Territorial conflict in the
Sierra Norte de Puebla, Mexico
a qualitative research on the social, environmental and economic effects ofextraction activities and the reactions of indigenous organisations
Nienke Laan, 12285269
MSc International Development Studies GSSS - University of Amsterdam
18 August 2019
Supervisor: Barbara Hogenboom
(Centro de Estudios y Documentación Latinoamericanos) Second reader: Courtney Vegelin
Cover photo: Zacatlán, Mexico (2019). CC BY 4.0. https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/
“Whatever befalls the earth, befalls the sons of the earth. You must teach your children that the ground beneath their feet is the ashes of our grandfathers. So that they will respect the land, tell your children that the earth is rich with the lives of our kin. Teach your children what we have taught our children, that the earth is our mother.
Whatever befalls the earth, befalls the sons of the earth. If men spit upon the ground, they spit upon themselves. This we know. The earth does not belong to man; man belongs to the earth. This we know. All things are connected like the blood which unites one family. All things are connected. Whatever befalls the earth befalls the sons of the earth. Man did not weave the web of life; he is merely a strand in it. Whatever he does to the web, he does to himself.”
Chief Seattle’s speech Perry (1972)
Abstract
In the Sierra Norte de Puebla, a mountain chain in the central-eastern part of Mexico, extraction activities take place, including the use of hydraulic fracturing to extract shale gas. The increasing scale of these projects, partly facilitated by a reduced amount of limitations in the national law, has led to structural conflicts in which human rights are violated. Although there are studies about the extraction conflicts in the region, few of them analyse the concerns and role of indigenous organisations. Hence, this study addresses the issue how indigenous organisations offer resistance in order to effectively respond to extraction projects that affect their territory and way of life. It does so based on data collected through semi-structured interviews, focus-group discussion, observation and a survey in five extractive intensive municipalities.
The thesis found that not only mining, but also (shale) gas extraction including the use of fracking increasingly takes place in the Sierra Norte de Puebla as a result of the energy reform in 2013. These projects have a huge impact on the inhabitants’ daily lives: the overexploitation and contamination of water has led to problems with drinking water supply and a shortage of water for traditional farming and local prices for basic supplies have raised. It was found that such issues are exacerbated by the perception of land grabbing and the violation of rights as a result of a lack of control on environmental impact assessments, not having local groups represented in the decision process and discrepancies in the law. To effectively respond to the (effects of) extraction projects, indigenous organisations in the south-eastern part of the region work together as a solid block after a long-term process of creating cohesion, independency and consciousness.
In order to strengthen the voice of indigenous populations in the Sierra Norte de Puebla the study recommends insisting on representation in governmental bodies, starting off at the local level, where a territorial planning is being discussed including decision making over the change of land use and violations of national laws can be highlighted. Next, professionalisation and reinforcing international connections may lead to further participation at a higher governmental level, where indigenous rights may be discussed in the framework of developing a common sustainable focus, a revision of conflicting laws and pressure to increase monitoring of projects. Keywords: environmental justice, extractivism, indigenous organisations, proyectos de muerte, Sierra Norte de Puebla, territorial conflict
Acknowledgements
First of all, I would like to thank Dr. Hogenboom for her supervision and patience, giving me the best support I could have hoped for. It has been a pleasure and honour to learn from her experiences in Latin America and expertise in the field of extraction projects.
I am also very grateful to Dr. Vegelin for helping me find a local supervisor in Mexico at the beginning of the process and being my second supervisor at the end.
I would like to thank my local supervisor Dr. Gomez Llatas for his motivation and availability during the fieldwork and my Mexican friends in Cholula who were always ready to help me out when I was lost and made the two months I spent in Mexico an unforgettable experience.
Thanks to the participants in the research I have been able to write this thesis. I owe much from the representatives of organisations who spent a great deal of time on explaining the situation. I am especially grateful to the representative of the organisation Tajpianij and his wife, who allowed me study in their office until late and brought me to places crucial for my research.
Finally, I would like to thank my dear father, boyfriend and two best friends for the generous support, feedback and positive influence throughout the entire process.
List of figures and tables
Figure 1 Dryzek’s environmental discourses ... 14
Figure 2 Arnstein’s participation ladder ... 16
Figure 3 Code tree used in ATLAS.ti ... 23
Figure 4 Growth of natural gas production and expansion of gas pipelines in Mexico ... 30
Figure 5 Concessions and exploitations of resources by private initiative and PEMEX in the Sierra Norte de Puebla ... 31
Figure 6 Environmental study paradigm of fracking ... 37
Figure 7 Danza de los voladores in Papantla ... 39
Figure 8 MORENA and “AMLO is the hope of Mexico” .. ... 42
Figure 9 Tajpianij and I in agro-ecological centre ‘la Cueva’ in Cuetzalan ... 48
Figure 10 “Not one vote to parties and candidates that support mining projects as they affect biodiversity and social fabric” in Tetela de Ocampo ... 51
Table 1 Keywords in the literature review ... 6
Table 2 Ostrom’s four types of good ... 16
List of abbreviations
AMCF Alianza Mexicana Contra el Fracking
ASEA Agency for Safety, Energy and Environment BUAP Benemérita Universidad Autónoma de Puebla CESDER Centro de Estudios para el Desarollo Rural CFE Comisión Federal de Electricidad
CNDH Comisión Nacional de los Derechos Humanos CNH Comisión Nacional de Hidrocarburos
CONAGUA Comisión Nacional del Agua
COTIC Comité de Ordenamiento Territorial Integral de Cuetzalan EIA Environmental Impact Assessment
EZLN Ejército Zapatista de Liberación Nacional FPIC Free Prior Informed Consultation
INPI Instituto Nacional de los Pueblos Indigenas MDG Millennium Development Goal
MIOCUP Movimiento Independiente Obrero Campesino Urbano Popular NAFTA North American Free Trade Agreement
PEMEX Petróleos Mexicanos
POET Programa de Ordenamiento Ecológico local del Territorio
PROCEDE Programa de Certificación de Derechos Ejidales y Titulación de Solares REMA Red Mexicana de Afectados por la Minería
SE Secretaría de Economía
SEMARNAT Secretaría de Medio Ambiente y Recursos Naturales SENER Secretaría de Energía
1
Table of contents
Introduction ... 4 Problem statement... 5 Knowledge gap ... 6 Research objective ... 7 Research questions ... 7Focus and limitations ... 8
Structure of the thesis ... 8
1. Theoretical approach... 9
1.1 Conflicting views on development ... 9
1.2 Extractivism as a development model... 11
1.2.1 Poverty alleviation ... 13 1.2.2 Conflict resolution ... 14 1.3 Environmental discourses... 14 1.3.1 Environmental justice ... 15 1.3.2 Indigenous movement... 17 1.4 Concluding remarks ... 18 2. Research framework ... 19 2.1 Philosophical stance ... 19 2.2 Units of analysis ... 19 2.3 Operationalisation... 20 2.4 Data collection ... 20 2.4.1 Primary data ... 21 2.4.2 Grey literature ... 23 2.5 Data analysis ... 23 2.6 Ethical considerations ... 24 2.7 Research context ... 26 2.8 Research location ... 27
2
2.9 Concluding remarks ... 28
3. Extraction and effects: an increasing pressure on indigenous life ... 29
3.1 From national to local trends around extractivism ... 29
3.2 Foreign and national actors working on extraction projects ... 31
3.3 Procedures and legislation around concessions ... 32
3.4 Impacts of extraction projects ... 34
3.4.1 Economic impacts... 34
3.4.2 Social impacts ... 35
3.4.3 Environmental impacts ... 36
3.5 Concluding remarks ... 37
4. The struggle for environmental justice ... 38
4.1 The inhabitants of the Sierra Norte de Puebla ... 38
4.2 Concerns and perceptions of the (impacts of) extraction projects ... 39
4.2.1 Loss of cultural traditions and good stewardship concerning land use ... 40
4.2.2 Local economic recession resulting in migration and depopulation ... 41
4.2.3 Lack of governmental interference ... 41
4.3 The violation of the right to consultation in the territorial conflict ... 43
4.4 Concluding remarks ... 45
5. Resilience and resistance: mobilisation of indigenous organisations ... 46
5.1 The rise of indigenous organisations ... 46
5.2 Empowering the voice of indigenous people ... 47
5.2.1 Striving for cohesion and independence ... 47
5.2.3 Creating consciousness as a tool for mobilisation ... 49
5.2.3 Protests camps and caravans achieving justice ... 50
5.3 Towards professional participation and bridging with governmental bodies ... 52
5.4 Concluding remarks ... 54
Discussion and conclusion... 55
Discussion ... 55
3
Recommendations... 60
Policy recommendations ... 60
Local recommendations ... 61
Recommendations for further research ... 62
Bibliography ... 62
Appendix I Sierra Norte de Puebla ... 71
Appendix II List of respondents ... 72
Appendix III Operationalisation scheme ... 74
Appendix IV Conceptual scheme ... 76
Appendix V Interview plan for indigenous organisations ... 77
Appendix VI Observation in Tosepan ... 78
Appendix VII Questionnaire ... 81
Appendix VIII Protest flyer of the COTIC ... 83
Appendix IX Invitation assembly ... 84
4
Introduction
Each day millions of people in the world are forced to protect their territory against extraction projects which fuel the capitalistic system we live in. While natural resources are becoming increasingly scarce, the number of conflicts over the territory where these resources are located is likely to grow (Gupta, 2016). Moreover, the pressure on countries who signed climate change agreements in order to reduce their greenhouse gas emission could trigger an intensification of territorial conflicts. As an example, in my bachelor’s thesis about how Brazil implements the Kyoto protocol and the Paris Agreement (Laan, 2017) it was demonstrated that indigenous groups in the Amazon area resisted the construction of a hydroelectric dam planned by the government to meet the sustainable criterion of the United Nations. The initial ideas for this thesis arose from that study. How do indigenous people look at sustainability? Are they always obstructing large-scale projects and if so, does their resistance actually help to protect the environment?
In the northern mountain chain of the Mexican state Puebla (Spanish: Sierra Norte de Puebla (see Appendix I)) the defence of territory against extraction projects forms a daily concern for many. On their website Amnesty International (2018) pleads that Mexican authorities should not criminalise land defenders in Cuetzalan, stating that “the Maseual, Tutunaku and Mestizo Peoples’ Assembly set up a peaceful protest camp between November 2016 and October 2017 on private land, next to the plot where the national electricity commission (CFE) planned to build an electrical substation and high-voltage power line” which according to local groups is only planned to serve a mine. After about a year of protesting, the organisations that came together in the abovementioned assembly managed to stop the electricity project. However, the governments’ Attorney General's Office criminalised several activists for their opposition. A few months later Manuel Gaspar Rodríguez, one of the accused activists and member of the organisation
Movimiento Independiente Obrero Campesino y Popular (MIOCUP), was found dead (ibid). The situation in Cuetzalan has led to more uproar and reinforced resistance throughout the entire region. On top of the existing extraction projects and accompanying infrastructure, the upcoming technique of hydraulic fracturing (fracking) to extract shale gas is a new threat in the region. All these projects go against the cosmovision1 and local economy dynamics of the inhabitants, which is largely based on small scale utilisation of natural resources. Taken together, it forces the relatively vulnerable indigenous groups in the region to organise themselves as never before. This study focuses on analysing the response of indigenous organisations to extraction projects including the power relations at play, and herewith provide a clear picture of the contemporary conflict situation in the Sierra Norte de Puebla.
5 Problem statement
The situation in the research area encompasses different interests and motivations. For example, several activists, journalists and scholars (Diego Quintana, 2017; Manriquez Bucio, 2018; Silva Ontiveros et al., 2018) use the name ‘death projects’ to describe the extraction projects in the Sierra Norte de Puebla as a way to emphasise the seriousness of the consequences for the rural population. While the business sector is interested mainly in the economic benefits, the Mexican government is supposed to balance various interests, including indigenous rights. Since this does not seem to happen in the Sierra Norte de Puebla, the case requires a critical analysis to gain deeper understanding of both determining factors of the conflict and the specific local situation. The importance of insight into the situation is emphasised by the enlarged extraction scale in Latin America and the increased production of gas and oil in Mexico (Bebbington & Bury, 2013: 272). To illustrate, the extraction projects in the Sierra Norte de Puebla require extensive alterations of the infrastructure such as hydroelectric dams to provide energy for mines (Diego Quintana, 2017). Fracking for the exploitation of unconventional gas reserves (Bebbington, 2015: 272, Silva Ontiveros et al., 2018: 2, Meng, 2017) is increasingly being applied in the region (De la Fuente & Llano, 2016: 41; CartoCritica, 2019). Although extraction activities themselves can have severe impacts, the enlarged scale and new extraction techniques intensifies the social, environmental and economic effects on the local population even further.
These recent developments have led to violations of basic rights of the people living in the region such as the right to clean air (Manriquez-Bucio, 2018). Since the majority of the inhabitants depends on the resources available in their territory (Ramírez Valverde & Juárez Sánchez, 2008: 135; Callejas Celis et al., 2015: 26) and facilities are scarce, relatively expensive or even unavailable, the violations are expected to have a major impact. Taken together, these problems cause hardship for the population of the Sierra Norte de Puebla, but lead to continued and intensified resistance. However, there are also people in the region who are still not aware of the (possible) consequences. For these inhabitants this study may create more awareness in order to be prepared better for the social, environmental or economic impacts of nearby extraction.
Based on the knowledge of the cosmovision of indigenous inhabitants, the situation in the region was examined by a focus on their foremost concerns, local organisation and various ways of mobilisation in relation to the impacts of present mine, (shale) gas and oil projects. In this way, it is hoped that this study will provide insights for the indigenous organisations and help better inform governmental institutions to do things differently; leading to policies more beneficial to the local inhabitants of the Sierra Norte de Puebla. Eventually, better policies should lead to a local situation that includes less conflict, human rights violations and excessive consequences because of extraction projects.
6 Knowledge gap
In addition to the practical problem statement outlined above, the academic purpose of this research is to address a gap in knowledge on active indigenous organisations and today’s situation of extraction activity in the Sierra Norte de Puebla, including fracking and its consequences. Before investigating the actual situation in the field a literature review was conducted in order to collate the information already published on this specific topic. During a library course about online searching more information was obtained about keywords and looking up particular subjects, which has improved the quality of the literature review. The first search under the keyword ‘Sierra Norte de Puebla’ in various databases including Dialnet, CLACSO, WorldCat and EndNote gave in ScienceDirect 307, in JSTOR 385 and in ProQuest 138 results. Other keywords (see Table 1) have been used to discover existing literature about contemporary extraction activity and resistance by indigenous organisations in the Sierra Norte de Puebla. Keywords in both English and Spanish were used, to not exclude Mexican authors. The database searches showed that not much is written about the area and most articles focus on an analysis of the identity and ethnicity of the people living in the area, such as the article of Ramírez Puerto (2018) and the articles of Beaucage (1974, 2010). Moreover, a lot of scholars (Ramírez Valverde & Juárez Sánchez, 2008; Edelman, 1980) have written about agriculture in the region. Four academic articles (Silva Ontiveros et al., 2018; Diego Quintana, 2017; Manriquez Bucio, 2018; Hernández Loeza & Vázquez Félix, 2015) were found that came close to the topic of this thesis. Only the first of these articles is in English and includes evidence on fracking in the region, but it lacks information about local indigenous organisations.
Since Silva Ontiveros et al. (2018: 5) conclude in their article that the “Alianza Mexicana Contra el Fracking (AMCF) (…) currently acts as an umbrella group for a range of social movements against the emergence of unconventional extraction in Mexico” it excludes the importance of organisations such as Tosepan or the CESDER and the influence of a territorial planning2 on extraction projects in the region. Moreover, the article does not include mining and related infrastructure as it focusses on the energy reform of 2013, but mining is important when looking at the overall picture of grassroots organisation processes in the Sierra Norte de Puebla.
In addition to filling this knowledge gap on the local movements and (the possible impacts of) fracking, the thesis examines how and why the conflict has grown. It thus provides an interdisciplinary analysis including a geographical overview of the extraction projects. In its
2 A planning that allows the use of the territory to be organised on the basis of potencies and limitations,
taking into account the population and the recommendations generated by the planning (FAO, 2019).
“indigenous organisations” “mobilisation” “environmental injustice” “extraction projects” “(death) projects” “hydraulic fracturing” “fracking” “mining” “energy reform” “contamination” “pemex” “territorial conflict” Table 1. The 12 keywords in the literature review.
7 approach the study takes into account the recommendations of Bebbington (2015: 96) for more research on (i) the comparison between diverse kinds of extraction and (ii) communication with those who see loss and those who see opportunities, including the industry and consultants. Although studying the culture is not the primary aim of this research, it is likely that the study builds on existing knowledge about Nahua and Totonac (e.g. Valderrama Rouy, 2005).
Research objective
In the light of the practical and theoretical issues above, the objective of this thesis is to examine the existent local indigenous movement in the Sierra Norte de Puebla in relation to the different kinds of extraction projects and their (possible) consequences. Herewith, a quite unknown conflict that encompasses social issues such as the violation of rights, exclusion and incomprehension should become more visible. This may be called a form of action research (Lewin, 1947) since the social relevance is to inform the local public of a complex situation that matters to them, restoring the balance between the failures and successes of grassroots organisations and distributing information about the consequences of nearby extraction projects. However, for the academic public the relevance is rather to obtain more knowledge about environmental justice, bottom-up organisation and the current scope of extraction projects in this specific region in Mexico. The research aims to illustrate the influence of indigenous organisations on extraction projects in the northern mountain range of Puebla through an extensive analysis of how indigenous communities form organisations and respond to such projects in their region. Research questions
The main research question is: how do indigenous organisations in the Sierra Norte de Puebla respond to extraction projects and their (potential) social, environmental and economic effects? It contains the following sub-questions, which will each be examined in three different chapters:
What kind of extraction projects are developed in the area, and what are the (potential) social, environmental and economic consequences?
How do the inhabitants of the Sierra Norte de Puebla live and how do they perceive the presence of the extraction projects?
How do indigenous organisations in the Sierra Norte de Puebla react to the presence of the extraction projects?
It is expected that each organisation has its own way of responding to the projects, but help each other in the case of the implementation of a new extraction project as the consequences have an impact on everyone in the Sierra Norte de Puebla. Furthermore, it is assumed that the effects of the extraction projects will be more severe than before, because more advanced extraction techniques are being used and international pressures like scarcity, inequality and climate change.
8 Focus and limitations
This qualitative research is conducted in the villages Cuetzalan, Zautla, Tetela de Ocampo, Zacatlán, Venustiano Carraza in the Sierra Norte de Puebla and partly in Cholula and Mexico City. Because of this broad perspective, an overview of what is actually happening in the region and an indication of the current understanding, perception and resistance of the inhabitants of the Sierra Norte de Puebla is offered. However, the short-term fieldwork of two months and the constant dependence on public transport did not allow an investigation in the communities close to the villages nor did it allow for a deeper understanding to be gained about the two main local cultures Nahua and Totonac. Since the selection of villages in the region was made based on the (possible) presence of extraction activity, which will be further explained in the chapter on methodology and methods, some villages and its inhabitants in the northern mountain chain have been excluded from this study. Considering the short time frame and limitations due to the violent context in Mexico (Silva Ontiveros et al., 2018) it was not possible to interview all relevant actors. For example, the intention was to hear more people from the extraction sector, but there was no response in the time of the fieldwork and speaking with them would have taken more effort. It was quite a challenge to get into contact with the Secretariat of Environment and Natural Resources (SEMARNAT) however it ultimately led to a meeting with three government officials. Structure of the thesis
The first chapter of this thesis outlines the theoretical framework and scientific foundation on which this research is based. Subsequently it is explained how the research is conducted and information about the context is presented in order to create a better understanding of the data analysis. In chapter 3 the analysis of the first sub-question is described on the basis of codes or variables discovered on site (see Appendix III); a geographical overview of the extraction projects in the region and its consequences is presented next to the concession granting process for mining and energy projects. In the ensuing chapter 4 the life of the inhabitants of the region and their perceptions of and concerns about the presence of the (impacts of) extraction projects is described, followed by an examination of the right to environmental justice. Chapter 5 contains an analysis of the mobilisation of indigenous organisations in the region standing up against the extraction projects. Finally, a reflection on the results is presented in the discussion, followed by a central conclusion in which relations between the concepts (extraction projects, indigenous organisations, environmental justice) are drawn in order to answer the main research question.
9
1. Theoretical approach
In this chapter the theoretical framework is outlined, presenting the scientific research on which the analysis is grounded. The main concepts of the study are supported by the literature and are related to theories described in this chapter, so they can be used as analytical tools. First, the approaches on development will be explained to better understand the conflicting interests and perspectives. Thereafter, in relation with the sub-research questions, different theories and definitions of extractivism will be discussed. In the third section environmental debates will be presented which are in line with the following part about environmental justice. In the final part of this first chapter the theoretical approach of the concept indigenous movements will be highlighted, including several forms of indigenismo (and the use of abya yala) in Latin America. 1.1 Conflicting views on development
The concept of development is a broad and contentious one; one can talk about development and refer to a myriad of kinds of ‘developing’. In common language, the concept describes the process in which the potential of an organism is released to achieve its complete form (Franko, 2003: 10; Esteva, 2010: 3). Dictionaries (Oxford, 2019; Cambridge, 2019) define the verb as “growing and becoming more advanced” but the question remains what and who will actually become more advanced and how much. There are different views on the kind of growth that should be stimulated, which can be divided into three main approaches: mainstream development, alternative development and post-development. These are elaborated in order to understand the conflicting interests and different perspectives on (the impacts of) extraction projects in the Sierra Norte de Puebla. Furthermore, it provides the necessary context to explain extractivism in the next section and shows why stakeholders tend to prioritise one approach over another.
The mainstream development approach is often adhered by neoliberal economists, monetary funds, entrepreneurs including those carrying out (extraction) projects, making use of concepts such as poverty, underdevelopment, modernisation and macro-economic variables. The market plays a key role in mainstream development as the focus of supporters is on rapid economic growth. For example, the World Bank (2019: 17-28) and Porter & Kramer (2011) argue that (extraction) companies should influence the state, founded on the assumption that more trade will lead to employment and prosperity for all. Mainstream development aid funding thus comes in the form of long-term loans, grants and technological assistance (Rosenstein-Rodan, 1961), which is said to be necessary to give the ‘underdeveloped’ country an incentive to reach self-sustained economic growth (ibid; Rostow, 1959). An example of such incentives are (extraction) projects as those are perceived as development and a way to get from an agrarian to a highly industrialised society. Although the previous authors believe the incentive should come
10 from other countries, Nurske (1952: 583) argues that instead of foreign investment “more saving from the national income” should be the objective to achieve more economic development. There was a preferred position of Mexican companies in the extraction sector until the 1980s (Delgado Wise & Del Pozo Mendoza, 2015; Silva Ontiveros et al., 2018).
During the debt crisis in the 1980s a new type of loan was applied in Latin American countries and neoliberalism became a more frequent term for a mainstream development, which the Mexican government started to fully embrace. However, it is questionable whether mainstream development will continue to be the leading approach of the new government of López Obrador. More likely the federal state will adhere to alternative development, which focusses on society rather than on the state or market (Nederveen Pieterse, 2009). Indeed, the ‘trade not aid’ motto has been proved to be rather unrealistic and ambiguous: inequality continues to grow and the same international institutions that promote (extraction) projects also mention the downsides of mainstream development for the ‘underdeveloped’ (World Bank, 2019: 136; UNFCCC, 2019). For example, “automation has disproportionately reduced the demand for less skilled workers” (World Bank, 2019: 28) and “the displacement of ethnic groups can be among its negative consequences, brought about especially by large-scale projects” (UNFCCC, 2019).
Hence, authors (Sen, 1984: 489; Hosseini, 2010: 92; Gupta & Vegelin, 2016: 434) have shown other kinds of growth are needed in addition to economic growth to achieve more inclusiveness and fairer distribution of economic progression. Alternative development is often backed by leftist economists and critics of large fiscal institutions, who want development to be implemented differently. Karnani (2007: 106) also argues that “poverty cannot be defined only in economic terms” and therefore recommends to change the price-quality trade-off and investment in the productivity of the poor. The author rejects the proposed leading role of multinationals in the mainstream approach and points to the vulnerability of local populations.
The alternative development approach aims for sustainability and democracy through global ‘good governance’ principles and effective management of aid money. Alonso et al. (2014: 8) recommend addressing “the asymmetries and shortcomings of the ongoing process of globalisation and evaluation of global governance” because global governance has contributed to four crises: financial instability, food insecurity, climate change and widening economic inequality. Later on in their book, the authors argue the search for new ways of global governance with the implementation of the Millennium Development Goals (MDG’s) lacks a practical approach of development strategies as it continues with the same Washington Consensus policies from the 1990s "to promote aggregate economic growth through private investments" (ibid: 43). This criticism of an alternative development approach can be extrapolated to the functionality of Mexico’s sustainability policy (Silva Ontiveros et al., 2018) and environmental restrictions on extraction projects. In addition, it is questionable if principles of alternative development like
11 more participation and equity are applicable to all situations. In Mexico’s violent context with the presence of drugs cartels, assassinations and justice concerns (ibid) additional measures besides an alternative development approach may be necessary to let the poorest benefit from national income.
The third development approach, post-development (also called anti-development), opposes the entire concept of development and is predominantly observed among sceptics in rural areas such as the Sierra Norte de Puebla who are “not interested in alternative development approaches, but rather in alternatives to development” (Nederveen Pieterse, 2009: 341). Post-developmentalists advocate for the sustainability of local (agri)cultures by means of grassroots organisation, disagree with the argument that poverty can be eased by financial flows and distrust top-down policy from international institutions. Esteva (2010: 7) highlights this by declaring that “underdevelopment is the creation of development” which connects to the belief that economic growth is not linear; for each developed individual there has to be an undeveloped one elsewhere.
According to post-development, development also undermines autonomy and solely intends to reinforce western supremacy over the rest of the world. For example, Escobar (2014) and Esteva (2010) argue in their works that economisation and colonisation are the same, because ideas and concepts that shape the social life including knowledge systems of traditional cultures (without recognizing the existent power structures) become dominant. In response to some critics of the post-development approach, saying that post-development is unrealistic and does not offer any solution, Ferguson (1994: 279) states that "any question of the form ‘what is to be done’ implies both a subject and a goal, both an aim and an actor”, also results in hegemony. The national policy should unite (potential) conflicting interests as may include the different views on development as described above. Although the pressure on economic development in Mexico is huge, the chances for effectively doing so are counteracted by important societal issues like inequality, poverty and (international) agreements on sustainability and maintenance of cultural heritage. Albeit the post-development approach is widespread adopted by indigenous populations and many of its principles have been even included in existing legislation, it is not taken very seriously by the government. Then, conflicts are likely to occur in those situations where basic rights are violated, or where the environment and life of excluded “poor households in poor communities” is severely influenced (Haslam & Tanimoune, 2016: 416). 1.2 Extractivism as a development model
A specific development model is extractivism, which points at a strategy for economic growth dependent on natural resources (Dietz & Engels, 2016: 112). It could be said that the model is a special case of the mainstream development approach (Arsel et al., 2016ii: 884). Svampa (2013) identifies extractivism as the belief that countries rich in natural resources can accelerate the process of development by meeting the demands of growing economies like China and India. The
12 differences between extraction and extractivism are discussed by Willow (2018) who proposes that extractivism is a belief as well as an operating system. She stresses that extractivism is more than the use of natural resources, which is something humans have always done. The 'ism' of extractivism turns the action of extraction into a series of actions, characterised by a large footprint and its enormous impacts (ibid). Some authors (Veltmeyer & Petras, 2014; Arsel et al.,
2016ii) speak of extractive imperialism, referring to the forms extractivism have taken over time. Extractivism can be seen as a way to develop, but in the imperative extractive activities have become so important that it shapes national policies to extractivism (Arsel et al., 2016ii: 881). Silva Ontiveros et al. (2018) argue this is the case in Mexico, referring to increasing gas extraction while Aguilera Gómez (2015: 119) points at the overexploitation of oil in the early 21st century.
In the literature the concept of neo-extractivism, introduced by Gudynas (2010), is broadly discussed. In reaction to the neoliberal order and foreign investment that extractivism predominantly includes, with the rise of the ‘new left’ in countries as Bolivia, Ecuador and Venezuela at the beginning of this century, progressive governments established a kind of extractivism relating to their own political view. Hence, emphasis is put on the state by means of the appropriation of resource rents and more control (Dietz & Engels, 2016: 112; Acosta, 2013: 72). The resource rents are used for social programs that promote the welfare of the poor. However, in developmental terms, this approach still takes an economic viewpoint based on industrialisation and modernisation (Acosta, 2013). Neo-extractivism is also characterised by its enormous scale, revealing the immense investment in extraction projects (Svampa, 2015: 66). Bebbington & Bury (2013: 269) elaborate this phenomenon in their book about struggles over the subsoil in Latin America. In addition to new investment, stimulated by the commodity boom at the beginning of the millennium, the scope of activities and infrastructure, landscape changes, uncertainties and risks, new material and financial flows and the pace of extraction including shale gas techniques, changed over the past decade (ibid). In particular this large scale ‘new extractivism’ is strongly opposed by post-extractivists or anti-extractivists who are currently looking for more sustainable economic models (Gudynas, 2013; Svampa, 2013).
Although Martín (2017: 24) argues there is no consensus in the literature about extractivism, it can be concluded that the bulk of the scholars link the concept to traditional (neo)liberalism and the materialistic view on natural resources in order to promote economic growth. Over the last decade Mexico has continued to promote oil and gas extraction under the flag of development (Silva Ontiveros et al., 2018), notwithstanding the fact that this may conflict with international agreements on sustainability promotion. Despite possible changes in the approach on development of the Mexican government, the former president Peña Nieto “has taken steps to further commit the country to an economic growth strategy based on natural resource extraction” (Tetreault, 2016: 643); it thus becomes imperative to discuss extractivism.
13
1.2.1 Poverty alleviation
An important claim put forward by the extraction companies is that their projects strongly contribute to poverty alleviation, considering the main principle of the World Bank (2019) that (i) creation of employment will lead to poverty alleviation. In addition, (ii) education, (iii) reducing the informal sector, (vi) technical developments, (iv) ensuring social protection and (v) inclusion are said to decrease poverty rates (ibid). However, research (Conde & Billon, 2017; Tetreault, 2016; Mayer, 2016) points out job creation is minimal, while the informal sector continues to exist. Moreover, agriculture is the main economic sector in ‘low income economies’ and rural areas like the Sierra Norte de Puebla; “agricultural incomes is therefore an effective way of reducing poverty” (World Bank, 2019: 99) and not the extraction sector, which is rather capital intensive, requiring highly skilled workers and techniques, than labour intensive (Svampa, 2013).
Then, education is often interpreted by extractive industries in materialistic terms such as a school building. In practice this does not lead to education, which requires more teachers and knowledge transfer. Furthermore, their form of education comes along with certain western capitalistic thoughts, often detested by indigenous groups. The same accounts for technical developments like infrastructure, even though more and improved roads might be appreciated when it serves the previously discussed improvement of the agricultural sector. More technology transfers can also counteract employment due to increased automation (World Bank, 2019: 18). The final arguments that social protection and inclusion reduce poverty stems generally not from extraction projects, closely linked to political processes and the lack of democracy (Helwege, 2015; Ross, 2012) in Mexico correlating to a “discursive public-relations strategy, backed up by minimal amounts of cost-effective spending on the local level” (Tetreault, 2016: 644).
In addition, some advantages extraction companies claim that might contribute indirectly to poverty alleviation through investment in social programs are increased export and tax revenue (Mayer, 2016). However, corruption and poor governance obviously have a major impact on these advantages. According to Pegg (2006) and Ross (2012) this is a well-known phenomenon in states that are dependent on oil and minerals - referred to as ‘the resource curse’. Mexico with its “heavy dependence of the nation's fiscal revenues on the income from oil and the limited manoeuvring space that it allows the central government” (Puyana, 2006: 74) forms a good example. In this way, increasing growth rates as a result of extraction do not say anything about the people’s well-being (Ross, 2012).
Altogether, the belief that extractivism will lead to economic development in Mexico is incorrect, because the disadvantages largely outweigh the (potential) advantages; especially when environmental and social impacts resulting from extraction projects are added. In this study, the impacts of large-scale extraction will be examined on the local level in order to better understand the relation between measures to reduce poverty and observed turmoil in the region.
14
1.2.2 Conflict resolution
Extractivism does not merely play a central role in political and economic processes, but also in emerging conflicts due to social-environmental impacts. In addition, “the international cycles of boom and bust” of commodity prices affect the local economy (Arsel et al., 2016i: 877). In order to solve emerging conflicts, extractivism has become one of the increasingly visible topics in political ecology (Bebbington, 2015: 86). In this interdisciplinary field the origins of a territorial conflict are studied by looking at local power structures and relations. The changing dynamics that play a role in conflicts caused by extractivism are often complex due to the different visions of several actors on how to utilise the environment, which includes a struggle between economic benefits, connected to regional development and long-term liveability of indigenous groups. Therefore, political ecology explores the perception of the environment and interventions “leading on to debates about the relative merits of indigenous and western knowledge” (Bryant, 1998: 79). According to Bebbington & Bury (2013: 270) the application of political ecology is necessary in extraction conflicts “to recognise (and analyse how) the environment can affect society without slipping into a form of environmental determinism” and to understand the connections between enclosure, commodification and struggle. In practice, political ecology means including these relationships and long-term engagement with locals, participation in public debates and fieldwork that includes material in different languages and formats (ibid).
1.3 Environmental discourses
In addition to development debates, environmental debates are relevant to this study to identify and distinguish the interpretations of how to make use of the environment as a part of political ecology. In the literature different authors (Hannigan, 1995; Dryzek, 1997; Leicheko & O’Brien, 2008) try to make this distinction of which the best known of classification is probably the one of Dryzek (1997). Here, a distinction is made between four main discourses: survivalism, green radicalism, sustainability and environmental problem solving (see Figure 1). The first two, survivalism and green radicalism, are radical discourses, albeit the latter is still embedded in an existing policy framework (‘prosaic’) and the first is not ('imaginative') (ibid). The other two discourses, sustainability and environmental problem solving, are both reformistic instead of radical, but environmental problem solving, also
here, does not propose a new kind of society while the sustainability discourse does (ibid). Indeed, the framework stands in close relation with the amount of industrialisation of modern society. Hence, survivalism encompasses the idea that there is an ecological limit and therefore the
15 changed by means of greater authority (ibid). Subsequently, green radicalism shares these ideas but rejects the latter as it aims for “political change targeted at social structures and institutions” (ibid: 207). In the green radicalism discourse Dryzek (1997) includes socio-political movements such as environmental justice and deep ecology. Sustainability is divided into two terms that connote progress: sustainable development and ecological modernisation. In order to assure this progression and satisfy all aspects in society (“economic growth, environmental conservation, social justice”) no radical changes need to be made, though it imagines a redefinition of society with an emphasis on conflict management (ibid: 159). Finally, environmental problem solving argues there is no change needed at all to resolve environmental problems (ibid), which conforms with the usual approach of the Mexican government, though it tends towards a rather sustainable discourse on paper. In the analysis of the thesis this approach will be further identified.
1.3.1 Environmental justice
In the green radicalism discourse of Dryzek (1997) ‘environmental justice’ is included, which will be used in this analysis to investigate the lack of human rights in the territorial conflict. The human rights movement emerged as a result of the environmentalism of the sixties, having its origins in the book ‘Silent Spring’ of Carson (1962) which raised the issue of human impacts on the environment. The roots of environmental justice go back to the eighties when poor ‘people of colour’ in the U.S. stood up against hazardous waste dumps in their urban neighbourhoods or environmental racism (Bryant & Mohai, 1992; Stratesky & Hogan, 1998; Martinez-Alier et al., 2016). Subsequently, studies on these injustice issues were conducted among, the most important being the report ‘Toxic Wastes and Race in the United States’ (Commission for Racial Justice, 1987). A concept related to environmental justice, the ‘environmentalism of the poor’, was soon introduced after the demonstration of inequities in rural areas of the global South, which increasingly has been labelled as ‘environmentalism of the dispossessed’, pointing at the ecological debt, water and land grabbing and climate justice (Martinez Allier et al., 2016: 732). According to Bullard (1996: 493) environmental justice is a situation in which “all people and communities are entitled to equal protection of environmental and public health laws and regulations”. Other authors (Bezdek, 1995; Dobson, 1998) do not include the notion of public
16 health. For example, Dobson (1998: 20) describes environmental justice as the “distribution of environmental goods and environmental bads among human populations” but this excludes the damage to the environment. These definitions, however, are the earliest explanations of environmental justice and focus on the distribution of environmental disadvantages (Schlosberg, 2013). Martin et al. (2013) and Schlosberg (2007) argue that environmental justice should move beyond distribution and include earlier ignored aspects such as traditional socio-ecological values and self-determination.
Therefore, Schlosberg (2007) recommends using not only distribution as a factor of environmental justice, but also participation and recognition. Distribution encompasses the (principles of) rules that govern a just distribution and what kind of goods should be distributed (ibid: 12). Here, the theories of Ostrom (2010) about four different types of goods (see Table 2) are helpful when making decisions over natural resources. Schlosberg (2007: 13) explains recognition can be analysed by looking at the "lack of recognition in the social and political realms" and what actually determines poor distributions in a specific context. Finally, participation is seen as the amount of democratic participation in deciding the future and ones capacity to be included in the participation process (Schlosberg, 2007: 51). Arnstein (1969) illustrates this in a participation ladder (see Figure 2) to measure the actual involvement of citizens in decision-making processes. It reveals that some types of participation such as informing, consultation and placation belong to tokenism or fake-participation, because it might give people a voice but the power remains poorly divided and thus “not changing the status quo” (ibid: 217). In this study Schlosberg’s (2007) three factors: distribution, recognition and participation (including Ostrom’s types of goods to measure distribution and Arnstein’s ladder to measure participation) have been used as analytical tools to determine the amount of environmental injustice in the Sierra Norte de Puebla.
17
1.3.2 Indigenous movement
This section focuses on the indigenous movement, which is the principal part of the analysis. The concept will be identified in order to correlate obtained data to existing theories and terms. For indigenous people environmental justice began long ago “even if not named in those terms” (Newell, 2007: 239) together with the indigenismo or “the indigenous struggle and its actual consequence” (Ulloa, 1959: 141). In this study the indigenous movement in a specific area is the main concept to be analysed. The recognition of urban environmental injustice in the 1980s and its subsequent globalisation in the 1990s due to the increasing importance of neoliberal policies intensified the indigenous movement. Although the movement is now seen as a part of the contemporary global environmental justice movement, this was not the case at first.
This has mainly to do with the origin of environmentalism, the roots of environmental justice, which in the United States differs completely from the environmentalism in Latin America; according to Silva (2016: 329) focusing on a “concern for livelihoods, environmental justice and alternative production models that is unique to the region” referring to the ‘environmentalism of the poor’. The indigenous movement also differs from the more recent environmental justice movement in other aspects. First, the long history of colonialism included abuse and repression of the indigenous population based on inequality in race and class. The continuing exclusion, in terms of institutional processes and resource distribution (Newell, 2007), has led to a strong sense of present racism and discrimination. Second, the understanding of rights is not individual, but rather collective (ibid) and their relation with nature is based on survival and religion rather than materialism. Indigenous groups thus strive for environmental justice as part of their need for autonomy, respect and self-governance (Tosie, 2007) rather than a ‘not in my backyard’ plea.
As mentioned above, post-development authors (Escobar, 2014; Esteva, 2010) argue colonialism can still be found or felt nowadays (considering that in rural areas external dominant ideas often become dominant and shape the existing social life) and point to the support of indigenous rights. This way of thinking and strong Latin American mind-set is called abya yala
(Martinez-Alier, 2016: 38), which is also the name indigenous people gave to the continent before the colonists arrived. Some authors argue this mind-set is linked to the ideology indigenismo and in favour of the indigenous population (Booker, 2015; Ulloa, 1959), but others (Schaefer, 2008; Graham, 2010) define it as racism of politicians to maintain distinctiveness.
Indigenismo emerged in response to the agrarian reforms implemented in Latin America over the 20th century (Booker, 2015). It was developed by the post-revolutionary Mexican state to address indigenous marginalisation and integrate the native people into society (Schaefer, 2008). Later on the view of indigenous groups as a problem was criticised whereby the focus moved towards the conservation and recognition of the indigenous culture and their autonomy. In the book of Tarica (2008) the two different forms of indigenismo are discussed extensively.
18 According to the author it can be related to Foucault’s ‘procedures of individualisation by power’ arguing that “a discourse emanating from self, from a subjective position, is also a site of power, though its power may be a different nature than indigenismo's more official variants” (ibid: 10).
Because of this process of othering and indigenismo, the indigenous movement strengthened in the 1970s by organising congresses, mobilisations and the call for representation in national politics, while having the right to autonomy and self-determination (Schaefer, 2008: 901). According to Clark (2002: 432) the treaties and laws obtained in favour of the indigenous population are useful and beneficial even when frequently violated, because it gives the native people the power to demand their rights. This increasingly happens through assistance from lawyers and scientists (ibid) in order to counteract the growing scale of extraction Bebbington & Bury (2013) discuss, which in some cases entails forced displacement (Tosie, 2007).
The movement obtained more attention in Latin America when the organisation Ejército Zapatista de Liberación Nacional (EZLN) emerged in the Mexican state Chiapas as a response to the neoliberal agenda (Schaefer, 2008) and indigenous communities began "to insulate themselves better from the problems of the national economy" through local and regional programs (Barkin, 2003: 29). Furthermore, the creation of networks with indigenous groups through the entire continent, but also with other movements (Newell, 2007; Clark, 2002) such as feminists, strengthened the indigenous one. For the purpose of this research, the indigenous movement, its historical background and its future prospects will be used in the analysis by investigating the influence of the movement on the local conflict in the Sierra Norte de Puebla. 1.4 Concluding remarks
In this chapter the theoretical foundations of the thesis have been discussed by outlining the different interpretations of development, which in Mexico all seem to be present and to be in conflict with one another. Extractivism, a mainstream development model based on natural resources, has grown in scale over the past decades and therewith its impact. Research has pointed out that extractivism does not necessarily contribute to economic development, because the disadvantages largely outweigh the advantages. Nevertheless, there is a vast belief extraction projects contribute to poverty reduction albeit territorial conflict takes hold. To understand such conflicts political ecology as an analytical tool is suggested. Dryzek’s environmental discourses have been explained to frame different views on how (not) to cope with the impacts of extractivism. Schlosberg’s (2007) pillars of environmental justice together with Arnstein’s (1969) participation ladder and Ostrom’s (2010) types of goods serve as instruments to measure the lack of rights and inclusion. In addition to the debates around development and the environment identified in this chapter, the environmental and indigenous movement as crucial concepts have been generally elaborated on to recognise and understand the perceptions, concerns and interests on extraction encountered in the field and are important to keep in mind throughout the research.
19
2.
Research framework
After the introduction of the research questions and the following theoretical framework, this chapter will further explain the research design to direct and systematise the study. An outline of the philosophical stance is given in the first paragraph, followed by the unit(s) of analysis, conceptual and operational scheme in relation with the research questions and the above defined theoretical framework. The fourth and fifth part of this chapter are devoted to the data collection, including sampling, methodology and methods, and the analysis of data. Finally, an overview of the ethical considerations and the context and location of this research are presented.
2.1 Philosophical stance
In this research a pragmatic approach has been taken, not necessarily related to one epistemology or ontology (Cresswell, 2003). The approach used is typical for mixed method research and increasingly accepted in social sciences (Bryman, 2012; McLaughin, 2012). The philosophical stance comprises of elements of both the constructivist ontology and the interpretivist epistemology due to the more qualitative nature of this study with an inductive methodology. For constructivists reality is a "constant state of revision" through social interaction and experiences of people (Bryman, 2012: 33), while the interpretivist ‘theory of knowledge’ dovetails well because it embraces the theory that people are changeable and inseparable from their knowledge. An analysis of the interactions of people from different groups to discover their own understanding of the world has been carried out, which reflects the previous. Although the majority of the data in this research echoes subjective truths, it was also needed to obtain more objective ones such as the actual extraction projects carried out in the region studied. Since a pragmatic approach allows the use of various methods which suits the situation best (Cresswell, 2003), triangulation, thus a mixed method model (five different methods) has been applied to respond to the research question(s) and obtain all data necessary to reach theoretical saturation. 2.2 Units of analysis
There are different angles of analysis in this research in order to understand the role of indigenous organisations in the dynamics around extraction projects in the Sierra Norte de Puebla: (i) various indigenous organisations opposing the projects from an inside (e.g. their background and concern) and outside (e.g. mobilisation and rights) perspective; (ii) the nature of extraction projects of business and state actors such as the exact location, scale and types of impacts; (iii) the related policies, laws and reforms of the state on local and national level and documentation on the violation of human rights. The analysis of these units in five different areas in the Sierra Norte de Puebla enables mutual comparison which contributes to the coherence of the research.
20 2.3 Operationalisation
In the conceptual scheme (Appendix IV) the relationships between the main concepts of the study (indigenous organisations, extraction projects and environmental (in)justice) are presented, which is linked to the theoretical approach and the upcoming analysis of the following questions: How do indigenous organisations in the Sierra Norte de Puebla respond to extraction projects and their (potential) social, environmental and economic effects?
What kind of extraction projects are developed in the area, and what are the (potential) social, environmental and economic consequences?
How do the inhabitants of the Sierra Norte de Puebla live and how do they perceive the presence of the extraction projects?
How do indigenous organisations in the Sierra Norte de Puebla react to the presence of the extraction projects?
The core concepts of the study are set out in an operationalisation scheme (see Appendix III) to (i) create an initial point for the methods applied (ii) set boundaries in order to translate fuzzy concepts into measureable units, (iii) determine the relationships between concepts - visualised in the above mentioned conceptual scheme - and to (iv) show its application and “create a bridge from the theoretical and conceptual to the measurement level” (Bergman, 2010: 172). In this way and through clarification of concepts in the analysis, the components of the research questions have been made more understandable. During the research process the concepts have been adjusted as a part of grounded theory in which data collection and analysis are interwoven. 2.4 Data collection
Since the aim of this study is to generate new theories instead of testing existing ones grounded theory has been applied as a methodology. As stated above, the collection and analysis of data are mutually related. Therefore, concepts have been used as a guideline instead of a fixed measurement (Corbin & Strauss, 1990; Bryman, 2012). Grounded theory is often linked to qualitative data and thus, because the basis of this research is understanding how the people of the Sierra Norte de Puebla live, perceive and react on extraction projects including the power dynamics, the focus in the analysis lies on qualitative methods, principally interviews. However, as Bryman (2012) argues, grounded theory is also applicable for quantitative data. In addition to the qualitative methods a survey has been conducted to obtain, amongst others, more evidence about the location of extraction projects and the level of trust in the new government regarding the impacts of extraction projects. The use of mixed methods and triangulation has been applied to get more accurate results and to enhance reliability and validity of the research. Besides, it contributed to reach theoretical saturation, seen as the ‘end point’ of
21 grounded theory as the researcher discovers sufficient data were obtained to build a theory.
In relation to the latter, theoretical sampling was used as a way to collect data, meaning that the developed theory to a large extent determines which respondents were chosen. This kind of sampling was made possible as the data were transcribed in the field after conducting a method already. Then, new truths were established whereby the existent concepts changed and there could be looked for new suitable respondents. In this way it could also be ensured that most information was retained. In addition, directed confirming sampling was used to target experts and diverse respondents for the survey; snowball sampling was used to get into contact with certain indigenous organisations which were previously not accessible. At all at the beginning of the fieldwork, the contact with a gatekeeper was crucial for the feasibility of the study.
2.4.1 Primary data
Semi-structured interviews
The research is thus based on a mixed methods model with an emphasis on qualitative methods, particularly in-depth interviews, complemented with a quantitative method. By semi-structured interviews (n = 20) information was collected about the relations between different actors, their position, motivation, perspective and understanding of extraction projects. Overall, in-depth interviews were conducted with representatives of indigenous organisations, government officials, experts on the environment and indigenous rights and a consultant for the extraction sector. Some interviews were group interviews so different viewpoints could be compared or discussed. In addition, data were also gathered through conversations with local people.
An interview plan was made before each semi-structured interview was conducted. Since the questions in these plans were based on the main concepts of the research it contributed to the internal validity. One interview plan has been made for indigenous organisations (see Appendix V) which was replicated and can be used by academics working on a similar topic. Subsequently, the scheme was adjusted to the organisation of the interviewee and new developed theories. All interviews were conducted and transcribed in Spanish. In order to verify the accuracy of the language, a native speaker revised all transcribed data after the fieldwork.
During the semi-structured interviews the participants were given the necessary space to explain themselves and raise the subjects that were most relevant to them. The interview usually took 1,5 hour and finished when saturation was reached or when participants wanted or had to. Since the research was carried out on my own, without an assistant or translator, internal reliability was not applicable. However, frequent conversations about the conducted interviews were held with the local supervisor and an auditing procedure was applied in the interviews; the answers of the interviewee were repeated or returned to at the end of an interview or afterwards to verify interpretations and ensure the actual meaning of what was said.
22 Focus group discussion
In a focus group with six members of the organisation Maseual Siuamej Mosenyolchikauanij the reaction of individuals in a group context was observed; mainly because it may be expected that people react differently than in an individual interview. Considering that indigenous organisations are based on cooperation to form a solid and social unit, this method might be of quite importance. Moreover, local activists tend to feel more comfortable when surrounded by their comrades. Focus group discussion was also applied to gain a more comprehensive picture of internal social relations, to explore conflicting positions and to serve as validation of the interviews. The focus group was organised based on the assembly of the indigenous organisation and was conducted in Spanish. Later on it turned out that one of the six participants did not speak Spanish very well, though she could understand it. This problem was resolved by the other participants translating the remarks made in the local indigenous language Nahua to Spanish. All participants live in communities close to Cuetzalan in which Nahua often is the mother tongue. The questions in the focus group were related to the main concepts though it focused mostly on the mobilisation process as certain data about this concept were still lacking.
(Non-)participant observation
Observations were carried out in the main hall of the indigenous organisation Tosepan and in the mountain village Tetela de Ocampo to complete and contextualise the data gained from the interviews and focus group. The purpose of the first observation was to gather more information about concepts like cosmovision, religion and local economy, while the second observation aimed at mobilisation through street art and quotes about mining. During the observations notes were taken and split up in descriptive and interpretative notes (see Appendix VI). Both participant observations took about 3 hours in which the challenge was to focus only on the necessary aspects. Survey
In addition to the three qualitative methods a self-composed survey (see Appendix VII) was held in five villages visited in the Sierra Norte de Puebla. This was done in order to collect information about the location of extraction projects, the level of trust in the new government regarding the impacts of projects and the familiarity of the inhabitants with fracking. The research required this kind of method in order to get a better understanding of these concepts which would be hard to collect through qualitative methods in the time frame of two months.
The survey consisted of 7 closed questions and 3 open questions. Although implementing a Likert scale could have improved the quality of the questionnaire, it was easy to use for participants which made it possible to collect data of 40 respondents. Of all the people who were asked to contribute, only three people did not want to. The survey was piloted beforehand by the
23 local supervisor and a member of an indigenous organisation. Nevertheless, it turned out a few questions required more detail to understand because respondents replied in more general terms than expected. It is likely that the sensitivity of the topic caused people to give limited answers.
2.4.2 Grey literature
The search for secondary data has also been an important part of the data collection. As already mentioned in the introduction, a literature review was undertaken at the beginning of this research to establish the research gap so data collection could properly take place. During fieldwork information was collected from local activist groups and social organisations, regional organisations and expert groups such as the Alianza Mexicana Contra el Fracking (AMCF) and FUNDAR, (alternative) universities, (social) media, international organisations, websites and blogs, libraries and databases, the business sector, government institutions and the national oil and gas company (PEMEX). In this way, informative books from indigenous organisations and the government, environmental impact assessment reports, national newspapers, PowerPoint presentations and academic material from different Mexican universities were obtained.
2.5 Data analysis
According to Corbin & Strauss (1990) coding is a crucial process in grounded theory which is divided in three phases: open, axial and selective coding. It has been applied in this research to structure and interpret the obtained primary data, making it easier to analyse. Coding also avoids gaps in the data analysis, because all data fall into a category (see Figure 3).
Figure 3. Code tree used in ATLAS.ti [Source: property of the author]
First, the primary data were openly coded using qualitative data software (ATLAS.ti) and in the field by hand: each fragment has been labelled with broad themes having in mind the concepts derived from the research questions. Second, these themes were broken down and further specified into (sub)categories. Besides, in this phase there has been sought for singularities and regularities between the themes and categories. Finally, selective coding was carried out by choosing the ‘core category’ (a category in which all other categories come together). The codes were related to the theoretical framework and the secondary data to interpret them. The secondary data were coded by ordering all documents in a labelled folder (in Mendeley).
business
extraction projects Injustice impactindigenous organisation
concer n cosmo vision econo my mobilizationassemblies de muerteproyectos protest
structu re
