain, E. D. (ed.). Keiskammahoek Rura! Survey. The

Natura! History of the Keiskammahoek District, p. 42 ff.

4) Departement van Landbou-ekonomie ITT Bemarking.

Agro-Ekonomiese opname van die Unie, Vil! Die Doringveld- en

- 34

-The Ciskeian mountain zone can be calssified as Valley

Bushveld and ·cover s the rnountaineous areas of Keiskamma

-hoek and Victor~ia-East. The par~ticular~ char-actcristic

of this type is the great variety of thorn trees. The g1~ass

among. the trees is not very dense, but it is sweet with a

relatively good carrying capacity.

The average ca,~rying capacity of the Ciskei in genera! is

about one cat tie unit 1) per four morgen, but overs tocking

practices by the Bantu have in the past had detrimental

effects on the carrying capacity of the Ciskei.

3. WATER SUPPLY AND IRRIGATION IN THE CISKEI.

The black and red clayey dolerite Ciskeian soil has a

determinative influence on the embankment and seepage of subterranean water supplies. These water supplies play a most important role in the domestic and economic activities of the Ciskeian people. This is especially so fort-he low

rainfall area of the Ciskeian plateau, as well as for the whole of the area during droughts.

At the end of 1966 a total of L~OS boreholes had been dri II ed

in the Ci skei of which number

71.

85 per cent were successful. An area analysis shows Middledrift to be most successful with between 80 - 90 per cent successes, East London,

Fort Beaufort, King William's Town and Peddie with between 70 - 80 per cent successes whi I e only SO - 60 per cent of

boreholes in Keiskammahoek and Victoria East were successful. (see table 2.)

35/TABLE 2 . • . . . • • .