Music genre and music festival locations : the implementation of music genre in outdoor music festival policy

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Author:

Koen Theodoor Segers Number: 11415509

Supervisor: R.C. Kloosterman

Master Thesis Human Geography Track: Economic Geography

Date: 11-6-2018

Word count: 22.856

Music genre and music

festival locations

The implementation of music genre in outdoor

music festival policy

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THE IMPLEMENTATION OF MUSIC GENRE IN OUTDOOR MUSIC FESTIVAL POLICY

1

ABSTRACT

Literature shows that music festivals have become very popular amongst a wide range of people, causing festivals to be organized to a large extent. Besides bringing producers and consumers together and acting as an intermediary between different actors, festivals also affect the local environment in which the festival resides. Furthermore, the location of festivals is important to their economic impact. However, local planners and policy makers often ignore the use of festivals as a tool of development.

The aim of this research is to study the relationship between music genre and the locations of outdoor music festivals in Amsterdam, Rotterdam, The Hague, and Utrecht (the G4). Also, the extent to which outdoor music festivals are taken into account in local development is discussed. The results of this research show that policy regarding outdoor music festivals differs between the cities of the G4. These policies are location and context-specific. Furthermore, experts in the field of event policy say that it is difficult to take into account different music genres in event policy. However, there are similarities in outdoor music festival locations displaying certain music genres in the cities of the G4.

What can be concluded from this research is that there is an obvious pattern of dance festivals being organized away from the inner-city limits. The reason for the locations of dance non-dance festivals is subject to requirements and conditions that are constructed by policy-makers. In particular, loudness of sound and the geography of the city (e.g. parks) are important aspect which explains the location of dance and non-dance festivals. It is difficult to use festivals as a tool for local development. However, by granting subsidies to festivals organizers who support policy goals, local development is realized.

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2 TABLE OF CONTENTS

Abstract ... 1

List of tables and figures ... 5

1.Introduction ... 6

2. Theoretical framework ... 10

2.1 Background theory ... 10

2.1.1 The importance of the cultural industry ... 10

2.1.2 Policy perspectives in the cultural industry ... 12

2.1.3 The cultural industry and agglomeration ... 13

2.1.4 Social implications of agglomerations in the cultural industry... 14

2.2 The music industry ... 15

2.2.1 Developments in the music industry ... 15

2.2.2 Agglomerations and the music industry ... 16

2.2.3 Policy and the music industry ... 17

2.3 Music festivals ... 17

2.3.1 Defining music festivals ... 17

2.3.2 Development and functions ... 18

2.3.3 Organizational field ... 23

2.3.4 Music genre ... 24

3. Contextual policy framework ... 26

3.1 Event policy of Amsterdam ... 26

3.2 Event policy of Rotterdam ... 29

3.3 Event policy of The Hague ... 30

3.4 Event policy of Utrecht ... 31

3.5 Comparison of policy goals in the G4 ... 33

4. Methodology ... 34 4.1 Research design ... 34 4.1.1 Research Questions ... 34 4.1.2 Conceptual Scheme ... 35 4.2 Research Methods ... 36 4.2.1 Units of Analysis ... 36 4.2.2 Sampling ... 37 4.2.3 Data Collection ... 38 4.2.4 Data Analysis ... 41

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THE IMPLEMENTATION OF MUSIC GENRE IN OUTDOOR MUSIC FESTIVAL POLICY 3 4.3 Critical reflection ... 42 4.3.1 Ethics ... 42 4.3.2 Limitations ... 42 5. Results ... 44 5.1 Quantitative analysis ... 44

5.1.1 Descriptive analysis of cases... 44

5.1.2 Music genre of festivals in the G4 ... 47

5.2 Geographical Analysis ... 51 5.2.1 Amsterdam ... 51 5.2.2 Rotterdam ... 54 5.2.3 The Hague ... 57 5.2.4 Utrecht ... 60 5.3 Qualitative analysis ... 63

5.3.1 Expert 1: policy in Amsterdam ... 63

5.3.2 Expert 2: policy in Rotterdam ... 66

5.3.3 Expert 3: policy in The Hague ... 67

5.3.4 Expert 4: policy public/private sector ... 69

5.3.5 Expert 5: festival organizer ‘Dance’ ... 70

5.3.6 Expert 6: festival organizer ‘Pop’ ... 71

5.3.7 Expert 7: festival organizer ‘Classical’ ... 72

6. Discussion ... 74

6.1 Policies and music festivals ... 74

6.1.1 Differences in policy ... 74

6.1.2 Local development and music genre ... 75

6.1.3 Policy implications of music genre on locations ... 76

6.2 Recommendations for further research ... 77

7. Conclusions ... 78

7.1 Research questions ... 78

7.1.1 Sub-question 1 ... 78

7.1.3 Main research question ... 80

7.2 Policy recommendations ... 81

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4

Appendices ... 87

Appendix I E-mail to respondents ... 87

Appendix II. List of outdoor music festivals ... 88

Appendix III. Additional quantitative data ... 89

Appendix IV. Interview guide ... 92

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5

LIST OF TABLES AND FIGURES

Figures Page

Figure 1. Definitional elements of festivals. 7 Figure 2. Conceptual scheme. 35 Figure 3. Diagrams of the numbers of music genres displayed per municipality in the G4

49 Figure 4. Dance and non-dance festival

locations in Amsterdam.

52 Figure 5. Free and paid festival locations in

Amsterdam.

53 Figure 6. One day and multiple day festival

locations in Amsterdam.

locations in Rotterdam

55 Figure 8. Free and paid festival locations in

Rotterdam

56 Figure 9. One day and multiple day festival

locations in Rotterdam

locations in The Hague

58 Figure 11. Free and paid festival locations in The Hague.

59 Figure 12. One day and multiple day festival locations in The Hague

locations in Utrecht.

60 Figure 14. Free and paid festival locations in Utrecht

61 Figure 15. One day and multiple day festival locations in Utrecht

62

Tables Page

Table 1. Possible impacts of music festivals on regional economic development.

20 Table 2. Overview of units of analysis

comprising their function, expertise, sector, and method of data gathering.

37

Table 3. Overview of variables. 38 Table 4. Overview of the number cases per

municipality of the G4.

44 Table 5. Overview of the number of one day and multiple day music festivals per province and city the G4 in 2016.

46

Table 6. Overview of the number of paid and free music festivals in the G4.

47 Table 7. Overview of the total number of

music genres displayed in the G4.

48 Table 8. Overview of the number of dance

and non-dance festivals in the G4.

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6

1.INTRODUCTION

Music festivals have become very popular amongst a wide range of people, causing festivals to be organized to a large extent. The number of music festivals that are being organized in the Netherlands is substantial. A total of 1.070 music festivals have been organized in 2016. Taking into account that some festivals have multiple editions throughout the year, the number of music festivals that have been organized in 2016 is 1.138 (Vliet, 2017). According to Vliet (2017), the four largest cities in the Netherlands namely: Amsterdam, The Hague, Rotterdam and Utrecht count a total of 217 outdoor music festivals.

According to Cudny (2014a), festivals can be treated as a type of event and, hence, analysed as part of event studies. Seen from this perspective, planned events are defined as:

“Temporary occurrences with a predetermined beginning and end. Every such event is unique, stemming from the blend of management, program, setting and people” (Cudny, 2014a).

These events include business events, conferences and festivals. However, Cudny (2014a) believes that festivals should be analysed differently because they differ from other events. Firstly, because festivals constitute a very ancient form of events and have been documented at least since antiquity. Secondly, because they can be seen as social phenomena. According to Cudny (2014a), festivals are social phenomena because they are meeting places for particular groups (music, art, cinema or connoisseurs) and they enable people to develop interests and strengthen social ties and social capital. Festivals influence local communities and play a role in celebrating values (Cudny, 2014a). Thirdly, festivals are characterized by a cultural dimension according to Cudny (2014a).

There is, however, no single definition of a festival. Various definitions have been in sociology, anthropology, event studies and geography. In Figure 1, the different elements that define a festival are shown.

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7 Figure 1. Definitional elements of festivals. Source: Cudny, W. (2014b).

Music festivals are an important factor in the music industry. The music industry has changed constantly due new developments. According to Jones (2000), the distribution and consumption of music via digital networks is of great concern to this industry. The way in which music is purchased has changed over time due to new technologies (Jones, 2000). This change of technologies has great impact on the supply chain of the music industry. According to Bockstedt et al. (2005), artists don’t depend on institutions like record labels and retailers anymore to distribute their music. According to the Recording Industry Association of America (RIAA) this digital revolution is the cause of declining sales of products like long-playing records and CDs and an increase in sales in the streaming and downloading market. This decline in sales, according to the RIAA, is up to 50%. This development forces artists to find other ways to distribute their music. Live performances for example. Music festivals are ideal for artists to distribute their music this way.

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8 Florida and Jackson (2010) state that it is commonly thought that the rise of the internet means that musicians are not bound to geographical space. However, the nature of the music industry suggests geographical concentration (Florida & Jackson, 2010). Paleo and Wijnberg (2006) state that music festivals act as an intermediary actor in the distribution of music. Meaning that music festivals bring producers and consumers of music together at a certain geographical location.

Gursoy, Kim, and Uysal (2004) state that numerous communities have been actively hosting or developing festivals and events for their economic benefit as well as their contribution to community development. Even with limited profits, music festivals have significant cumulative impact on places and there is a definite link to economic development (Gibson & Connell, 2011). According to Saayman and Saayman (2005), the location matters to the economic impact of festivals. The impact of festivals, according to Saayman and Saayman (2005), is influenced by the size of the location in terms of infrastructure and other aspects that influence the economic impact, namely: the length of stay, the size of the festival, and ticket pricing. Therefore, the economic impact of festivals partly depends on location. However, local planners and economic development policy-makers often ignore the use of festivals as an economic development tool (Gibson & Connell, 2011).

Leenders, van Telgen, Gemser, and Van der Wurff (2005) in their research in what causes the success of Dutch music festivals, found that music genre does not matter to the success of Dutch music festivals. However, development impacts in respect to the genre of music festivals have not yet been discovered. As music festivals are intrinsically linked to music, it is helpful for policy-makers to know the different developmental effects of a certain music festival genre on its environment.

This research is about whether there exists a relationship between music genre and the location of outdoor music festivals. As music festivals are intrinsically linked to music genre and location, it is useful to find out if music genre can be implemented in contemporary and/or future policy to effectuate certain policy goals. According to Leenders, van Telgen, Gemser, and Van der Wurff (2005) music genre does not matter with regard to the success of Dutch music festivals. However, the implementations of music genre in music festival policy and music festivals locations have not yet been studied.

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9 Therefore, the research question of this thesis is:

“How are music genres related to the location of outdoor music festivals within the municipalities of Amsterdam, The Hague, Utrecht and Rotterdam (G4) and how do local governments use outdoor music festival policy as a tool for local development?”

To answer this question the following sub-question are important to investigate: 1. Where are music festivals located in the G4 and what is their music genre?

2. Do governmental policies influence where outdoor music festivals are located in the G4?

3. To what extent do local governments take into account music genres in outdoor music festival policies regarding local development?

Music-festivals have many implications, socially and economically. It is necessary to define the concept of music festivals and to identify the function this phenomenon has in its contribution to the development of its environment. May it be their regional implications or their local influence, either way it’s helpful to define the impacts of music festivals to construct and/or adapt contemporary policies.

The structure of the research is as follows. First, a theoretical framework is presented to explain the importance of the industry in which music festivals reside. Also, theories concerning the identification of the different concepts are enlightened. Secondly, a contextual framework of the different policy goals of the municipalities in the G4 is presented. Subsequently, the methods used to conduct the research are identified as well as the limitations of this research. Next, the results are shown, as well as the analysis of the results. Fifthly, the discussion is presented which reflects the results to the theoretical frameworks. Finally, the conclusion of this research is given as well as policy recommendations.

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10

2. THEORETICAL FRAMEWORK

In this chapter, the theories behind the cultural industry, the music industry, local development and music festivals are presented. Firstly, background theories explaining the importance of the cultural industry are addressed. This part will also address the social implications herein. Next, the music industry and its geographical implications regarding development and policy-making are addressed. Thirdly, music as a tradable good and the function of music festivals with their developmental implications will be explained.

2.1 Background theory

This section comprises background theories that are important in understanding the relevance of the cultural industry, Firstly, the importance of the cultural industry regarding local development is explained. Subsequently, policy perspectives for local development are addressed. Thirdly, the implications of agglomerations in the cultural industry are explained. Lastly, the social implications of agglomerations are addressed, explaining the importance of agglomerations regarding economic growth.

2.1.1 The importance of the cultural industry

In the past, economic processes have revealed a shift in urban economies from a Fordist situation, where standardization of production processes are dominant, to a post-Fordist situation in which more flexible services took the lead (Musterd, 2004). This evolved towards the contemporary situation in which technology and services are combined with elements that are relevant for creativity and innovation (Musterd,2004). According to Musterd (2004), these transformations are strongly connected with changes that occur in cities. Cities are seen as engines of economic growth, centres of production and consumption, innovation and accumulation of wealth. Furthermore, creativity and a good climate for innovation are crucial factors for urban economic success (Musterd, 2004).

According to Scott (2004), the cultural economy is represented by sectors that produce goods and services. The subjective meaning of these goods is high in comparison with their utilitarian purpose (Scott, 2004). Industries that produce cultural products can be identified as service outputs that focus on entertainment (e.g. recorded music) (Scott, 2004). Products in this industry are often subject to competitive pressures that encourage individual firms to

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11 agglomerate in dense specialized clusters (Scott, 2004). At the same time however, these kinds of products circulate with increasing ease on global markets (Scott, 2004).

In the early 1980s, the connection between the cultural environment and local economic development became more visible (Scott, 2004). Since then, cultural events festivals have been increasingly linked to local strategies. Their growth was increasing dramatically and their economic potential seemed considerable (Gibson & Connell, 2011). Hence, policymakers assumed that in the field of place marketing and exploitation of heritage for economic gains, progress could be made (Scott, 2004). According to Williams (1997) and Kong (2000), the main concern of these particular programs has been to upgrade and redevelop local cultural resources via arts funding schemes. The goal was to attract increasing numbers of visitors from areas other than their own (Scott, 2004). More importantly, the aim was to improve the image of particular places so they would lure in upscale investors and skilled high-wage workers that follow their footsteps (Scott, 2004). Scott (2004) identifies these policies as “first-generations practices”. These policies achieved some success but they are greatly constrained in their range of applications and their economic result. As an answer to these “first-generation practices” Scott (2004) respectively announces the importance of a complementary set of approaches. These “second-generation policies” are less directed to the selling of places, and more to the export of cultural products to markets all over the world (Scott, 2004). These methods of generating added income to the local environment revolve around the promotion of festivals, carnivals, and other mass spectacles (Gratton, Dobson, and Shibli 2001; Ingerson 2001).

According to Scott (2002), large firms in the cultural industry occasionally tend toward mass production but that they are increasingly often converging to organization structures that resemble that of “system houses”. This term is borrowed from the technology industry which describes an establishment whose products are small in number over a certain period of time but each individual unit has large inputs of capital and/or labour (Scott, 2002). This type of organization is important in the cultural industry because they act as hubs of wider production networks (Scott, 2004). Cultural events bring forth local economic development and stimulate the rise of social networks.

In the past, several efforts have been made to assess the quantitative importance of the cultural industry. The problem that arose from these efforts is that of definitional uncertainty

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12 amongst countries. Even if countries agree upon a common definition, there is still the problem of diverging occupational nomenclature that countries use to describe the cultural industry (Scott, 2004). Nevertheless, there is enough evidence that suggests that the cultural industry is a growing phenomenon in the modern economic system (Scott, 2004). For example, Pratt (1997) defined the cultural industries of Britain by referring to different sectors within the cultural industry and found that 4.5% (1 million) of the total labour force was employed in this industry. Scott (2000) used a definition based on industrial categories indicates that in the United States, the cultural industry accounted for 2.4% (3 million) of the total labour force.

According to Scott (2004), employment in the cultural industry is mostly located in large cities. Research shows that the majority of employees active in the cultural industry live in urban areas. London accounts for 26.9% (Pratt, 1997), of employment in the British cultural industry. In the United States more than 50% of all workers in the cultural industry are concentrated in metropolitan areas (Scott, 2004). According to Scott (2004), these examples are, although modest, sizable contributions to the absolute employment and income.

2.1.2 Policy perspectives in the cultural industry

The cultural economy accounts for substantial shares of income and employment in many countries. This offers opportunities for local economic development to policy-makers. The use of culture as a tool of economic development has gained prominence over the years and creative people have long been thought to be important in creating urban vitality (Currid, 2007). According to Musterd (2004), high human capital individuals are the key to success in economic growth. People and their ideas generate new divisions of labour, innovation, and regions must harness this human capital (Currid, 2007)

“Increasingly, culture has become a defining part of a city's identity. Cultivating the cultural economy can be an effective economic development strategy that lures not only more artists and designers but also people and industries that seek out culturally vibrant places to live.” (Currid, 2007)

Governments can stimulate cultural production by supporting the institutional and organizational context of creativity (Currid, 2007). According to Currid (2007), this approach is most effective when it focuses on the places in which social interaction occurs. Most

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13 developments based on the cultural industry will most likely take place in the world’s most prosperous countries (Scott, 2004). However, a number of low- and middle-income countries are able to participate in many different ways in this cultural economy (Scott, 2004). According to Scott (2004), economically depressed industrial areas occasionally turned their deprivation around by well-planned cultural initiatives. However, the cultural economy as a source of economic development needs further reflection to fully understand its potential, whilst at the same time the challenge lies in illuminating the limitations of these practices (Scott, 2004). This being said, a convergence between the economic and the cultural is currently occurring in modern life and this brings forth new kinds of urban and regional outcomes. Thus, opening up new opportunities for policy-makers to influence level of income, employment and social well-being (Scott, 2004). The challenge lies in attracting talent. According to Musterd (2004), this can be achieved by investing in the urban environment as well as in services that this talent pool needs. Also creating conditions for the right mix of social, economic, cultural and physical characteristics is important (Musterd, 2004).

2.1.3 The cultural industry and agglomeration

As is mentioned above, employment in the cultural industry is mostly located in large cities. It is necessary to understand the mechanism of why people in a certain sector find each other in a specific geographic location (e.g. cities). According to Currid (2007), urban and regional theory points out that industries benefit from locations with access to large labour pools and wide varieties of financial resources. Many firms seek to benefit from knowledge spillovers and human capital in agglomerations (Currid, 2007). According to Musterd (2004), firms increasingly often make location decisions based on where human capital is accessible. Phenomena like these are fundamental in the formation of clusters in a geographic space (Scott, 2012). According to Scott (2012), if groups of producers within a network are closely interlinked, some of them are likely to locate themselves in close proximity to one another. By doing this they reduce transfers-costs of products and face-to-face contact is more likely to happen (Scott, 2012). This generates agglomeration economies that reinforce convergence of more (cultural) industry workers around this cluster (Scott, 2012). According to Scott (2004), the developmental agendas focused on the cultural industry need to clarify the character of the sectors’ agglomerations because this is fundamental in understanding their geographic logic. Products that find their origin in the cultural industry are frequently subjective to competitive

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14 pressure and this encourages firms to agglomerate in dense specialized clusters (Scott, 2004). Moreover, these products circulate easily on global markets.

According to Currid (2007), planning and economic development practitioners aim to cultivate agglomerations as important sites of innovation, job creation, and increased productivity and growth. These strategies have always been firm-centric thus focusing on attracting companies with tax incentives which eventually draws in job seekers. However, recent studies indicate a shift in the global economy where people become more important than firms (Currid, 2007).

“It is not enough that a city or region possesses a cultural agglomeration; cultural producers must want its brand affiliated with their own creativity and cultural goods. Planners and economic developers can play an active role in cultivating such a reputation for places, so they will attract talented people.” (Currid, 2007)

However, according to Currid (2007), government interventions are seen by some as corrupting actions that influence the creative process or as signs of a failing career that needs support. Policymakers should avoid direct subsidies and grants, but still provide cultural support indirectly by funding cultural institutions (e.g. music festivals) (Currid, 2007).

“Successful cultural policy must acknowledge the complicated nature of creative production, and the ambivalence that cultural producers have towards support and intervention.” (Currid, 2007).

2.1.4 Social implications of agglomerations in the cultural industry

The characteristic of artistic and cultural economies is that density and cultural vitality support the social milieu that makes cultural production possible (Currid, 2007). According to Currid (2007), the social milieu of people working in the cultural industry appears to be the most important mechanism by which the cultural economy operates. Cultural producers (e.g. artists) are collaborating within the system to create goods, review each other’s products and establish new careers (Currid, 2007). Agglomeration is important for cultural producers like artists because of the infrastructural and labour pool advantages. Moreover, the geographic location also brands the products in a way that artists want to be associated with (Currid, 2007). In other words, the environment in which cultural producers operate can have positive effect on the value of the product. Thus, the economic advancement of actors is highly

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15 dependent on the social environment that exists within specific agglomerations (Currid, 2007).

“People interact in part because they believe the social realm is economically and socially important, particularly to advancing one's career and getting jobs.” (Currid, 2007)

According to Currid (2007), the social life of cultural producers enables interaction between different sub-groups within the cultural economy. Research shows, (Currid, 2007), that entertainment venue owners acknowledge the latter and that they are sensitive to this phenomenon because they see the value this interaction possesses. The agglomeration puts cultural producers in contact with these ‘gatekeepers’ (Currid, 2007). According to Currid (2007), gatekeepers value the social aspects even more than cultural producers and they have tremendous power in assigning value to creative products. Many festivals emphasize the presence of distinguished international performers and an opportunity for regional musicians to interact with them, enabling career development (Gibson & Connell, 2011).

“Festivals are both social opportunities and commercial opportunities for new artists to reach new audiences, to sell CDs and to revitalize their music, and – but not always – for local youth to become more involved in music.” (Gibson & Connell, 2011).

2.2 The music industry

First, the developments in the music industry are explained concerning the change market structure. Subsequently, the importance of agglomerations in the music industry is addressed. Lastly, the implications of the music industry for policy-makers are explained.

2.2.1 Developments in the music industry

Over the last sixty till seventy years, the music industry experienced substantial technological changes in the ways in which music is produced, distributed and consumed (Thorsby, 2002). The development of new formats like long-playing record, audio-cassette, compact discs have led to structural changes throughout the value chain of the music industry (Thorsby, 2002). A little later the even more influential digital revolution in music emerged. The capacity to store music as computer files and respectively transmit and reproduce these files had major effects on the industry (Thorsby, 2002).

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16 “The move from physical forms of recorded music to digitally-formatted music files, has been decreasing the necessity for traditional sales channels and distribution processes”. (Bockstedt et al. 2005).

According to Thorsby (2002), the production of popular music has emerged in many countries to become a significant economic industry through the spread of live music, local and national broadcasting and easier access to the international market through digitization. These developments imply that the use of music for economic gain is relatively accessible for beginning local artists (Thorsby, 2002). However, the emerging local music industries within countries are greatly affected by the international market (Thorsby, 2002). This happens because the production sector of the music industry becomes a target for large transnational record companies. In particular, the demand for international circulating music increases which eventually leads to a declining demand for locally produced music (Thorsby, 2002). “It is commonly thought that the rise of the Internet, social media, and digital distribution means that musicians should be increasingly able to locate wherever they want. On the other hand, the need to access large (and sophisticated) markets and the nature of music and creative industries to cluster in scenes suggests geographic concentration”. (Florida & Jackson, 2010).

2.2.2 Agglomerations and the music industry

According to Scott (1999), spatial agglomerations in the music industry are important because they are spatial accumulations of physical capital and also evolving pools of human skills. These pools function as frameworks for cultural reproduction (Power & Hallencreutz, 2007). Therefore, spatial clustering and agglomeration are important to the development of different types of infrastructure that are crucial for commercial success (Power & Hallencreutz, 2007). Florida and Jackson (2010) argue that the geography of the music industry is shaped by two opposing forces. Firstly, musicians appear to have very few physical constraints on their location because of digitization. Secondly, the need to access large sophisticated markets and the nature of the music industry, suggest geographic concentration. According to Florida and Jackson (2010), music scenes have overlapping economic, social and geographic components. These ‘scenes’ are geographic locations where producers and consumers and all sorts of intermediaries (gatekeepers) interact socially and economically in a defined geographic space (Florida & Jackson, 2010). In other words, according to Florida and Jackson (2010), the

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17 music industry is shaped by the dynamics between geographic concentration and dispersion as mentioned above.

2.2.3 Policy and the music industry

Within the cultural industry, music has become increasingly prominent and local authorities try to create or promote their local music industry (Brown, O'Connor and Cohen, 2000). As music is a cultural product, it has the tendency to circulate with ease on global markets (Scott, 2004). Thus, emphasizing the attractiveness for local policy makers to analyse the music industry from a global perspective (Brown et al. 2000). According to Brown et al. (2000), it is becoming clear that top down and bottom up approaches in policy-making are failing to fulfil the complex needs of the music industry at a local level. The existence of local networks and creative talent does not necessarily mean the music industry is secured (Brown et al. 2000). Thus, according to Brown et al. (2000), local strategies have to focus on developing infrastructure that helps local talent to compete at a global scale.

2.3 Music festivals

This section explains music festivals. The first paragraph is about defining music festivals. Secondly, music festivals and their impact on local development is addressed as well as their functions. Subsequently, the organizational field of music festivals is explained. Lastly, the implications of music genre regarding music festivals are addressed.

2.3.1 Defining music festivals

To help define music festivals, their functions need to be explained. Firstly, according to Gibson and Connell (2011), music is an important function of music festivals because many festivals promote a particular music genre in areas where this kind of music is not likely to be accessible. Secondly, music festivals are usually temporary events where lots of different actors play a key role. Gibson and Connell (2011) state:

“Festivals act like ‘glue’, temporarily sticking together various stakeholders, economic transactions and networks. This hybridity and temporality make a profound difference to whether festivals generate benefits for local communities and how they might be critically analysed in a regional development context”. (Gibson & Connell, 2011).

These actors may constitute of institutions like the music festival organization, the government and music labels. According to Florida and Jackson (2010), it is commonly

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18 thought that the coming of the internet means that artists aren’t bound to geographical space. However, according to Paleo and Wijnberg (2006), music festivals are an intermediary actor of bringing producer and consumer together. Because festivals are bound to geography, music festivals bring producers and consumers of music together in a particular location.

Cudny (2014a) has made a list of elements that define festivals. These are cumulative definitions of different disciplines (anthropology, event studies, sociology and geography).

1. They are varied, uncommon events, unconnected with work.

2. They celebrate elements which are significant in a given community’s life and consolidate it.

3. They are often related to the culture and religion of local communities. 4. They often consist of many different social and cultural events.

5. They are often connected with art and culture. 6. They are regular events.

7. Sometimes they are combined with competitions. Source: Cudny, W. (2014a).

2.3.2 Development and functions

Besides bringing producers and consumers together and acting as an intermediary between different actors, festivals also affect the local environment in which the festival resides. According to Gursoy, Kim, and Uysal (2004), communities have been hosting festivals and events for their economic benefits as well as to give a boost to the development of their community. According to Gibson and Connell (2011), even with limited profits, music festivals have a significant cumulative impact on the economic development of places. In other words, the location of festivals is important to their economic impact. The size of the locations of festivals influence the economic impact due to infrastructural aspects. Also, the size of the festival, the length of stay and ticket pricing influence their economic impact (Saayman & Saayman, 2006). However, according to Gibson and Connell (2011), local planners and policy makers often ignore the use of festivals as a tool of economic development.

Many of the contemporary music festivals are commercial. This is notable from the point of view of promoters looking for lucrative markets, local planners and tourism officers looking

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19 for ways to give a boost economies and artists wanting to earn incomes (Gibson & Connell, 2011). According to Gibson and Connell (2011), music festivals are rarely implemented in regional economic development planning. However, music festivals can have a significant cumulative impact, especially in small places with a large number of festivals, which links to substantially to economic development (Gibson & Connell, 2011).

According to Gibson and Connell (2011), this growing economic role has been accompanied by more comprehensive marketing focused on institutionalizing festivals and entering national and global markets. However, it must be said that:

“Although some festivals can be economically lucrative most are small-scale, centered around the potential for a group of people to express, celebrate and promote their love of a particular activity, place, past or event”. (Gibson & Connell, 2011)

The possible impacts on economic development that Gibson and Connell (2011) found in their research is shown in table 1 on the next page.

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20 Table 1. Possible impacts of music festivals on regional economic development. Tangible meaning the physical assets. Intangible meaning nonphysical assets.

Tangible benefits Tangible costs

• Increased revenue to local economy • Job creation

• Positive media coverage and images • Sponsorship opportunities

• Networking opportunities

• Improved viability for niche musical genres

• Revenue generation from charges • Increased volunteerism

• Skills acquisition (musicianship) • Subsequent tourism

• Encourages participation in activities

• Essential services (police, security, cleaning)

• Costs of promotion

• Direct costs of staging the event • Eroded markets for other forms of

entertainment locally

• ‘Burnout’ of paid and volunteer staff • Infrastructure costs for subsequent

tourism

Intangible benefits Intangible costs

• Improved quality of life

• Enhanced or maintained community pride

• Puts places ‘on the map’

• Tool for regeneration and renewal • Increased interest and investment • Place promotion and marketing • Development of human capital • Increases cultural awareness/

appreciation

• Enhanced sense of belonging and community

• Rising property values • Intercultural contact • Morale boost

• Detriment to quality of life • Perceived loss of traditions • Crowding and inconvenience to

residents

• Noise and visual pollution

• Poor reputation and image if badly organized

• Alienation of local residents through inappropriate or elitist place marketing • Environmental degradation

• Social exclusion and exacerbation of existing socio-economic and cultural divides

• Rising property values • Potential for intercultural

misunderstanding

Source: Gibson and Connell (2011); adapted from Woods and Thomas (2009) and Reid (2008). Tangible meaning the physical assets. Intangible meaning nonphysical assets.

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21 Festivals are prone to develop local skills in organization, and musicianship by bringing people together, and doing so they improve local economies (Gibson & Connell, 2011). According to Gibson and Connell (2011), formal incorporation of festivals in regional development planning usually trails behind commercial festivals which are embedded in local social networks. Seemingly, festivals staged and managed by local organizations generate more regional income and goodwill than large commercial festivals where profit is often the motive for the festival (Gibson & Connell, 2011). Large profit-oriented festivals often attract people on a national or international scale. The number of visitors a commercial festival attracts causes a substantial amount of money being spent locally. However, their expensive tickets are bought somewhere else (Gibson & Connell, 2011). There are important distinctions between commercial festivals that advertise nationally with sold out tickets through national agencies, and local events who struggle to get information to an audience (Gibson & Connell, 2011).

According to Paleo and Wijnberg (2006), music festivals have two main economic functions within the music industry. The first is the production, distribution and retailing of aural goods (Burnett, 1996). The second is signalling, certifying and classifying which are sending signals to other actors about the artists, and the genres in which they can be classified (Paleo &Wijnberg 2006). This second function is likely to influence the commercial performance of artists because markets for cultural goods are characterized by a high degree of uncertainty concerning the quality of the goods (Paleo and Wijnberg, 2006; Caves, 2000; Hirsch, 2000). According to Paleo and Wijnberg (2006), festivals cannot easily be classified with these functions because they fulfil both. However, they do not necessarily fulfil these functions in the same way. Consumers of cultural goods tend to rely on evaluations of different types of experts like individual reviewers and institutions like festivals (Paleo &Wijnberg 2006). According to Paleo and Wijnberg (2006), the mediating and certifying behaviour of these actors reduce the uncertainty of the consumers. Moreover, they also have significant effects on the outcome of competition in the industry as well as other developments.

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22 Many festivals deliberately promote a particular kind of music in areas where this is less likely to be accessible (Gibson & Connell, 2011). These events are often a temporary phenomenon in which many actors play a key role. Besides the organization itself, other institutions like governments and music labels may also play a role in realizing festivals. Music festivals are about music and this, from an economic point of view, can be seen as an aural good. To be more precise, aural goods are cultural goods of a musical nature (Paleo & Wijnberg, 2006). Within this definition of music, Paleo and Wijnberg (2006) identify two main variants namely: phonograms and live performances. Phonograms allow music consumption that is uniform and location-detached (Paleo & Wijnberg, 2006). This can be interpreted as media like compact discs, long-playing records and streaming of music. In contrast to phonograms, live performances are temporary and take place at a specific time and location (Paleo & Wijnberg, 2006). When music is defined as a tradeable good, the role of music festivals within the music industry can be further explored (Paleo & Wijnberg, 2006). This is important because the music industry has proven to be a growing sector within the cultural industry. In turn, the cultural industry has become more visible and explicitly linked to economic development (Brown et al. 2000).

The first economic function can be seen as distinct economic activities within the music industry (Paleo &Wijnberg, 2006). For example, the production of an aural good is done by artists, whilst distribution is done by (e.g.) radio programs. Large companies are competing with smaller firms by vertically integrating these different stages of the production system (Paleo & Wijnberg, 2006). Music festivals are vertically integrated when it comes to live performances. The artists produce music but the festival is the distributor (by arranging the line-up) and retailer of the product (Paleo &Wijnberg, 2006). According to Paleo and Wijnberg (2006), music festivals can be seen as intermediaries between producers and consumers. Hence, the term gatekeeper is preferred because music festivals act as hubs of wider production networks (Scott, 2004).

Wijnberg and Gemser (2000) have developed a framework of selection systems to better understand the economic functions of music festivals and value of cultural products. This selection system specifies the characteristics of the selected actors which are competing with each other (e.g. artists); and the selectors (e.g. festivals), whose decisions influence the outcome of the process (Wijnberg & Gemser, 2000). Wijnberg and Gemser (2000) identify

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23 three types of selection systems: market selection, peer selections and expert selection. In the case of market selection, the producers are the selector and the consumer the selected. In the case of peer selection; the selectors and the selected are part of the same group. Expert selection is the case in which the selectors are neither producers nor consumers but the selectors have the power to shape selection through specialized knowledge (Wijnberg & Gemser, 2000). According to Paleo and Wijnberg (2006), when fulfilling the second economic function (signalling, certifying and classifying), music festivals act as selectors. By creating the line-up of festivals, they offer the artists a chance to present their product to the public (Paleo &Wijnberg, 2006). According to Paleo and Wijnberg (2006), the place in the line-up can serve as a signal; which stage the artist performs or the size of the artist’s name on posters can have a significant impact on the economic performance of the artist. From an economic point of view, music festivals can be defined as:

“An organization whose activity results in an event, consisting of two or more live music performances, presented in such a way that it can be identified and valued as a whole by audiences of aural goods”. (Paleo &Wijnberg, 2006).

2.3.3 Organizational field

As mentioned earlier, two types of goods are included in the definition of aural goods. Phonograms; which allow the consumer to listen to the product infinitely, and live performances which are temporary. Live performances are a distinct and particular kind of good because the consumption is dependent on time and place (Paleo &Wijnberg. 2006). Paleo and Wijnberg (2006) also find that uniqueness, awareness of unpredictability, the thrill of physical proximity to the performer and the possibility of social interaction characterize live performances. Within the general context of the cultural industries, from an organizational point of view, music festivals may be regarded as playing a key role in linking suppliers to the consumers of live performances. A music festival is an organization embedded in an organizational field and can be described as:

“An institutional arrangement designed to make possible the conscious and deliberate coordination of activities within identifiable boundaries, in which members associate on a regular basis through a set of implicit and explicit arrangements, commit themselves to collective actions for the purpose of creating and allocating resources and capabilities by a combination of command and cooperation”. (Paleo &Wijnberg, 2006).

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24 Actors who belong to an organization and the interactions amongst them are part of an institutional arrangement. When applied to music festivals; individuals like organizers, promoters of artists, technical staff and other employees are bound to the organizational structure of the organization (Paleo & Wijnberg, 2006). Paleo and Wijnberg (2006) identify two aspects of organizational interaction. Firstly, the vertical dimension of the organization which places music festivals as an intermediary between the producers and consumers of aural goods. Secondly, the horizontal dimension in which festivals compete with other festivals and indirectly with organizations that comprise the same economic functions (e.g. radio, television station etc.) (Paleo & Wijnberg, 2006). According to Paleo and Wijnberg (2006), the organizational activity in a competitive process within the music industry involves producers, consumers and other intermediary institutions (gatekeepers).

2.3.4 Music genre

Music genres are constructions that are used for the classification of music and a cognitive tool to check the quality of aural goods (Paleo & Wijnberg, 2006). According to Paleo and Wijnberg (2006), it is not likely to find conflicting definitions of music genre and music festivals do not have to function within the boundaries of one particular genre. However, Throsby (2002) states that it is quite difficult to categorize different market segments corresponding to musical genres because, even the lines between major genres like jazz, folk and country (e.g.) are blurred. Nevertheless, it is useful to analyse musical forms because it explores the symbolic meanings embedded in a genre of music as it engages the links among culture time and place (Kong, L. 1995). According to Gibson and Connell (2011), music festivals can focus on multiple music genres to be musically innovative. Music festivals contribute to the perception of music genre. The impact of music genre also affects the characteristics of music festivals (Gibson & Connell, 2011).

It is evident that there is a relationship between particular types of consumers and particular genres (Paleo & Wijnberg, 2006). According to Thorsby (2002), it is difficult to categorize different market segments corresponding to different genres of music because of the blurred lines between musical forms. However, genre of music is a helpful classification tool in defining the differences between organizational fields. According to Paleo and Wijnberg (2006), music genres are constructions intended to classify types of aural goods and thus constitute a cognitive tool to ascertain quality of these goods. However, it is not uncommon to

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25 find different and conflicting genre definitions and generic classification systems for aural goods. Music genres can be considered a cause and an effect of the characteristics of the organizational field. However, music festivals do not necessarily function within the boundaries defined by one particular genre (Paleo & Wijnberg, 2006). Some festivals focus on more than one musical genre and they may directly be musically innovative (Gibson & Connell, 2011). It would thus be incorrect, according to Paleo and Wijnberg (2006), to correlate the boundaries of an organizational field with that of a genre. However, genres do contribute to the structure of an organizational field. Paleo and Wijnberg (2006) state that genres can be considered both a cause and effect of the characteristics of the organizational field within which aural goods assigned to one particular genre are produced, distributed and consumed. Knowing this helps understanding the impact of music genre on a music festival’s characteristics as these two are intertwined.

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3. CONTEXTUAL POLICY FRAMEWORK

According to Vliet (2017), there are more outdoor music festivals than indoor music festivals in the provinces Noord-Holland (63%), Zuid-Holland (60%) and Utrecht (52%). These provinces are home to the largest cities in the Netherlands namely: Amsterdam, Rotterdam, The Hague and Utrecht. The total number of outdoor festivals in theses provinces are 275 in 2016. The municipality of Amsterdam counts 144 outdoor music festivals. Rotterdam counts 25 outdoor music festivals. Den Haag counts 12 and Utrecht counts 36 outdoor music festivals. The municipalities of the biggest four cities have are home to a total number of 217 outdoor music festivals. Vliet (2017) makes some distinctions in outdoor music festivals. Important distinctions are whether the outdoor music festivals ask an entrance fee and whether the festivals are one-day events or multiple day events. These distinctions are important because they may have different policy implications.

This chapter explains the policy contexts of the different municipalities in the G4. These contexts comprise policy documents of each municipality. First, the policy context of Amsterdam is addressed as well as their policy goals. Secondly, the policies of Rotterdam are presented. Thirdly, policy measures and goals of the municipality of The Hague are addressed. Next, the policy goals of the municipality of Utrecht are addressed. Lastly, a comparison has been made of the different policies in the G4.

3.1 Event policy of Amsterdam

Policy regarding events in Amsterdam is focused, on the one hand, on finding a balance between creating a city where it is possible to organize well planned events and, on the other, to limit nuisance for residents in the city. The aim of the policy goals is providing a framework for events that have positive impact on the city. This framework provides clearness for every organizer, visitor or resident of Amsterdam in what is, and what is not possible. The government of Amsterdam recognizes the fact that events are part of the city and that they attract visitors. However, nuisance is a potential negative effect of these events. According to Gemeente Amsterdam (2016), there has been a rise in number of complaints of residents and organizers put a lot of effort in reducing this nuisance. However, organizers are in need of unambiguous policy framework. In the future, only organizations with enough public support and quality can apply for the use of public space (Gemeente Amsterdam, 2016).

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27 The city of Amsterdam has a history of event policy. In 2005, policy was mainly focused on the implication of safety, mobility, communication and milieu. In 2009, the stimulation of the economy was an important issue. By giving subsidies, the goal of the policy was to attract (inter)national visitors to implement economic growth. The ‘Amsterdamsbeleidskader dance events’ was launched in 2015. This policy regarding dance events was established with cooperation of festival organizers. The aim of this policy is specifically focused on drugs, health and safety measures at dance events.

According to Gemeente Amsterdam (2016), the subject of event policy is intertwined with a handful of themes that are important to the city: liveability, safety, economy, space and sustainability. The central goal of providing space for event organization in the city of Amsterdam is to: “Provide a sustainable connection between the city and her residents, organizations contribute to liveability and take into account the effect on the environment. Events foster attractiveness to the city and position the city as liveable, creative, innovative and dynamic”.

Points of departure for policies (Gemeente Amsterdam, 2016):

1. Events in Amsterdam are public and freely accessible. Only in the case of an exception it is possible to organize closed events in public space.

2. In the case of parks, squares and canals, location profiles will be drafted. These profiles provide organizational frameworks for specific locations.

3. In parks, a total number of three large, noise sensitive events are allowed to be organized yearly.

4. All events that use public sound systems have to have noise reduction measures to prevent noise pollution.

5. A short as possible (de)construction period.

6. Applications for events are being evaluated in coherence with other noise polluting activities.

7. Recreational events in parks may occupy no more than ¼ of parks.

8. Events can only take place if the organization has fulfilled all measures to protect the flora and fauna.

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28 Event policy in Amsterdam is focused on two governmental levels. Firstly, location profiles have been made with criteria that have to be met before organizing an event. Secondly, the spreading of festivals in space and time to avoid overload in certain areas. The government of Amsterdam has divided the city into parts with their own governmental apparatus. In case of the location profiles this is problematic because the they are made without taking into account the borders of different city parts. This causes overload in some areas. The new policy recommends a revision of all location profiles on a city level. By using the same criteria for all locations from a single point of view, overload of certain areas can be avoided (Gemeente Amsterdam, 2016). According to Gemeente Amsterdam (2016), the stricter criteria of these location profiles will improve liveability in the city and reduce nuisance to the environment. Also, the events will be better organized and spread in time and space. This spread will only be possible if the region is involved in developing new locations (Gemeente Amsterdam, 2016).

When it comes to subsidies, policy is focused on events that are in line with the ambitions of the city. Besides the contemporary criteria like city marketing and reaching a broad spectrum of visitors, subsidies are available for events that connect the city with her residents and cooperate with local stakeholders. The diversity of Amsterdam and her residents should be reflected in the offer of events (Gemeente Amsterdam, 2016). According to Gemeente Amsterdam (2016), sustainability is not yet part of the criteria for giving subsidies. The implementation of sustainability criteria is still in progress.

Noise pollution of events is a problem in the city of Amsterdam. Because sound is such an influential phenomenon, it is so that with comparable sound production, pollution is highly dependent on factors like the weather. According to Gemeente Amsterdam (2016), noise pollution in general puts the liveability of the city under pressure. Stakeholders in event organization are aware of this fact and are experimenting with measures to reduce noise pollution (Gemeente Amsterdam, 2016).

To preserve a balance between commercial events, newcomers and cultural festivals, diverging tariffs will be used for the rent of locations. The goal of this policy is to invest the incomings in the particular locations. The amenities that will rise from this will provide efficient building of events (Gemeente Amsterdam, 2016). This in turn will reduce nuisance and empower sustainability.

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29 The government of Amsterdam is critical about the process of handing out permits. Because festivals contribute to the image of the city, and stakeholders are more and more professionalized, it is needed to centralize the event bureau (Gemeente Amsterdam, 2016). This will provide a clear framework and supervision in the process of handing out permits (Gemeente Amsterdam, 2016).

3.2 Event policy of Rotterdam

Policy in Rotterdam is based on a few different strategies. The first is focus on ‘quality of life’ and liveability. Quality is more important than quantity (Gemeente Rotterdam, 2010). Secondly, internationalization is important to Rotterdam. The city finds it important to conquer the position of a relevant international player. Thirdly, the city of Rotterdam is rediscovering the potential that is already present. These ambitions are the precursor for policy goals.

The city wants to achieve higher efficiency of festivals. In the case of iconic and renowned events, Rotterdam invests more in surrounding activities with entrepreneurs, schools and neighbourhoods. Moreover, the focus lies on putting the city on the map internationally and the stage setting is important. Furthermore, the government of Rotterdam is focused on bringing back discipline in their event policy model. In particular, the experiences of the actual visitors need to be in line with their relationship with the city. The local government heightens their level of ambition to an international level. The focus lies on achieving sizable contributions of events to the strengthen the international profile of the city (Gemeente Rotterdam, 2010).

With these strategies the city hopes to achieve the following results. Firstly, the city sees itself as a leader in the area of events and tries to keep it this way. By controlling the process of event organization and public space, Rotterdam tries to minimise nuisance and improve support of stakeholders. Secondly, the efficiency of events is heightened. The number of collaborations with stakeholders increases (Gemeente Rotterdam, 2010). Thirdly, the international profile is strengthened. The local government is convinced that this policy will get Rotterdam international media attention.

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3.3 Event policy of The Hague

The first vision regarding event policy was created in 2003. This resulted in growth in number of events in the city and the overall procedure was increasingly transparent. Nowadays, events are important to The Hague because the city tries to distinguish itself nationally and internationally. The government of The Hague wants events to be iconic for the city. Therefore, the city is focusing on having at least two international events. Economic spin-off is important to the city, and iconic events implement such growth (Gemeente Den Haag, 2004). To reach this goal, event organizers are approached by the city’s government to make them aware of the preference; Quality above quantity.

Points of departure for policies for the government of The Hague: • Quality is preferred above quantity.

• Renovation of known events and stimulate new events.

• Organizers are asked to emphasize on the international character of the city.

• Economic spin-off is important. Organizers should invest in the cooperation with stakeholders in the city.

• Organizers are stimulated to choose locations in the city where the catering industry is present.

• Invest in improving the marketing of events. • Events should draw in diverse target groups.

Events organized in The Hague can get subsidies when they have the tendency to be economically interesting even when they are not profitable. The government of The Hague beliefs that visitors of events cause local economic spin-off, contribute to the profile of the city and draw in new residents and stakeholders (Gemeente Den Haag, 2004). Policy regarding events is focusing on the latter. In short: accessibility of events, economic spin-off and city profiling are the key concepts.

According to the government of The Hague, a well-equipped event location is an important condition for an event. Therefore, the municipality focusses on the improvement of important event locations. In particular, sustainability improvements are part of the agenda. This is realized through investments in the construction of infrastructure regarding power and water sources, as well as improvements regarding the soil (Gemeente Den Haag, 2004). Visitors and

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31 sponsors of events increasingly acknowledge the value of sustainability. According to the government of the Hague, investments in sustainability are yield-enhancing. Therefore, the municipality probes the sector to come up with ideas about improvements.

The government of the Hague has some economic criteria for event applications. This focuses on the level in which the event corresponds with the policy vision above. Hereby, the quality and utility of the event is taken into account when handing out subsidies. These criteria are (Gemeente Den Haag, 2004):

• Does the event implement economic spin-off, draw in visitors from outside the city, enhance the spending’s of visitors in the city.

• Is the event topical, iconic, (inter)nationally distinct and sustainable. • Does the event yield positive (inter)national publicity.

• Does the organization cooperate with stakeholders in the city.

3.4 Event policy of Utrecht

The government of Utrecht states that events and festivals contribute to the liveability and social cohesion of the city. Also, job creation and economic activity are recognized as positive influences of these events. The aim of the government is to preserve the level of the festivals and events in the city. The policy goal is to strengthen the brand “Utrecht” by letting festivals and events focus on the positive developments in the city (Gemeente Utrecht, 2009).

The inner city of Utrecht is often used as stage for many different events. The quality of the city is seen as virtue that is used to promote the city. However, the pressure on certain inner-city locations is very high (Gemeente Utrecht, 2009). Therefore, the search for new locations is important. Utrecht does not have accommodations that have the capacity to house 30.000 visitors, so it’s important to find useful locations (Gemeente Utrecht, 2009).

The governmental organization in Utrecht concerning events is splintered. Different policy measures are being made in different places which causes inefficient use of funds. This is because of lack of transparency within the governmental organization and it is unclear what the ambitions of the organization are (Gemeente Utrecht, 2009). Because there is no frequent consultation between stakeholders concerning events, it is unclear what aim of the different actors is (Gemeente Utrecht, 2009). According to the government of Utrecht, organizers in the