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Social class differences in feminism:
advancing political participation for all women in the Netherlands?
Supervisor: dr. Franca van Hooren Second reader: dr. Saskia Bonjour
Lisanne Vlieger 12277592 12 June 2020 Master thesis MSc Political Science European Politics and External Relations Research Project: Politics of Inequality Word count: 14,413
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Table of Contents
Introduction ... 5
1 Literature Review... 8
1.1 Waves of feminism... 8
1.2 Inequalities in political representation ... 10
1.2.1 Descriptive inequalities ... 10
1.2.2 Mechanisms behind inequalities ... 12
2 Conceptual Framework ... 13
2.1 Socioeconomic status and social class ... 13
2.2 Social stratification ... 14
2.3 Hypotheses ... 16
3 Methodology ... 18
3.1 Context and case selection ... 18
3.1.1 The ‘Dutch case’ ... 18
3.1.2 Case selection ... 20
3.2 Data collection... 21
3.3 Data analysis ... 22
3.4 Reflections ... 23
4 Results ... 25
4.1 Vereeniging voor Vrouwenkiesrecht ... 25
4.2 Man Vrouw Maatschappij ... 28
4.3 Stem op een Vrouw ... 31
5 Discussion ... 34
5.1 Analysis ... 34
5.2 Implications ... 36
5.3 Lessons and insights ... 38
Conclusion ... 39
3 List of Tables
Table 1. Vereeniging voor Vrouwenkiesrecht ... 27
Table 2. Man Vrouw Maatschappij ... 29
Table 3. Stem op een Vrouw... 33
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List of Abbreviations
CFA Critical Frame Analysis
GII Gender Inequality Index
MVM Man Vrouw Maatschappij
MSSD Most Similar Systems Design
NBV Nederlandse Bond voor Vrouwenkiesrecht
SV Stem op een Vrouw
UK United Kingdom
UNDP United Nations Development Programme
USA United States of America
5 Introduction
A recent article by Mikki Kendall in TIME asks the question why feminism overlooks so many women, even though it claims to represent them all. She posits that
“For a movement that is meant to represent all women, feminism frequently focuses on those who already have most of their needs met.” (Kendall, 2020).
Politics is one of the areas in which a difference in resources has shown to be impactful. Brady et al. (1995) demonstrate that resources, such as time, money and civic skills, have significant effects on political activity. These resources are closely related to one’s socioeconomic status. This, in turn, explains why socioeconomic status has been powerful in predicting patterns of political participation. Kraus et al. (2015) identify a causal link between perceived social class and political participation. A heightened social status leads to a higher level of political capability and a higher desire to participate in politics. Several authors in sociological and political science research tend to use social class and socioeconomic status interchangeably (i.e. Beeghley, 1986). On the other hand, others have also used the two terms alongside each other due to their interrelatedness (i.e. Rubin et al., 2014). Deutsch (2017) defines socioeconomic status as consisting of the following elements: income, education and occupation. Social class is thus dependent on a combination of factors. However, out of these three indicators, occupation has historically been the most effective (Van Leeuwen and Maas, 2010). Acker (1973) posits that theories concerning social class and social stratification fail to take into account sex-based inequalities. This is because much of the literature has traditionally focused on the experience of men. This shows the
importance of an intersectional approach. Intersectionality, as championed by Kimberlé Crenshaw in 1989, emphasises that aspects of one’s identity are interrelated, and these intersections can create larger or smaller oppressions (Winker and Degele, 2011; Verloo, 2006). This research delves deeper into the concept of social class, and not only looks at the theories behind the concept but also takes a deeper look at the indicators of social class. This deeper look into social class as a concept is necessary because the understanding and the importance of a particular indicator of social class today may be different than a century ago during first wave. Essentially, it makes it possible to discern a possible change in the
understanding of social class. Furthermore, it allows us to trace how its relation to feminism has evolved. Moreover, it makes it possible to see the concept of social class may relate differently in a female context.
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Matland (2005) shows that proportional representation systems are more favourable for women. This is especially noticeable in proportional representation systems that have a high level of parties combined with a larger district and a high electoral threshold. The Netherlands is a prime example of such a system: the district encompasses the entire country. We would thus expect lower levels of gender inequality in Dutch politics. The Netherlands is among the countries with the highest levels of gender equality, ranking tenth on the Gender Inequality Index (GII) (Gender Inequality Index, 2019). This is the index used by the United Nations Development Programme (UNDP) to indicate gender inequality. A higher placement on this index indicates a higher level of gender equality. Moreover, Outshoorn and Oldersma (2007) show that in the 1990s the Dutch women’s movement organisation had become highly institutionalised. Many, sometimes controversial, aims of the Dutch women’s movement have been taken on board by the Dutch state and implemented into policy. In light of the centenary anniversary of voting rights for women in the Netherlands, one may thus be inclined to think gender equality in Dutch politics has long been achieved.
However, when we go beyond the statistics, they prove to be somewhat deceiving. Currently, only 31 per cent of the Dutch house of representatives, 36 per cent of the senate, 30 per cent of municipal councils and 26 per cent of aldermen are female (Stem op een
Vrouw, n.d.). This shows that although the Netherlands is ranked relatively high on the index, there is still a long way to go before gender parity in Dutch politics is reached. Furthermore, broader political diversity is also lacking. About 90 per cent of the members of the house of representatives is highly educated (“Opleidingsniveau Tweede Kamerleden,” n.d.). The institutionalisation of the women’s movement has also meant that any furthering of gender equality has become dependent on funding from the Dutch state. This also shows that just having a political system that is more favourable for women is not enough to elicit gender equality. This is why women’s organisations are essential. For example, pressure from women’s organisations has been shown to be useful in guaranteeing that actors comply with quotas (Dahlerup, 2005).
Throughout history, there have been several efforts to increase female political participation by Dutch feminist organisations. This started in the first wave of feminism with the suffragette movements and has continued in various forms until today. It would be interesting to see how the dimension of social class has been addressed in Dutch feminist organisations aimed at increasing the level of female political participation over the years, especially when social class is so interwoven with the level of political participation. Hence, this thesis investigates the following research question: How has the role of social class
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evolved in Dutch feminist organisations furthering political participation?. To answer the central research question, three organisations are investigated. The first case study is
Vereeniging voor Vrouwenkiesrecht (VVK – Association for Women’s Suffrage). The second case study is Man Vrouw Maatschappij (MVM – Man Woman Society). The third case study is Stem op een Vrouw (SV – Vote for a Woman). Each of these case studies is among the most prominent feminist organisation in its respective wave of feminism, and has the aim of the furthering female political participation within the existing political system. These case studies are chosen to demonstrate how the role of social class has developed through different phases of feminism. It is important to emphasise that the metaphor of waves to indicate periods in feminism is a Western notion. The data is analysed through the critical frame analysis. The primary data is coded through ATLAS TI, and analysed using the literature on social class and social stratification. This research provides new empirical data on social class differences in feminism. Furthermore, it provides a female perspective on theories that have traditionally been focused on men.
In the first chapter, the literature on the evolution of feminism is presented, as well as literature on inequalities in political representation. In the second chapter, the conceptual framework of this study is introduced. The central concepts of this study are socioeconomic status, social class and social stratification. This chapter also presents the hypotheses for this thesis. In the third chapter, context is provided on Dutch feminism, and how the cases are selected. Furthermore, this chapter also explains how the data collected, as well as the method of data analysis. The limitations of the research are presented last. In the fourth chapter, the results of the study are presented. This is followed by the final chapter in which the results are discussed through an analysis of the results, an investigation of implications of the results, as well as an examination of new insights as a result of the results. This thesis concludes that over time Dutch feminist organisations have become more inclusive of people from lower social classes. However, people from high social classes are still overrepresented. Education proves to be the most significant indicator of social class in a female context.
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1 Literature Review
This chapter explores the evolution of feminism, as well as the inequalities in political representation. In order to understand how social class in feminism may have evolved, we must first know how feminism as a movement has developed. Moreover, this provides a background on the cases, as well as on how various inequalities in politics may arise.
1.1 Waves of feminism
The term second-wave feminism, and with it the analogy of ocean waves to indicate phases of feminism, was introduced by Marsha Weinman Lear in 1968. The term was used to mark a distinct new period of feminism, while at the same time acknowledging the ongoing political struggle. Up until that point the term feminism had been synonymous with all efforts to increase women’s rights. The wave analogy allowed for more distinction within the
overarching effort (Henry, 2004). This analogy is used predominantly in Western feminist history. An inclination in feminist theory exists to refer to feminism and Western feminism as being identical (Osha, 2008). Moreover, much of feminist literature is based on Western societies, with many case studies investigating the United States of America (US) or the United Kingdom (UK). Mohanty (1984) argues that Western feminism essentially presents itself as being a universal idea, but many of its biases and problems are inherently Western. For example, Western feminism is little concerned with imperialism or colonialism. There is a need to acknowledge the duality of the inherent privilege of a movement that is centred on inequality.
The use of ocean waves as a metaphor for the phases of feminism has been criticised by several authors. Garrison (2005) offers an alternative metaphor. She maintains that radio waves better account for the plurality within feminism. Nicholson (2010) offers the
alternative of a kaleidoscope. A kaleidoscope always has an intricate pattern with different colours and patterns, that change once the kaleidoscope is turned. According to her, this metaphor better takes into account the differences in forms of feminism today as compared to the 1960s, 1970s and 1980s. It also better includes the continuity of and the links to the forms of feminism from earlier times. Yet, as compelling as these alternative metaphors might be, in general people still use the metaphor of ocean waves to describe the development of feminism. However, these alternatives are useful in that they illustrate that the metaphor of ocean waves to indicate phases of feminism is not as clear-cut as it may initially seem. Evans and Chamberlain (2015) acknowledge that the metaphor of waves has its issues, but also
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stress that it has the potential “to emphasise continuity, inclusivity and multiplicity within feminist identity, discourse and praxis” (p.406).
In general, the authors distinguish three phases of contemporary feminism. However, there is hardly any agreement among authors as to how to define these three waves.
Moreover, some even argue that there is a fourth wave materialising (Rampton, 2008). The first phase or ‘wave’ of feminism is dated to the late nineteenth and early twentieth century. It was centred for the most part around the suffragist movement, and reached its climax with the adoption of equal voting laws. The second wave can be dated to the 1960s, 1970s and the 1980s. It aimed to criticise the patriarchal aspects of society (Pierceson, 2016). The onset of a third wave can be dated to the early 1990s. Third-wave feminism makes three significant steps away from the second wave. First, instead of a focus on ‘women’ as a homogenous group, the third wave highlights individual stories that demonstrates a feminism that is more intersectional and encompasses more perspectives. Second, as a response to the advance of postmodernism, the third wave favours diverse opinions over an amalgamation of opinions, as well as action over theory. Third, the third wave highlights inclusivity and is not willing to limit the definition of feminism (Snyder, 2008). Essentially, the word ‘feminist’ as it was defined in the second wave was deemed to be too restrictive and exclusionary (Rampton, 2008).
The third wave has a distinct focus on the responsibility of the individual, rather than the struggle of the collective. This allows for more understanding and acceptance of diversity within the movement (Shugart, 2001). There is a strong focus within the wave on academic analyses of queer theory (Munro, 2013). Henry (2004) additionally shows that the third wave feminists distinguished themselves from the second wavers based on the critique that the second wave was inherently anti-sex. Women aimed to reclaim their feminine beauty and define it for themselves (Rampton, 2008). It has been claimed that a fourth wave has arrived or is on the brink of materialising. One of the central arguments here is that the more
widespread access to the internet enabled such a shift. However, many argue that the internet alone is not sufficient as a factor to indicate a new phase, especially when the underlying aims have not shifted drastically compared to the third-wave (Munro, 2013). Tong (2009) argues that it is likely that new waves will continue to arise as feminism evolves.
Acknowledging that at a later point in time these new developments might be deemed fundamental enough to be universally characterised as a distinctive new phase of feminism, this thesis deems the developments are still too recent to make a measured statement
10 1.2 Inequalities in political representation
This section explores the inequalities in political representation, which provides the context in which this thesis is situated. A specific focus is placed on gender inequality in politics, and the mechanisms behind these inequalities. The United Nations Development Programme (UNDP) employs an indicator to demonstrate gender inequality, namely the Gender Inequality Index (GII). The GII measures several aspects, namely reproductive health, empowerment and economic status. The aspect of empowerment is measured by “the proportion of parliamentary seats occupied by females and proportion of adult females and males aged 25 years and older with at least some secondary education” (“Gender Inequality Index (GII),” n.d.). It is worth noting that only political participation and education are framed by the UNDP as ‘empowerment’. This shows the importance of the role of politics in gender equality. Of all the countries listed, none have reached the critical 50 per cent mark indicating objective gender equality in parliament. Norway comes closest with a 41.1 per cent share of seats in parliament held by women.
1.2.1 Descriptive inequalities
In her research on obstacles to women’s participation in parliament, Shvedova (2005) introduces several variables to determine how successful women’s political participation is. The first factor is concerned with whether equal participation of female nominees in electoral campaigns are supported by the relevant political, institutional and financial actors. Matland (2005) shows that proportional representation systems are more favourable for women. This is especially noticeable in proportional representation systems that have a high level of parties combined with a larger district and a high electoral threshold. However, these conditions cannot guarantee high levels of female political representation. Shvedova (2005) shows that the lack of party backing can limit women. The second factor concerns the design of legislative regulations for implementing effective quota mechanisms. Krook (2010) shows that in recent years globally most innovations in the field of political participation have been quotas intended to increase the level of women in political office. Dahlerup (2005) argues that despite the important function of quotas played in increasing gender equality in politics, they alone are insufficient. She emphasises the importance of sanctions if actors do not comply with the quotas. Moreover, pressure from women’s organisations can be useful in guaranteeing that actors comply with quotas. Shvedova (2005) concurs that the effectiveness of quotas is dependent on how much they are enforced. The third factor is concerned with whether the educational programmes and centres are designed to prepare women for political
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careers. Bari (2005) shows that the lack of social capital due to a lack of a political education affects the position of women in politics. The fourth factor is whether the education and training of women in electoral campaigns is well supported (Shvedova, 2005). One way this may be executed is via networking. Matland (2005) emphasises the importance of networking of female politicians. According to him, women MPs and their political parties should
attempt to coordinate and organise both among themselves, as well as between other interest organisations outside of parliament. Shvedova (2005) argues that women’s organisations and other NGOs currently insufficiently coordinate their efforts. However, gender inequality does not represent the lacking of broader political diversity, as in many analyses the only factor accounted for is gender. Other aspects, such as sexuality, ethnicity, class or ability are left out of such argumentations. This obscures the lacking of broader representation beyond the inequalities concerning gender. Gallego (2007a) finds that where gender was once one of the principal sources of inequality in political participation in Europe, its direct impact today has decreased. Although an inequality between gender political participation is still noticeable, this discrepancy is attributed to differing access to resources. On a global level, age, education and social class are determined to be the most influential.
To consider how differences in political participation manifest in aspects beyond gender, a deeper look into the concept is needed. There are six manners in which people can participate in politics. The first is cognitive participation, which is done through developing awareness of issues in society. The second is expressive participation, which is done by expressing opinions on societal issues to others. The third form is organisational
participation, which constitutes being a member of a voluntary organisation. These three first types provide the basis for the second trio of modes of participation, namely electoral,
partisan and government participation. For all six of these types of political participation, people with a lower socioeconomic status have a lower level of participation (Beeghley, 1986). This shows that it is likely that an organisation is made up of people of higher social standing, as organisational participation among people of lower socioeconomic status is lower. Gallego (2007b) adds that for turnout and conventual political participation, people with a higher social standing are expected to participate at a higher rate. Looking beyond the factor of gender here has thus proven relevant in forming a more thorough view of
inequalities in political participation.
Ken (2007) shows that intersectionality can assist in identifying how various
oppressions have become institutionalized. This is why an intersectional lens on these issues is important. The concept of intersectionality was introduced by Kimberlé Crenshaw in 1989,
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right on the brink of the second and third wave (Verloo, 2006). Intersectionality emphasises that aspects of one’s identity are interrelated, and these intersections can create larger or smaller oppressions (Winker and Degele, 2011). Crenshaw’s original concept of
intersectionality was mainly focused on the overlap of race and gender, but in today’s feminist theory it encompasses a broader scale of aspects (Verloo, 2006).
1.2.2 Mechanisms behind inequalities
Several factors are contributing to gender inequalities in political participation. These factors can be categorised into a number of general categories, namely ideological, cultural, psychological, political, and economic factors. Bari (2005) posits that the ideological division of gender roles is shaped by the ‘patriarchy’. The use of this concept in itself is somewhat tricky, as this term has several differing understandings within contemporary feminist theory, all shaped by the various strands of feminist politics (Beechey, 1979). The definition Bari follows thus shapes her argument on ideological factors. However, she is not alone in this argumentation. Shvedova (2005) also posits that because many of the political institutions are shaped by male standards and political attitudes, women’s access to these institutions is limited. This in turn limits female input. Moreover, the ideological structures in society have negatively shaped women’s self-esteem and self-confidence. The cultural factors can be encapsulated by the gender status quo. Women generally have less time to dedicate to conducting politics due to their dual workload in the domestic sphere and the public sphere. Moreover, certain parts of society are still segregated based on gender, which in turn limits women’s ability to freely conduct themselves (Bari, 2005). The first psychological factor is the idea that exists among women that politics is ‘dirty’. In several countries politics is ridden with corruption, which discourages women to take part. The second psychological factors is concerned with the way the media highlight women’s contributions to society to a lesser extent than they do men’s. This negatively influences the level of political confidence among women (Shvedova, 2005). The political factor concerns the division between the public and private sphere in politics. The private sphere is essentially defined as being non-political. In many societies, women exist in this private sphere. Consequently, women and the issues of inequality are not prioritised in the political public sphere. This in turn has led to a masculine model of politics (Bari, 2005). The first economic factor is the fact that women often do not have access to or allowed to own capital. The second economic factor is that women are disproportionality affected by poverty and unemployment (Bari, 2005; Shvedova, 2005).
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2 Conceptual Framework
This chapter explores the central concepts upon which this research builds. Both of these concepts are related to the level of political participation. First, the differences and similarities between the concepts of socioeconomic status and social class are addressed. Second, the concept as well as the theories of social stratification are explored. Lastly, the central hypotheses and the reasoning behind these hypotheses are presented.
2.1 Socioeconomic status and social class
Social class is more than just a system to divide economic resources (Anthias, 2001). Fiske and Markus (2012) show that “social class influences all psychological functioning” (p.3). This includes, for example, decision-making, perceptions of self and others, as well as understanding of politics. Class also concerns cultural and symbolic elements. These
elements, in turn, determine how certain groups of people are valued and their hierarchy. The inequality that stems from this hierarchical division leads to unequal power relations, which in turn affects people negatively in their level of resources (Anthias, 2001). This can be seen in the different levels of political participation in different social classes. Beeghley (1986) explains that in all categories of political participation, people with a low income exhibit the lowest level of participation, whereas people with a high income exhibit the highest level. Brady et al. (1995) illustrates that it is in particular resources, such as time, money and civic skills, that have powerful effects on political activity. This, in turn, explains why
socioeconomic status has been powerful in predicting patterns of political participation. Cohen et al. (2001) demonstrate that socioeconomic status and political participation are not directly correlated, but that aspects of one’s identity interfere in this process. Different political activities require different configurations of resources, resulting in different patterns of stratification. Kraus et al. (2015) demonstrate that how a person’s social class in perceived is causally associated with political participation. It is thus useful to further investigate the concepts of socioeconomic status and social class in order to properly examine their effects on political participation.
The research on social class in essentially divided into two opposing doctrines, namely the Marxist and the Weberian approaches. The Marxist approach defines social class as “a group of people with a common relationship to the structures of political and economic power within a particular society” (Jones, 2001, p. 161). The Weberian approach defines social class as “a group of people who are categorized according to common socioeconomic indicators that are termed ‘life chances’” (ibid, p. 161). Ramazanoglu (1989) shows that the
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Marxist approach is not sufficient in understanding the differences between women, because it does not understand the different positions women may take up in a capitalist society. Women exist on the border of two worlds that are supposedly separate in Marxist theory, namely the home and the labour market. The Weberian approach, more or less by default, is thus more useful in this analysis focused on the experience of women. A further examination of these socioeconomic indicators may thus be appropriate here.
Deutsch (2017) defines socioeconomic status as consisting of the following elements: income, education and occupation. This shows that socioeconomic status is dependent on a combination of factors. Fujishiro et al. (2010) illustrate that occupational prestige is useful in indicating social status. Van Leeuwen and Maas (2010) add that occupation, and not income or wealth, is relatively the most effective indicator of socioeconomic status in historical research. This implies that the indicators of socioeconomic status can have varying levels of significance in determining one’s social status. Deutsch (2017) argues that social class determines a person’s standing in society, and a person’s social class is related to their socioeconomic status. Wohlfarth (1997) contends that social class and socioeconomic status are not synonymous, and cannot be used as such. However, this argument only concerns the theory and research on mental illness or mental distress. Several authors in sociological or political science research tend to use the terms interchangeably (i.e. Beeghley, 1986). On the other hand, others have also used the two terms alongside each other due to their
interrelatedness (i.e. Rubin et al., 2014). Bögenhold (2001) adds social behaviour shapes how people choose to spend their free time as well as how they spend their income. The concept of lifestyle may thus indicate one’s social status. For example, if one regularly stays at a high-end hotel, this may be indicative of their income. This finding is useful in determining social status when little to no other indicators are apparent.
2.2 Social stratification
Gallego (2007) shows that the aspects of social stratification are correlated to the level of political participation of a person. It is thus useful to further investigate social stratification as a concept and theory to gain an insight into its inner workings. The concept of social stratification concerns “a system with predictable rules behind the ranking of individuals and groups” (Kerbo, 2012, p.1). Social stratification is built on four central principles. The first principle is the idea that social stratification is characteristic of society, not of the individuals that make up the society. The second principle is the idea that social stratification is
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society, but is prone to change. The fourth principle is the idea that it is comprised of
objective inequality as well as subjective ideas and views on social standing (Grusky, 2007). Theories of social stratification aim to uncover and understand these rules determining the ranking of persons and groups. The fact that such a system exists, suggests that the ranking of people, and the consequent inequality that stems from it, is in some way justified. For such a system to exist, a widespread acceptance of the system and its justification is essential (Kerbo, 2012). The system justification theory aims to explain why people choose to accept or reject a system that leads to inequality. The theory posits that people are inclined to justify the flaws in their systems and to shy away from other possible systems (Jost et al., 2015). The fact that social stratification is prone to change, as posited by Grusky (2007), suggests that this justification is also capable of changing. One may thus expect different justifications in different generations, as social stratification is also generational. However, for every justification, one may also expect countering arguments. Lenski (1984) demonstrates that there are traditionally two camps with differing opinions on inequality, namely the
conservative thesis and the radical antithesis. The conservative thesis aims to maintain the status quo, whereas the radical antithesis is critical of the status quo and deems it unjust. Beeghley (1986) shows that social stratification affects the options people have available to them, which in turn affects their behaviour. This produces different behaviours in different layers of society. Feminism aims to change the status quo on the position of women, and thus subscribe to the radical antithesis. However, this may be the opposite for other aspects, such as social class.
Beyond the definition of social stratification, little agreement exists among classic sociological theorists (Kerbo, 2012). Davis and Moore (1945) present one of the first
attempts at an argumentation explaining why social stratification exists and why it continues to exist in societies: the Davis-Moore thesis. This thesis argues that compensation is
positively correlated with how valuable a social role is. Social stratification in this
argumentation is a direct consequence of differently valued work. Individuals who perform valuable work will thus be valued more in society. Tumin (1953) countered this thesis by questioning what constitutes valuable work. Moreover, the thesis does not account for inequalities based on other aspects than value, such as race or gender. Simpson (1956) adds to this critique that some positions that are well-valued make no significant contribution to society, such as media personalities. Buckley (1958) argues that the Davis-Moore thesis is not a theory of stratification, but parallels instead a theory that encompasses certain elements of social differentiation and hierarchical organisation.
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Acker (1973) posits that theories as presented above fail to take into account sex-based inequalities. These theories are sex-based on the assumption that the family is one single entity, and that all persons in this unit have equally valued social status. Acker argues that more aspects of a female person should be taken into account when determining their social status, as women do exist in society separate from a male person or a family unit. The
concept of ‘conferred status’ may be useful to allow for sex-based inequalities in this context. Conferred status is the idea that the status of the person with the highest social ranking is reflected onto the rest of the family unit. However, such a status obtained through close association with another person is not valued equally. This is because someone with
conferred status has not earned the societal merit themselves (Acker, 1973; Shils, 1968). This shows that social stratification theories have traditionally exclusively been focused on men. This notion is corroborated by Ramazanoglu (1989), who states that women have generally been excluded from “Marxist class analysis and other social theories of social and
occupational stratification” (p.98). However, this research concerns women. It is thus important to take note of how such theories may differ in application to women.
More modern authors have proposed new models of social stratification to address various problematic issues within more traditional models of social stratification. Clark and Lipset (1991) argue that as a result of newly emerged social differences, the nature of social stratification has fundamentally changed. They deem the traditional social stratification theories no longer to be adequate and to be requiring adjustments. Jackson and Grusky (2018) present a post-liberal theory of stratification that is centred around the idea that a considerable part of society is experiencing “profound loss” (p.1099). This is turn is argued to generate a stratification system with considerably solidary groups constructed around what they gain or lose. These gains and losses are considered to be within a zero-sum context. Anthias (2001) advocates for a multidimensional model of stratification. This model is based on the notion that social divisions cannot be taken as the basis for creating constant groups of people. People have various aspects of their identity that bring about both advantages and disadvantages. This is model is very much linked with Crenshaw’s concept of intersectionality as explained in the previous chapter.
2.3 Hypotheses
To make appropriate inferences from the data gathered, this research sets several hypotheses beforehand. In the article by Kendall (2020) she posits that feminism focuses on “people who already have most of their needs met”. This implies that feminism focuses on
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people from higher social classes. Beeghley (1986) shows that social stratification affects the options people have available to them, which in turn affects their behaviour. This produces different behaviours in different layers of society. Hence, we can hypothesise that the people in these feminist organisations are also from a higher social class. This reasoning leads to the first hypothesis, which is two-stage:
(H1a): People from higher social classes are overrepresented in feminist
organisations.
(H1b): As a consequence, they also target people from higher social classes.
As seen in the literature by Grusky (2007) above, social stratification is generational, but also prone to change. We may thus expect things to identify some changes regarding social class over time. This leads to the second hypothesis (H2): Over time, feminist
18 3 Methodology
This chapter provides background on Dutch feminism, outlines the case selection, the sampling criteria upon which the cases have been selected, the strategies with which the data is collected, how the data is analysed, and lastly reflects on the limitations of this research design.
3.1 Context and case selection
This section explores the background on the case of Dutch feminism, as well as discusses the selection of the cases. This is to provide a background on how the Dutch feminist movement differs from the larger Western feminist movement.
3.1.1 The ‘Dutch case’
This section provides background on the case of Dutch feminism. It is important to look at the situation in the Netherlands and how it may differ or be similar to the worldwide feminist movement. In the first wave, the central aims were centred around gaining the right to vote, gaining access to higher education, and earning a proper wage for labour. There are several prominent figures in the first wave of Dutch feminism, of which the following are only a small selection. Aletta Jacobs is widely seen as the face of the women’s suffrage movement in the Netherlands, being the first woman to graduate university and becoming the first female Dutch doctor. Wilhemina Drucker stood at the cradle of one of the most
prominent Dutch women’s suffrage organisations. Suze Groeneweg was the first woman elected into the Dutch parliament. Prominent organisations during this time were the Vereeniging voor Vrouwenkiesrecht (VVK) and the Nederlandsche Bond voor Vrouwenkiesrecht (NBV) (Dutch Union for Women’s Suffrage). The NBV was more
moderate in its ideas. Although it subscribed to the idea of women’s suffrage, it also believed women had to be properly educated first to be prepared for their new responsibilities to be voting citizens (Aerts, 2009). Another prominent organisation was Tesselschade-Arbeid Adelt (Tesselschade-Labour Ennobles), which exists to this day (Tesselschade, 2014). In the second wave, some of the most central aims were sexual liberation, economic independence of women, eliminating the so-called ‘housewife syndrome’ and equal standing in society. Two prominent figures during the second wave were Joke Smit and Hedy D’Ancona. Smit wrote an article in 1967 titled Het onbehagen bij de vrouw (The woman’s uneasiness) in reaction to Simone de Beauvoir’s book Le Deuxième Sexe (The Second Sex) from 1948. This article describes how women have fallen victim to the organisation of the labour market and
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marriage (Atria, 2017). Where in the UK de Beauvoir’s book is seen as a launching point for the second wave, in the Netherlands, it was Smit’s article fifteen years later that essentially launched the second wave. Alongside D’Ancona, Smit established the feminist platform Man Vrouw Maatschappij (MVM), which would function as the central feature of the second wave. It served as the cradle of many emancipatory and feminist initiatives, as well as the breeding ground for politicians and administrators pursuing women's emancipation. MVM also functioned as a link between on the one hand feminist action groups and other feminist initiatives, and on the other hand unions, universities and political institutions (van de Loo, 2005). At the time of the establishment of the organisation, male members were actively involved in the organisation. This changed in the early 1970s when radical feminism gained more traction and the role of men within feminist organisations became more controversial. Consequently, MVM had no male board members after 1973 (Ribberink, 1998). One of these more radical feminist organisations was Dolle Mina (Mad Mina), which evolved out of MVM. The name Dolle Mina is a direct reference to first wave feminist Wilhelmina Drucker (van de Loo, 2005). Dolle Mina deemed MVM to be too reformist.
The idea of a third wave of feminism is highly debated in the Netherlands. Where in the global movement the concept of a third wave is more acknowledged, several Dutch authors believe the third wave has failed to even commence in the Netherlands. Van de Loo (1999) posits that much of what has been achieved in the second wave of feminism in the Netherlands has deteriorated. She bases this argument on the fact that many institutions that safeguarded feminist cultural heritage have been abolished or are actively being hindered in their work. Moreover, she raises the point that many Dutch women feel that they have
already fully emancipated. De Vries and Van der Tuin (2005) acknowledge that feminism has taken a backseat in the Netherlands. However, they suppose that because of the ideas put forward by the feminists of the second wave on what feminism is and should be, much of the concept has become inaccessible for Dutch women. They posit that a third wave in the Netherlands can be distinguished as providing a modern explanation to the feminist ideas from the second wave. They believe that third-wave feminism in the Netherlands is not based on a completely new agenda of issues, but occurs in or in between already existing social institutions. Furthermore, Van der Tuin (2013) argues that the Netherlands has traditionally had a strong emancipation policy. Outshoorn and Oldersma (2007) show that in the 1990s women’s movement organisation had become highly institutionalised, as well as dependent on funding from the Dutch state. Van der Tuin (2013) refers to this as the ‘Dutch case’. Essentially, as a consequence of this institutionalisation, the Dutch feminist movement has
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become dependent the priorities of the Dutch state. In recent years, Dutch governments have consistently cut the budgets for feminist organisations. As a result, a recent insurgence of grassroots feminist organisations has occurred, all independent from the state. Stem op een Vrouw (SV) is an example of one such grassroots organisation that arose to fill the gap left by inadequate policies by the Dutch government to increase female political participation (Stem op een Vrouw, n.d.). This organisation promotes the tactic of preference voting to increase the level of women in Dutch political institutions. The tactic of preference voting constitutes that “people are free to vote for any of the candidates. If enough people express their
preference for the same candidate, he or she may be elected regardless of their position on the candidate list” (“Voting”, 2011). Another organisation is de Bovengrondse (the Overground), a feminist platform and thinktank that supports new feminist initiatives (De Bovengrondse, 2019; De Bovengrondse, 2019).
3.1.2 Case selection
The case selection is loosely based on the most similar systems design (MSSD). This research design centres on the idea of comparing cases that are very similar to one another, but differ on one important element (Halperin and Heath, 2017). The cases have been chosen based on purposive sampling. Several criteria for investigation were set. Only cases that comply with these before set criteria are investigated. First, an organisation must be among the prominent feminist organisations in its respective wave of feminism. Second, it must have made explicit its goal of furthering female political participation. third, it must aim to work within the existing political system. The first criterium is needed to limit the amount of case studies investigated. As there are always multiple feminist movements or organisations within one wave of feminism, focusing on the most important or prominent ones helps narrow down the research. The second criterium is in place to further limit the number of possible cases. The last criterium is rooted in the idea that comparative analysis in this context is only possible if all cases work within the same system.
Although several organisations arose in the first wave, most were originally rooted in the Vereeniging voor Vrouwenkiesrecht (VVK), making it a central actor in the overall early feminist movement. One of the more prominent organisations that broke away from the VVK was the Nederlandse Bond voor Vrouwenkiesrecht (NBV). This organisation was more moderate in its ideas. Although it subscribed to the idea of women’s suffrage, it also believed women had to be properly educated first to be prepared for their new responsibilities to be voting citizens. This disqualifies NBV as a case study for this particular research, as their
21
viewpoint essentially made the furthering of female political participation conditional. As seen in the literature above, there were two main Dutch feminist movements and
organisations during the second wave, namely MVM and Dolle Mina. As most feminist movements in the second wave, female political participation was not the central aim of these organisations. They had a whole range of ambitions, of which female political participation was only one. Considering there was no prominent organisation with the sole aim of
furthering female political participation, the choice for a case study was tied between one of these organisations mainly due to their prominent status. However, only one, namely MVM, aimed to influence the existing political system. As seen above, Dolle Mina rejected the system altogether and had more anarchic tendencies (van de Loo, 2005). Hence, since the MVM both aimed to work within the existing political system, and was one of the two most prominent organisations during the second wave, the choice case study falls on this
organisation. To make a proper historical comparison, a more recent case study is important as a baseline. SV is essentially the first prominent Dutch organisation after the second wave exclusively dedicated to the furthering of female political participation. Moreover, its entire premise of preference voting is in line with the third criterium, namely that the organisation must aim to work within the existing political system. It is important to mindful of the fact that the cases investigated are all organisations based in the western part of the Netherlands, the Randstad. This part of the country is considered to be richer and represent some type of elite. Specifically, a type of elite that is not always perceived well in the rest of the country.
3.2 Data collection
With regards to data collection, several strategies are employed. The use of these strategies slightly differs between the three case studies mentioned above. Regarding data sources, this research makes, for the most part, use of primary documents published by the organisations themselves, as well an interview conducted with the founders of SV. This is to ensure triangulation. The quantity of primary data investigated is defined both through a limited time frame and the topic of a particular pieces of data. No documents are examined published beyond these limitations. Only primary sources published during the existence of the organisations are analysed. The archive of the VVK is published in the online archives of Atria, the Dutch knowledge institute for emancipation and women’s history. The analysis of primary data has been based on these online archives. The archive of MVM is held in the Atria archives in Amsterdam. I had limited access to their archives due to the measures concerning COVID-19. The data for this case study thus only exists of the three pieces in the
22
archive concerning the political working groups, as the rest of the archive was inaccessible in the timeframe. As SV is an inherently modern and still active organisation, in contrast to the other two case studies, the primary data for this case study has been collected from their website (www.stemopeenvrouw.com) as well as from one their most active social media platforms. This platform is their Instagram account with 4.2K followers (Instagram handle: @stemopeenvrouw). An elite interview was conducted with the founder and chair of SV, Devika Partiman, to contribute to the data for that particular case study. This interview is semi-structured. The interview was conducted via telephone on request of the interviewee. To ensure a proper handling of privacy, explicit consent has been given by the interviewee to make use of their name, as well as their position within the organisation.
3.3 Data analysis
To analyse the data, this research adopts the method of critical frame analysis (CFA). This method was developed for two studies on gender equality policies in the European context, and has since been used widely for studies on gender equality (van der Haar and Verloo, 2016). This analysis builds differs from frame analysis by taking into account the voice and audience. It builds on social movement theory, with elements of gender and political theory, and goes beyond ‘regular’ frame analysis. The central elements of a frame analysis are (1) the diagnosis, (2) the prognosis, and (3) the motivation. The diagnosis is how the problem is described. The prognosis refers to how the problem is to be dealt with. The motivation concerns the reasons that are given to intervene in the problem. However, these three elements do not provide enough insight into deeper underlying patterns. CFA differs from ‘regular’ frame analysis by also investigating two additional elements, namely (4) the voice and (5) the audience. These elements concern which actors are speaking to whom (Benford and Snow, 2000; Verloo, 2005). It is these latter two elements that allow the research to properly investigate the role of gender and social class within the three case studies. They provide an insight into the identity of the actors speaking, as well as their intended target audience.
Building on the MSSD and the case selection presented above, this thesis analyses VVK, MVM and SV based on the five central elements outlined in CFA. Specific emphasis is placed here on the latter two elements. This because of their importance in determining the impact of the organisation’s central figures’ social status on the organisations, as well as the social class of their intended target audience. Each organisation is analysed separately based on the data described above, within the CFA framework. The comparative analysis is
23
consequently based on the results of these individual analyses. By analysing each organisation separately, and then comparing them, it is possible to see how such
organisations have developed over time overall. Moreover, it facilitates an investigation of the changes regard specific aspects. Social class is determined through the use of the conceptual framework. The indicators of socioeconomic status (income, education and
occupation) are used in the analysis as a guide in determining the social class of the voice and the audience of the organisations. As seen in the last chapter, several authors in sociological or political science research tend to use the terms interchangeably (i.e. Beeghley, 1986). On the other hand, others have also used the two terms alongside each other due to their
interrelatedness (i.e. Rubin et al., 2014). This thesis recognises the differences between the two terms. However, socioeconomic status provides a more objective framework to measure social status. Therefore, in this thesis socioeconomic status is used as an indicator of social class and the terms are used interchangeably. The primary data is analysed through coding in ATLAS TI. The coding groups are based on the components of the CFA, namely diagnosis, prognosis, motivation, voice and audience. Codes are created based on their relation to one of the coding groups. For example, a group of people that an organisation may consider as part of their audience is coded as follows: Audience-Group of people. All similar codes are subsequently grouped into the appropriate coding groups.
3.4 Reflections
There are several inherent limitations to the research design as presented above. The access to and the collection of the available data has been limited as a result of the current measures surrounding COVID-19. My access to the Atria archives in Amsterdam, where MVM’s archives of primary documents are held, was limited to one brief visit. The data for this case study thus only exists of the three pieces in the archive concerning the political working groups, as the rest of the archive was inaccessible in the timeframe. As this primary data was intended to be a central element of the analysis for the second case study, this may impact the research. Furthermore, the interview with the founder and chair of SV was
conducted via phone. An interview via phone limits the non-verbal communication rooted in facial expressions and body language. This may have impacted the amount of information disclosed. As this interview constitutes a central element of the CFA for the third case study, it is important to acknowledge the potential impact on the data. However, the interviewee was already familiar with being interviewed via phone because of their position, so the impact may be smaller than anticipated.
25 4 Results
This chapter presents the results of the coding process1. The findings for the three case
studies can be found in the first three sections. The findings for the voice and the audience of the organisations are related to the indicators of socioeconomic status, namely income, education and occupation. Using these indicators, a judgement is made on the social class of the voice and audience of the three organisations.
4.1 Vereeniging voor Vrouwenkiesrecht
The data for VVK presents several frames pertaining to diagnoses. One of the most prominent frames is the lack of emancipation2. The two main problems around which much
of the communication of the organisation is centred are the two following frames: the issue that women have to adhere to laws they have no say in3, and the issue that women pay taxes
but are not prohibited from voting4. This is exemplified in the following excerpt of a
pamphlet by VVK:
“Are women citizens? Yes! When taxes need to be paid. No! When they ask for suffrage.”5
This shows how VVK aimed to highlight the double standard in Dutch society regarding taxes and legislation. The frames on prognosis are relatively varied in content, but all fit the context of the diagnosis. VVK actively organised demonstrations to combat unequal voting rights6, they held open informative meetings to draw more people to the cause, they
advised against candidates against women’s suffrage7, and they promoted candidates in
1 The primary documents in the Atria archives were found in bundles. Only the documents used for the case of VVK are individually accessible. All other documents are collected into bundles and only physically accessible in the archives. For transparency, such documents will be referenced via the following notation:
[author/organisation] ([date]). [Translated title of document], Atria bundle [number]. If a document has no clear title, a brief description of the document will be listed instead.
2 VVK (1918). Program booklet of the party meeting on January 18, 1918 on the occasion of the victory of the English women and the partial victory of the American women. 1 document. Retrieved from
https://atria.nl/bibliotheek-archief/collectie/archief/IIAV00000461/.
3 VVK (n.d.). Propaganda circulars. 1 cover. Retrieved from
https://atria.nl/bibliotheek-archief/collectie/archief/IIAV00000461/.
4 VVK (n.d.). Pamphlets "Calls to the voters of the Netherlands". 3 documents. Retrieved from
https://atria.nl/bibliotheek-archief/collectie/archief/IIAV00000461/.
5 VVK (n.d.). Pamphlets "Calls to the voters of the Netherlands". 3 documents. Retrieved from
https://atria.nl/bibliotheek-archief/collectie/archief/IIAV00000461/.
6 VVK (1910-1918). Convocations and minutes of board, public, member and household meetings, clippings and annual report for 1912. Retrieved from https://atria.nl/bibliotheek-archief/collectie/archief/IIAV00000461/. 7 VVK (1910-1918). Convocations and minutes of board, public, member and household meetings, clippings and annual report for 1912. Retrieved from https://atria.nl/bibliotheek-archief/collectie/archief/IIAV00000461/.
26
favour of women’s suffrage8. However, the overarching prognosis championed by VVK was
to eliminate all legislation discriminating against women9. There are few frames explicitly
mentioning motivation. The only mention found was the idea that inequality limits women’s development10. All other frames were more implicit in the communications put out by VVK.
This suggests that the organisation was of the understanding that its members and audience would already understand the importance of the issue.
The frames on the voice were explicit in who was allowed to become a member, but less so on the social status of these people. The people running the organisation were exclusively women. Men were also not allowed to become members11. Especially the board
was well educated. This can be seen in the manner in which letters were signed. Several board members have the letters ‘dr.’ (doctor) in front of their family name12. This indicates a
higher level of education. Moreover, all members had to be over 1813. This shows that VVK
was not inclusive of younger people. Membership was on a monetary basis14. This excluded
women who did not have the funds to afford such a membership. This shows that many of the mentions of indicators of social class of the voice are implicit. Another example of this is the programme book for one of the VVK general meetings, which was filled with advertisements for products and services aimed at women who have more money to spend, such as leather bags and suitcases, flower arrangements, dry cleaning, sewing machines, and model rooms in the Liberty15. The advertisements implicitly show the level of income of its members,
otherwise, such advertisements would not have been deemed appropriate and placed in the programme booklet. Another example of such an implicit indication of the income of the members are the locations for the general meetings. Of all the programs of general meetings
8 VVK (1910-1918). Convocations and minutes of board, public, member and household meetings, clippings and annual report for 1912. Retrieved from https://atria.nl/bibliotheek-archief/collectie/archief/IIAV00000461/. 9 VVK (1916-1920). Minutes of member, annual and household meetings. 1 part. Retrieved from
https://atria.nl/bibliotheek-archief/collectie/archief/IIAV00000461/.
10 VVK (1918). Program booklet of the party meeting on January 18, 1918 on the occasion of the victory of the English women and the partial victory of the American women. 1 document. Retrieved from
https://atria.nl/bibliotheek-archief/collectie/archief/IIAV00000461/.
11 VVK (1909). Statutes and internal regulations. 1 section. Retrieved from
https://atria.nl/bibliotheek-archief/collectie/archief/IIAV00000461/.
12 (1916-1920). Minutes of member, annual and household meetings. 1 part. Retrieved from
https://atria.nl/bibliotheek-archief/collectie/archief/IIAV00000461/.
13 VVK (1909). Statutes and internal regulations. 1 section. Retrieved from
https://atria.nl/bibliotheek-archief/collectie/archief/IIAV00000461/.
14 VVK (1909). Statutes and internal regulations. 1 section. Retrieved from
https://atria.nl/bibliotheek-archief/collectie/archief/IIAV00000461/.
15 VVK (1913). Program booklet of the party evening on Saturday 12 July 1913 in Apeldoorn. 1 document. Retrieved from https://atria.nl/bibliotheek-archief/collectie/archief/IIAV00000461/.
27
found in the data for VVK, the majority was held in high-end hotels in Amsterdam. One of the only exceptions to this was a meeting held in a high-end hotel in Apeldoorn16.
The board of the organisation often called upon its members in its announcements of general meetings for its active members to bring new people with an interest in VVK to the general meetings1718. This shows that the organisation looked for people with similar
opinions. Moreover, these general meetings were contribution-based for non-members19. This
meant that the women who went to such open meetings held by VVK had the funds to afford such a contribution. Furthermore, The main target audience for VVK was the general Dutch electorate. An example of this can be found in several VVK pamphlets. In these pamphlets, the Dutch electorate is addressed directly: Kiezers! (Voters!) or Kiezers van Nederland! (Voters of the Netherlands)20. However, at the time, the Dutch electorate consisted of
exclusively men. This is also acknowledged in the communication, as the word kiezers is interchangeably used with mannen (men)21. In this, they do make a distinction between
people who are proponents of equal voting rights, and people who are not22. This shows that
although from the outset it may seem they target all Dutch voters, more importance is placed in their communication on voters who are in favour of equal voting rights. VVK was also in contact with the political elite of the time, appealing for equal voting rights. An example of this is a letter to the ministry and the members of the Tweede Kamer der Staten-Generaal (the Dutch house of representatives)23. This shows that the target audience of VVK consisted of
more than one group.
16 VVK (1916-1920). Minutes of member, annual and household meetings. 1 part. Retrieved from
https://atria.nl/bibliotheek-archief/collectie/archief/IIAV00000461/.
17 VVK (1916-1920). Minutes of members, annual and household meetings. Retrieved from
https://atria.nl/bibliotheek-archief/collectie/archief/IIAV00000461/.
18 VVK (n.d.). Invitation to the extraordinary party evening on 12 February. Retrieved from
https://atria.nl/bibliotheek-archief/collectie/archief/IIAV00000461/.
19 VVK (n.d.). Invitation to the extraordinary party evening on 12 February. Retrieved from
https://atria.nl/bibliotheek-archief/collectie/archief/IIAV00000461/.
20 VVK (n.d.). Pamphlets "Calls to the voters of the Netherlands". 3 documents. Retrieved from
https://atria.nl/bibliotheek-archief/collectie/archief/IIAV00000461/.
21 VVK (1910-1918). Convocations and minutes of board, public, member and household meetings, clippings and annual report for 1912. Retrieved from
https://atria.nl/bibliotheek-archief/collectie/archief/IIAV00000461/.
22 VVK (n.d.). Pamphlets "Calls to the voters of the Netherlands". 3 documents. Retrieved from
https://atria.nl/bibliotheek-archief/collectie/archief/IIAV00000461/.
23 VVK (1910-1918). Convocations and minutes of board, public, member and household meetings, clippings and annual report for 1912. Retrieved from
28
Table 1. Vereeniging voor Vrouwenkiesrecht
Diagnosis Prognosis Motivation Voice Audience Lack of
emancipation
Demonstration Inequality limits women’s development
Educated Dutch electorate [men] with supportive ideas Women have to
adhere to laws they have no say in
Hold open informative meetings
High income Women
Women pay taxes but are not allowed to vote Advise against candidates against women’s suffrage 18+ High income Promote candidates in favour of women’s suffrage No men allowed Eliminate all legislation discriminating against women
4.2 Man Vrouw Maatschappij
The data for this case exists only of the three bundles of documents in the archive concerning the political working groups, as the rest of the archive was inaccessible in the timeframe provided. This may have impacted the results, as documents such as the MVM statutes were not accessible and thus not analysed. The most prominent frame relating to diagnosis found in the data was the negative impact of marriage on emancipation24. This is
exemplified in the following excerpt from a draft document from the political working group in Haarlem:
“Full emancipation of women is not possible as long as the perspective of the woman is unilaterally focused on marriage.”25
Of the three cases investigated, MVM had the most consistent and clearly defined frames on prognosis. These prognoses are mentioned throughout several documents, but are all rooted in a proposal for measures by the MVM political working group in Groningen26. In
other communications, this piece is referred to as ““Het Stuk”” [this document is always mentioned in parentheses and capital letters], for example in the minutes of a meeting of political working groups27. In total seven measures are named in the piece, but not all
measures are mentioned and championed as much in other documents. The frames that were
24 Kieft, T. (n.d.). Letter to the members of the political working groups within MVM. MVM bundle 257. 25 MVM (n.d.). Document (possible draft) by the political working group in Haarlem. MVM bundle 257 26 MVM (n.d.) Political working group Groningen. MVM bundle 257.
27 MVM (1974). Minutes of the meeting of political working groups on 20 April 1974 in Utrecht. MVM bundle 257.
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used more frequently were the idea that 50% of electable spots should be female, that all MVM members should also be an active member of a political party, that emancipation groups should be installed in all political parties, and that political parties should stimulate women to be more politically active2829. The main frame found in the data for MVM
regarding motivation was that inequality limits women’s development. This is exemplified in the following quote from an announcement of a meeting of political working groups in 1974:
“As long as the girl continues to consider the profession of housewife as her only task, she will miss the skills to act as an equal partner in society.”30
This shows that this motivation was so ingrained in MVM that even in internal communication such as these, this is mentioned explicitly. In the data little can be found about the members themselves. This is most likely due to my limited access to the contents of the archives of MVM. As seen in the literature by Ribberink (1998), both Joke Smit and Hedy d’Ancona, the founders of MVM, were highly educated. Originally, MVM started as an organisation run by both men and women. However, the position of men within the
organisation became too controversial in the early 1970s. This may elicit the belief that the organisation was exclusively run by educated women. However, the board of MVM was aware of the organisation’s internal differences and how that affected its inner workings. An excerpt from the minutes of a meeting of all MVM political working groups in 1974 shows the friction that these internal differences create:
“Not only the worker woman is getting off badly. MVM also shows little solidarity in other areas: the small group of unmarried people finds little support for defence of its interests among the much larger group of married members”31
This shows that the members of MVM were less homogenous than may initially seem, and that the organisation also had members of lower social classes. One of the central target audiences for MVM were unmarried women. Looking at MVM’s diagnosis, this is a relatively logical target audience. To address the problem at hand, one must reach the people
28 MVM (n.d.) Political working group Groningen. MVM bundle 257. 29 MVM (1974). Concept action programme. MVM bundle 257.
30 de Boer, A.M. (n.d.). Announcement of meeting of political working groups on 6 June forthcoming, Poort van Cleve, Utrecht. MVM bundle 257.
31 de Boer, A.M. (n.d.). Announcement of meeting of political working groups on 6 June forthcoming, Poort van Cleve, Utrecht. MVM bundle 257.
30
involved in the issue32. Furthermore, MVM was in active contact with prominent Dutch
political parties, such as CDA (Christen-Democratisch Appèl – Christian Democrat Appeal)33, P.S.P. (Pacifistisch Socialistische Partij – Pacifist Socialist Party)34, VVD
(Volkspartij voor Vrijheid en Democratie - People's Party for Freedom and Democracy)35,
PvdA (Partij van de Arbeid – Labour Party)36, PPR (Politieke Partij Radikalen – Political
Party Radicals)37, and DS’70 (Democratisch Socialisten '70 – Democratic Socialists ‘70)38.
MVM made recommendations on the content of the draft party programmes of each these political parties. Moreover, MVM assessed the content of the party programmes on to what extent it fits the aims of MVM and requested changes in the content39. National political
parties were thus a large part of the audience of MVM. MVM was also active on a more local political level. Local departments of MVM were in contact with and were actively proving feedback on the activities and policies of local politicians. One example of this is in the MVM department of Haarlem, where feedback was provided to the municipal inspection of education of Haarlem regarding the content of the sexual education at local primary schools40.
Table 2. Man Vrouw Maatschappij
Diagnosis Prognosis Motivation Voice Audience Negative impact of marriage on emancipation Change through influencing politics Inequality limits women’s development
Educated Housewives (to be)
50% of electable spots should be female Male members allowed Political parties Advise political parties Emancipation groups in every political party Members should be politically active to change parties from inside out
32 Kieft, T. (n.d.). Letter to the members of the political working groups within MVM. MVM bundle 257. 33 MVM (n.d.). Recommendations for the draft party program of CDA. MVM bundle 193.
34 MVM (n.d.). Recommendations for the draft party program of P.S.P. MVM bundle 193. 35 MVM (n.d.). Recommendations for the draft party program of VVD. MVM bundle 193.
36 MVM (n.d.). Recommendations for the draft party program of PvdA and PPR. MVM bundle 193. 37 MVM (n.d.). Recommendations for the draft party program of PvdA and PPR. MVM bundle 193. 38 MVM (n.d.). Recommendations for the draft party program of DS’70. MVM bundle 193.
39 MVM (n.d.). Assessment of the CDA's draft party program against the objectives of MVM. MVM bundle 193. 40 MVM (1973). Message to the municipal education inspection of Haarlem regarding sexual education in primary education. MVM bundle 257.
