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ONTENTS

PREFACE ... 3

CHAPTER 1.WHAT IS AT STAKE? ... 4

CHAPTER 2.LITERATURE ELABORATED: COLONIAL LEGACIES, NEOLIBERALISM AND SENEGAL ... 7

CHAPTER 3.METHODS ... 18

CHAPTER 4.PRIMARY SCHOOL STUDENTS’ RESULTS ... 22

CHAPTER 5.HIGH-SCHOOL STUDENTS’ RESULTS ... 28

CHAPTER 6.TEACHERS AND DIRECTORS’ RESULTS ... 40

CHAPTER 7.CONCLUSION, IMPLICATIONS, AND REFLECTION ... 54

BIBLIOGRAPHY ... 59

Abstract: While existing literature on education and Sub-Saharan Africa represents a vital contribution to the field, thus far, it has primarily focused on economic growth, colonial legacies or neoliberalism related to education. Little academic attention is, however, given to the relation between education and the labor market in Sub-Saharan Africa while unemployment among educated-individuals in the latter region is high. This thesis investigates how education in Senegal is affected by colonial legacies and neoliberalism, and how those affect youngsters’ employment aspirations in Dakar. The social relevance lies in the fact that this study can lead education to become better adapted to the labor market, and will, hence, hopefully contribute to less Senegalese to be unemployed or willing to migrate for employment aspirations. This thesis scientifically contributes to the theoretical innovation of the concept of structural imperialism. It argues that colonial legacies and neoliberalism are intangible and hard to separate in affecting the aspirations of youngsters’ employment aspirations. To analyze the data gathered through interviews with primary school students, high-school students, and teachers and directors, the concept of structural imperialism has allowed to study the indirect effects of colonialism and neoliberalism on the education and the employment aspirations of its students. Also, this study puts into doubt whether the current educational system strengthens Senegal’s development, whereas it could even not enhance a better future for the Senegalese youngsters.

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P

REFACE

This master thesis synthesis six months of work and would not have been possible without the schools and respondents that agreed to have interviews with me and my Senegalese research partner Vincent Bouré Ngom. Without him, I am sure this thesis would not have been what it is today. He has been of great help and has supported me wherever and whenever he could. Besides, I want to thank my dear friend Abigail Ceesay for her critical feedback, literature recommendations, and mental support. For help with transcribing the interviews, proofreading, and psychological support, I want to thank Christian Hié.

Last but not least, I want to thank my supervisor, Anja van Heelsum, and my second reader Michael Onyebuchi Eze. Anja has argued, read, and edited this work many times, which have made this thesis more times than I can remember. Michael has provided me with an excellent academic background, with exciting literature, and has always shown his support and care.

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HAT IS AT STAKE

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The educational system in Dakar, Senegal’s capital, and the former capital of French West-Africa, is a colonial legacy – economic, political, social and cultural inheritance of colonialism – of the French

educational system (Boccanfuso et al. 2015: 6; Some & Gueye 2008: 141). Despite the efforts to create a more Senegalese curriculum, the language of instruction remains French. It’s even forbidden and discouraged to speak other languages in school; its curriculum looks like an old edition of the French one (Clasby 2012: 5). In Senegal, children between the age of six and sixteen must go to school (UNESCO 2020). Besides the fact that some children are unable to study for a plethora of reasons, whether those are social or financial, public education is generally hard to access due to overcrowded classes or little to no schools available in the neighborhood, and low quality of instruction. For instance, teachers are untrained or there are not enough educational materials.

Moreover, due to the limited available resources for public education, teachers are paid too little to sustain themselves, necessary equipment lacks, and school may be suspended or delayed for years. The consequence is that private education provides a higher quality of instruction, equipment, and access (with payment), leading to families sacrificing large shares of their income to the knowledge of their child(ren) (Clasby 2012: 7 – 8). In Figure 1, the gross enrolment ratio – according to UNESCO (2018) – in primary, secondary, and tertiary education between from 2016 until 2018 is shown.

Figure 1 Enrolment ratios in primary, secondary, and tertiary education from 2016 – 2018 in Senegal. Source: UNESCO (2018).

While more Senegalese and especially people from Dakar, are being educated over the years, a lot of educated Senegalese remain unemployed (Boccanfuso et al. 2015: 2). One could, therefore, argue that the education in place is not matching with the labor market and may serve other interests. The other benefits are, among others, that the educational program is an old copy of the French program, the current education is a result of

0 0,1 0,2 0,3 0,4 0,5 0,6 0,7 0,8 0,9 G R O SS ENR O LM ENT R ATI O (% )

Figure 1: Education Enrolment Senegal

Primary education 2016 Primary education 2017 Primary education 2018 Secondary education 2016 Seconday education 2017 Secondary education 2018 Tertiary education 2016 Tertiary education 2017 Tertiary education 2018

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multiple donors’ conditions for systematic aid to the Senegalese education, a lack of funding for education in general, or a combination of these factors. Aid refers to systematic support directly paid to the government in the form of either bilateral or multilateral loans or grants that often push or demand specific policies in return (Moyo 2009: 7 – 9). From all the bilateral aid France gives 57% goes to its former colonies, and the most significant net share (25%) goes to education – with great importance given to the French language and culture (Alesina & Dollar 2000: 33 – 34; Ministry of Foreign and European Affairs 2011: 4; 61).

This thesis argues that the education system and program in Dakar, Senegal’s largest city, is a French colonial legacy and is still partly funded and, therefore, to some extent, controlled by France. It moreover argues that the educational reforms initiated by international institutions, such as the European Union (EU), the International Monetary Fund (IMF), and the World Bank (WB), are significantly affecting the education system in Senegal (Some & Gueye 2008: 141). These reforms are associated with structural adjustment plans (SAPs) policies. These, mainly European and American institutions, represent the neo-liberal ideology: an economic ideology that the economy operates in a free-market, the emphasis is put on the individual, who is assumed to be self-interested, rational, and greedy. The interaction between rational individuals expects economic progress to occur (Stilwell 2006: 22).

In this thesis is investigated how colonial legacies and neoliberalism affect youngsters’ employment aspirations. The following research question is central to this thesis: ‘To what extent are colonial legacies and a neo-liberalist ideology visible in the educational system, and how does that affect youngsters’ employment aspirations in Dakar?’ This thesis is socially relevant as it creates more awareness of French colonial legacies in education and the impact of the colonial past on Senegal today.

The Social Relevance of this thesis entails that it is crucial to be aware of colonial legacies in education as the following quote by Fanon (2001 [1961]: 28) exemplifies:

… the settler is right when he speaks of knowing ‘’them’’ well. For it is the settler who has brought the native into existence and who perpetuates his existence.

Especially by utilizing education as a tool, the former colonizers or the ‘settlers’ as referred to by Fanon, can shape and determine the existence of previously colonized peoples, or ‘natives.’ Likewise, Fanon argues that the segmentation of society, which is inherent to colonialism, creates two types of mindsets. On the one hand, the mindset of the colonized man, who envies the life and living circumstances of the (former) colonizers. The mentality of the(former) colonizer who is mostly defensive against the colonized man, on the other hand; e.g. ‘’They want to take our place’’ (Fanon 2001 [1961]: 30).

In this thesis, I aim to deconstruct and elaborate on the mentality of Fanon’s theoretical ‘colonized man’ to develop a better understanding of this particular mentality. Furthermore, I aim to dissect and elaborate on the ability and privilege of the (former/neo-) colonizer to determine the lives of its subjects by accurately analyzing how colonial legacies in Dakar not only affect, but also shape the employment aspirations of the Senegalese youth. In doing so, this thesis dives into how SAPs, International Financial Institutions (IFIs), and other relevant stakeholders such as the EU, the WB, the Deutsche Gesellschaft für Internationale

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Zusammenarbeit (GIZ), and France affect the state of a current educational system in Africa, with Dakar as a case. Briefly, the social relevance gives insights to both inhabitants of former (French) colonies, inhabitants of France or other former colonizer nations, and people that are interested in the impact from neo-liberal IFIs on former colonies. This thesis will give insights into the advocacy and create consciousness on both sides – the former colonized and the former colonizer. It aims to create more humanism in the sense that everyone’s emotions and aspirations are equally seriously since – following the Ubuntu philosophy – ‘I am because you are, and therefore we are’ (Ifejika 2006).

The Social Relevance of this research may contribute to improvements in the Senegalese education. With the results of my thesis, I hope that the educational system would get better adapted to the labor market, and will hopefully contribute to less Senegalese to be unemployed or willing to migrate for their employment aspirations. The Scientific Relevance derives from the innovative mannerism in which the study merges two types of literature. This thesis argues that neoliberalism and colonial legacies are one interrelated and

inseparable process. I have used the concept of structuralist imperialism to describe how these concepts affect the education, and the youngsters’ employment aspirations. Structural imperialism stands for structurally being subject to foreign policies, ideologies – foreign interests – that affect Senegal materially, but also immaterially in the form of institutions. Importantly, there is very little academic literature written that relates to the impact of colonial legacies combined with neoliberalism on the educational system in French-speaking Africa, and even less about how that affects youngsters’ employment aspirations (Some & Gueye 2008; Wanyama 2013). This thesis will then also contribute to the existing scientific literature.

This thesis commences with a literature review and a theoretical framework in Chapter 2. After that, Chapter 3 discusses the methodology. The qualitative data collected by open interviews at different primary- and high-schools in Dakar is separated. Chapter 4 is concerned with primary school students, and Chapter 5 is involved with high-school students. Chapter 6 is concerned with teachers and directors. Finally, Chapter 7 ends with a conclusion, implications, and a reflection.

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This Chapter combines a literature review and the theoretical framework. Within this framework, we will focus on colonial legacies (Section 2.1.1) and neoliberalism (Section 2.1.2). I am aware of the existence of dependency theories. Still, I choose to use colonial legacies and neoliberalism while these concepts already imply dependency, and are more specific about the causes of dependency. This thesis argues that the roots of dependency are among others found in colonialism and the existing economic relations that come with a neo-liberalist ideology. Later on in this Chapter, the latter is clarified thoroughly.

This Chapter chronologically entails the following topics: colonial legacies, neoliberalism, colonial legacies and neoliberalism in education, the role of foreign aid, western education as a magic bullet, and, lastly, the French colonization and decolonization of Senegal. I discuss the topics generally, and afterward, apply them more to the Senegalese context and education. In Section 2.2, I proceed to make choices on the relevant elements that I want to incorporate in my research concerned with colonial legacies and neoliberalism in education.

2.1 Theories and concepts explained

2.1.1 Colonial legacies

Colonial legacies are the economic, political, social, and cultural inheritance of colonialism. Most studies focus on colonial legacies in former colonies. This study aims to take into account, just as is argued in the introduction with the illustration of the two opposing mindsets based on Fanon, the colonial legacies in western states too (Fanon 2001 [1961]: 30; ). McLeod (2010 [2000]), for instance, argues that the colonial discourse in western nations still use to represent diaspora people (152). An important critique in post-colonial studies, hence, is that it focuses on western modes of thought and highlight the legacy that the colonizer forced upon the colonized state (idem: 33 – 34). Post-colonialism concerns radically rethinking conventional modes of reading, thinking, feeling, understanding, and analyzing by acknowledging colonial continuity and change. Post-colonialism, therefore, underrepresents local concerns, and the legacy colonizer states have because of their colonizing history (idem: 165).

By taking into account the colonizers’ as well as the colonized legacies, this thesis acknowledges the unequal power relations between the subjects of colonialism. Unequal power relations are a result of

colonialism, the adaptation of the neo-liberalist ideology, and the incorporation of former colonies into the economic world system. As this thesis revolves around the concept of a colonial legacy, one could argue that, especially me, the researcher, utilizes and accepts the unequal power relation between the colonizer state and the colonized state. It is, however, too simple to perceive this thesis as an inherently neo-colonial and biased thesis. It is meant for people originating from former colonies and former colonizers states, and is always open to critics and feedback. Chapter 3, concerned with methods, elaborates on how I have aimed to be as little as

8 possible biased.

To come back to colonial legacies, Jalata (2013) argues that colonial legacies still affect contemporary Africa because of over 500 years of European colonial terrorism. The enslavement of African humans,

colonization, and the incorporation of African political economies into a European dominated capitalist world system still affect Africa (Jalata 2013: 1). With the incorporation of Africans into a European dominated capitalist world system, former colonizing powers have guaranteed their dominance. The dominant European actors are hence, capable of determining the economic success of others, and are still able to exploit, abuse, and control African states, people, and resources (idem: 29).

This thesis agrees with the fact that European colonial actors aimed to guarantee their dominance by incorporating others by force in their constructed economic system. Nevertheless, this thesis acknowledges that early industrialized states, or other emerging and powerful economic actors compete with this dominance based on an overwhelming amount of academic literature, case studies, and visual evidence (Jalata 2013; Mamdani 1996; Martens 2009; Moyo 2009; Stilwell 2006). This thesis goes further by stating that the

incorporation of as many ‘markets’ as possible into capitalism with colonialism as a horrible consequence, has indeed created a continuous social-economic inequality in Africa. Capitalism is a European constructed economic system based upon a tunnel-history celebrating the rise of Europe after industrialization ‘…in which European capital exploits non-European labor…’ (Blaut 1989: 261).

After all, not only former European colonizers embrace the liberal idea that inequality is inherent to the capitalistic system - e.g., without poor people, there are no wealthy people. Also, newly emerging economic powers as Brazil, Russia, India, and China (BRIC). The latter group of emerging states compete with predominant economic actors, embrace the neo-liberal ideology outside their homes – while having the ability to make a change – and pursue their self-interest. All manifestations of self-interest are the cause of the continuance of exploitation, abuse, and control over African states, its people, and resources.

In this thesis, the experience of euphoria with decolonization for newly independent states and sympathizers elsewhere is central to colonial legacies. A few years of independence, however, have portrayed newly independent states with economic and political problems (Wiener 2013: 4). According to Wiener (2013), the problems these new states and their peoples experienced were outside their control.

Decolonization did not entail a ‘clean slate’ (idem: 6). As Basil Davidson (1973), in a debate about the Ghanaian Pan-Africanist Kwame Nkrumah, puts it:

[The ’dish’ the new political leaders were given with independence] was old and cracked and little fit for any further use. Worse than that, it was not an empty dish. For it carried the junk and jumble of a century of colonial muddle and ‘make do,’ and this the new . . . ministers had to accept along with the dish itself. What shone upon its supposedly golden surface was not the reflection of new ideas and ways of liberation, but the shadows of old ideas and ways of servitude (Davidson 1973: 94).

Colonial legacies, then, are colonial inheritances that substantially undermine, or even make efforts at unifying a nation or moving people out of poverty fail. The newly independent states are in that sense indeed

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not starting with ‘a clean slate,’ but one that is already abused and exploited to such an extent that it is hard to continue on that same colonial foundation – e.g., the institutional framework, and the culture of the colonizers (Wiener 2013: 6). Colonial legacies prevented, and still prevent, colonized peoples, cultures and nations to develop into what they might have become without colonization (Ashcroft 2001). In French-speaking Africa this is even more so, while French direct rule resulted in no institutional framework to be developed under colonization. The colonial state is, then, designed in a way that it is in all terrains beneficial to the former colonizer. These states have not changed after independence, which means most African states, except for South-Africa, remain beneficial to their former colonizers. Since colonial legacies are relational, they are also present in colonizers’ states, their discourses, and related behavior. An apparent colonial legacy, then, is both the French-centric educational system, and the old edition of the French curriculum in Senegal as a result.

2.1.2 Neoliberalism

With the emergence of a new development paradigm – by western states and most probably in their interests – in the 1980s, the so-called Washington Consensus, the neo-liberal ideology, has become predominant.

Neoliberalism entailed the end of Keynesian economic policies promoting government interventions in the free market (Akasal 2018: 365).

The collapse of the Keynesian economic policies of the 1980s and neo-liberal transformations has resulted in the Washington Consensus to emerge. This consensus follows the main principles of economic liberalization: the free market is the most efficient mechanism for redistributing scarce resources, and can realize economic development and growth all over the world (Akasal 2018: 365). Meaning that competition and the pursuance of self-interest are central in allocating all resources – no matter their nature, human, financial, natural, physical – as efficiently as possible (George 1999).

Neoliberalism, hence, is an ideology that goes well with the contemporary capitalistic system and capitalistic exchanges. In neoliberalism, the emphasis is on the individual. The individual is assumed to be self-interested, rational, and greedy. Interactions between those individuals are supposed to create economic progress. Pursuing self-interest and being greedy is then expected to be ‘good’ (Stilwell 2006: 22). The neo-liberal ideology, moreover, states that all humans are unequal, no matter in what circumstances they are born, and to create the best possible conditions out of competition with others. It is, hence, argued that neoliberalism equals social Darwinism since the weak, the poor, the poorly educated; also less privileged people facing different levels of discrimination, have fewer chances at creating enhanced living circumstances.

One of the characteristics of neoliberalism is the downsizing of the public sector since it does not guarantee nor obey the fundamental law of competing for-profit or market share. Privatization follows (George 1999). Naomi Klein (2008) argues that it is a political strategy to implement neo-liberalist policies, including the downsizing of the public sector, deregulation, and privatization of formerly public services and goods. Some markets, namely, create and feed off their crises. Almost all occurring emergencies are market disasters with the purpose of short-term economic growth, the inability of the free market to think and respond to emergencies, and resolve a crisis as well as enhance the intersection between the problem and the weak

10 infrastructures (Klein et al. 2008: 582 - 583).

Education is one of the public services that suffers significantly under neoliberalism. So has the education budget been cut for over 35 years, and is carved deeper with every crisis arguing that economic growth in other sectors occurs sooner. After that, the financial means of education supposedly be revised. The downsizing of education has, however, not been compensated and increasingly becomes a ‘personal

investment.’

In Africa, the inability to compete with states in East- and South-Asia in efficiently producing low-cost commodities has created the economic and political problems mentioned in the previous section. Essential in the Washington Consensus is the continuance of global trade, which guarantees the neo-liberal IFIs issuing loans as the IMF and the WB. As a consequence, all African states are indebted. The result of the interest on these debts, and policies associated with SAPs have contributed to the economic decline in Africa (Arrighi 2002; George 1999).

2.1.3 Colonial legacies and neoliberalism in education

A combination of colonial legacies and neoliberalism in contemporary education shows the case of India. (Kopninan 2013). She argues following the documentary Schooling the World (2010). In the article, she explains that British education has always been in the interest of an elite that wants to shape people to think and act according to the neo-liberal, capitalist discourse (Kopnina 2013). Black (2010) and other collaborators of the documentary, arguing that western education creates a monoculture across the world (6:10). The literature, however, only focus on the former British (colonial) empire. Both romanticize living without western education and argue that western schooling creates poverty instead of reducing it – as many scholars nowadays argue (De Haas 2012; Moyo 2009; Rena 2013).

Most scholars, who are products of neo-liberalist modes of thought and discourses, have a neo-liberal approach of colonial legacies in education by focusing on economic growth as the proof of the functioning of education (Agbor 2011; Dupraz 2019). Former British colonies, for instance, perform economically better than French ones when linking economic growth to the educational system (Agbor 2011: 3; Dupraz 2019: 628 – 629).

My thesis focuses explicitly on education imposed in the French (colonial) empire, and, more particularly, on France Afrique. This thesis, then, doesn’t support the claim that western schooling creates a neo-liberalist monoculture since ‘western’ education is no homogeneous thing. Besides, the (former) French empire creates different norms, values, and aspirations than the British one. Moreover, I do not judge the education upon its functioning by looking at the economic growth of Senegal. Instead, this thesis aims to look more realistically at education and its consequences. Training, in general, offers more employment

possibilities than no education. Besides, people desire to have western schooling to fulfill their dreams – what these might be. This thesis does not try to judge upon people’s ideas and desires either, but tries to find the origins of these aspirations in Dakar and how education may be more applied to the local context.

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2.1.4 Schooling the World, discourse, and discursive practices of educational

institutions

A central theory in this thesis presents Schooling the World (2010). It argues that the colonial expansion of the British empire education, is used to create one way of life and destroy others (Black 2010: 2:16 – 2:41). The example of India portrays that the British are continuing to school a nation (idem: 3:08). In India, the people interviewed in the documentary argue that everyone desires to send their children to school to create

‘development’ and become a doctor or an engineer. Western schooling is assumed to emphasize material success as a means to become more developed. The following quote taken from the documentary illustrates this fact: ‘The whole idea of learning nowadays turns around to mean ‘’How can I make a lot of

money?’’’(Black 2010: 6:05). Also, post-colonial education initiatives argue that traditional ways of educating children are irrelevant or even backward. As a consequence, ‘western’ schooling is generally preferred over conventional education and old values as cooperation and compassion decline (Black 2010: 4:50 – 5:21). It’s, however, not true that people who don’t mimic western ways of enculturing – shaping, or civilizing, children to the supposedly superior values of western culture by education – do not educate their children (idem: 5:24 – 5:42; Kopnina 2013: 220). Overall, education entails the enculturation of a child into specific ways of

knowing, learning, and being (Black 2010: 13:52 – 14:30; Kopnina 2013: 221). The following quote illustrates the power of imposed education:

A general state education is a mere contrivance for molding people to be exactly like one another. As the mold in which it casts them is that which pleases the predominant power of the government […] it establishes a despotism over the mind leading by a natural tendency over the body (Mill 1892: 63).

This quote illustrates a robust discourse present that affects the way people think and act. With discourse, a collection of statements that shape a language around a specific subject and a particular time (Hall 2001: 72). A discourse may affect the behavior of people. When a discourse affects behavior, discursive practices are in place. That is to say, ways to discipline people to do particular things in a specific context (idem: 72 – 73). Discursive practices are, therefore, related to power relations in which the individual is the product of these relations and participates within those. According to Hall (2001), who has interpreted the work of Foucault, power is depersonalized and portrays itself in control and practices of discipline. Shortly, power relations are visible in the control and practices of discipline over individuals. Real power is the power of institutions, and not that of individuals (idem: 73).

Educational institutions as schools are institutions that possess the kind of ability to control and discipline how people act when faced with particular contexts at specific times. Imposed education and schooling are capable of shaping discursive practices. Both colonial legacies and neoliberalism at schools may, hence, significantly affect youngsters’ employment aspirations.

Furthermore, it argues that traditional ways of knowledge fostered sustainability in the familiar environment. People in societies that are unaffected by western education show to know how to survive in their environment. With western education, however, children ‘learn how to use mainly corporate products in

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an urban consumer culture’ (Black 2010: 12:42 – 13:40). ‘Western’ education, then, creates humans that are unable to survive in their local environment while most states do not facilitate to have ‘an urban consumer’ lifestyle.

Although education is not as beneficial as it is in the western states themselves, the discursive practice to educate your children in a ‘western’ school is real. The history of education also shows that the ‘education’ agenda was quite clear from the beginning: to train a class of people that serve the need of the elite (Black 2010: 18:00 – 18:30). The following statement shows that the plan for (former) colonies nowadays is similar to the education plan of western states in the past:

[a lot of] the activities that go under the label of ‘’education’’ come from this very specific agenda that grew out of colonial expansions across the world by Europeans. And now in different countries in the so-called ‘’Third-World’’, the basic fundamental agenda is the same; it’s to pull people into dependence on a modern centralized-economy (Norberg-Hodge, in: Black 2010: 19:04 – 19:42).

That authorities of the so-called ‘Third-World’ do not reject such an educational agenda, may be explained by the policies that are associated with SAPs. These can demand educational changes in exchange for loans. The fact that most authorities in the former colonies are no bourgeois as they are in Europe is also a possible explanation. In the sense that they do not own capital, have agency, nor are willing to determine the education of people. Most of the time, national authorities are high-functionaries thanks to the real bourgeois of their former colonizers. They, then are neo-colonial intermediaries between the European bourgeois and their statesmen, and only want to seem like the European bourgeois by showing off prestige and material success (Fanon 2001 [1961]: 152 – 153; 174). The elite of a former colony ‘is numerically, intellectually, and economically weak. In the colonized territories, the bourgeois caste draws its strength after independence chiefly from agreements reached with the former colonial power’ (idem:175).

2.1.5 The role of foreign aid

Overall, it argues that three types of aid exist. Humanitarian or emergency aid – mobilized and diffused for catastrophes and emergencies; charity-based aid – spread by charitable institutions to other institutions or people; and, systemic aid – aid payments that are made directly to governments either straight from

government to government (bilateral aid), or indirectly via institutions as the IMF or the WB (multilateral aid) (Moyo 2009: 7). This thesis only focuses on systemic aid.

By donating foreign aid – a liberal idea that ‘foreign aid’; a conditional loan, may lead to economic growth – specifically aid focused on education, people are pulled into dependence (Moyo 2009: 27). Critical Dutch artist Renzo Martens even goes further by stating that the aid industry is a way in which NGOs and other poverty-fighting actors profit from the existence of poverty. At the same time, the poor people notice little of the donated aid (Martens 2009). It seems as if aid is in the interest of the donating actor and aims to undermine efforts of creating a more robust nation-state with economic doctrines, as neoliberalism. Such an economic principle assumes the recipient actors to be socially and economically underdeveloped by

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measuring recipients through a comparison with the donating – and developed – states, and, hence, demands excellent social and economic efforts that only the donating actor is capable of (Fanon 2001 [1961]: 167).

A neoliberal doctrine also creates dependence in education. As Eze (2010) shows, it is hard to decolonize the colonized mind since the educational agenda in former colonies remains, most of the time, a colonial inheritance. The so-called ‘western world’ comes to Africa with programs of education that make African children aspire to the European lifestyles, and portrays the superiority of the latter. On the other hand, in most African states, little alternatives to western education exist (Eze 2010: 183). The lack of options for western schooling may also be a continuous colonial legacy. Africans experienced oppression for over 400 years and, hence, are still affected by the mindset of a colonized man. As argued by Fanon, the mindsets of the colonized and the colonizer are relational, and seen in the current education in Africa (Fanon 2001 [1961]; Jalata 2013). The post-colonial African discourses as a western invention that become possible through ‘western’ schooling are, subsequently, a result of colonialism as well as neoliberalism (Eze 2010: 11).

A consequence of the structural subjugation to colonialism and neoliberalism in many public goods, like education, is that public goods are forced on the free market to be able to prioritize on terrains that are assumed to be more profitable. More focus on arguably more profitable organs of the state, means that public schooling is more efficient, and private education increasingly emerges while it features a higher quality of materials. Examples of more efficient public education are teachers who are less trained, and hence less skilled or double shift classes (two groups of students for one teacher) (Some & Gueye 2008: 147). As these authors also argue: ‘All seems to point to the fact that the government and international donors are more interested in basic literacy than any sound, rigorous education’ (idem: 148). Some & Gueye (2008) are, therefore, right to wonder, ‘how can one be serious about the quality of a product when the producer is not good in the first place’ (idem: 150). The producer signifies the state, the foreign investors, the materials available, and the teachers in front of the classes.

Lastly, an essential result of contemporary ‘western’ education is that it affects identity and self-respect individually and collectively of students and their families. Non-western people cannot recognize themselves in the education provided.

When modern western education is introduced into traditional cultures around the world, it creates a huge sense of inferiority. The schoolbooks talk about a western, urban, consumer culture as progress […] and the result is that children end up feeling that their own culture, their language, their way of doing things is backward, primitive and shameful’ (Norberg in, Black 2010: 26:40 – 17:09).

2.1.6 Western education as a magic bullet

In my opinion, western’ education in a non-‘western’ context, therefore, a magic bullet. By a magic bullet, I mean, a strong belief in a simple solution for a global and complex problem. Examples of such issues are poverty or analphabetism. These solutions orient at the free market, are technical, consists of an intervention, paternalistic, blind for alternative solutions such as local initiatives, and is presented in a lofty manner that distracts from other problems. The underlying causal mechanism behind the issue remains unclear. A magic

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bullet is, briefly, historically selective, politically colored, and consists of blind sports. As a consequence of the implementation of a magic bullet, unforeseen consequences arise (Nooteboom & Rutten 2012: 103 - 104).

A lot of people believe in education as a way to develop, the solution for problems such as poverty. When education, however, is structurally subjugated to colonialism and neoliberalism it is unlikely to create development or an alleviation out of poverty. Briefly, education in Sub-Saharan African states is more likely to develop dependence than to create better-living circumstances, and hence, can be seen as a magic bullet.

2.1.7 Empirics: colonial history and decolonization of Senegal

In the 15th _{century, different European powers as Portugal, the Netherlands, and the U.K. had competed at}

obtaining trade monopoly over Senegal and its peoples. In the 16th century, France started to compete for the trade monopoly over Senegal too. In 1884 France colonized all territories of contemporary Senegal. While Senegal was France’s first colony and most crucial area, Dakar became the capital of French-speaking West-Africa in 1914 (Bawa 2013: 2; BBC 2018; Joris 2013: 12).

France not only has exploited Senegal’s resources and peoples economically, but also tried to have more benefits by implementing a civilizing mission. Especially in the four communities – Dakar, St. Louis, Rufisque, and Gorée – that were to be part of continental France (Bawa 2013: 4). The following quote illustrates that political and economic control alone is not enough, and why it was in France her interest to implemented a civilizing mission:

Economic and political control can never be complete or effective without mental control. To control a people’s culture is to control their tools of self-definition in relationships to others. For colonialism, this involved two aspects of the same process: the destruction or the deliberate undervaluing of a people’s culture, their art, dances, religions, history, geography, education, orature and literature, and the conscious elevation of the language of the colonizer. The domination of a people’s language by the language of the colonizing nations was crucial to the domination of the mental universe of the colonized (Wa Thiong’o 1986: 16).

The first western educational institutions in Senegal were enforced under the French civilizing mission. This mission defines as the need to ‘civilize’ the people living in the place that currently is Senegal using education about the French language and culture (Belmessous 2005: 323). The mission entails that the ones who were forced to ‘become civilized’ assimilated French people living on French soil, so that France gained more control (Diouf 1998: 672). France has started this civilizing mission by colonizing four communities in Senegal: Rufisque, Gorée, Dakar and Saint-Louis. These communities were colonized and subject to direct colonial rule by French officials in response to an administrative and commercial need for the French military conquest in the Sudan (Mamdani 1996: 83; Treffgarne 1977: 312). From 1815 onwards, with the

establishment of the first school in Saint-Louis, education was the so-called ‘Trojan Horse’ to achieve this goal. In short, the enforced education mostly served the purposes of creating lower- and middle-level laborers for the France and European companies and the conversion of indigenous people into Christianity. The

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enforced education, however, consisted only of primary education. Secondary education was only possible in France and assumed to be unfit for most Senegalese (Some & Gueye 2008: 141 - 142).

Assimilating inhabitants of the four communities to French people in theory signified that they were equal to French people (Johnson 2004: 7). The population who lived outside these communities were subjects of France with a different code: the Native Code – meaning the French Administration was mostly entrusted to traditional chiefs or marabouts; Islamic holy persons (idem: 8). The consequence of the French colonizers is the creation of a privileged people who lived on colonized French soil, over the people who live outside this soil in the same state. As a result, some of the privileged people have more in common with strangers in France than with their statemen – in the sense of education, law, and administration (idem: 9). Citizenship, then, is a privilege of the so-called ‘civilized’ men (Mamdani 1996: 17).

The French language was the only language allowed in education. Other languages were forbidden, delegitimized, and someone speaking another language than French was humiliated. The French colonial government took language very seriously since it subjected non-French books and books written in local languages for rural schools with a 12.8% higher tax than French books (Bawa 2013: 5).

The French civilizing mission not only created an elite population in Senegal, but also caused feelings of inferiority. One example is racism: a social construct that argues multiple human races to exist in which the so-called ‘white race’ assumes to be superior over the ‘black race’ (Johnson 2004: 13 – 14; Treffgarne 1977: 312). Another example related to education is that schoolbooks are only in French, based on France, and from French authors. The obvious aim was, then, to control foreign people and soil (Johnson 2004: 21 – 22). The allover result is that the French colonizers have created a very segmented society, or a bifurcated state (Treffgarne 1977: 313 – 314).

The segmentation of society, through education, has always been in the specific economic interest of France. To illustrate, before 1919, no secondary schools existed in the Senegal. As a consequence, the French colonizers created a scholarship system for the most intelligent students, so that they were able to complete their secondary education in France. No serious effort was, however, made to make sure that the recipient, who mostly received such an award by family connections instead of merit, was capable of turning its education into an advantage for the state. Very few of the recipients hence, returned to Senegal (Idowu 1969: 203 – 204).

With the decolonization of Senegal, this did not change. Only the best-educated or high-skilled workers could, and nowadays can, enter France (Easterly & Nyarko 2007; Johnson 2004: 7 – 9). As Fanon (2001 [1961]) argues, a lot of colonizers did not want another Vietnam-like situation, and, hence, offered their colonies to become independent of them: ‘In plain words, the colonial power said: ‘’Since you want

independence, take it and starve’’ (77). This situation has also been the case with the decolonization of former colonies of France in Sub-Saharan Africa.

After Guinea chose to be independent of France in 1958, and was severely punished with France cutting from all her aid and assistance, Senegal chose to remain dependent. In 1960 the Senegalese authorities hence, chose to become part of the French Economic Community in Africa (Ramsis 1993: 9; Schraeder, Hook

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& Taylor 1998: 318). The consensual decolonization of Senegal is not more than a name change. The French Economic Community in Africa is still in place, which means that the educational system and institutions have rarely changed and Senegal, is still greatly affected by France. The ministry of education controls the system as a whole and determines the reforms, the curricula, and teachers appointments’ and salaries (Some & Gueye 2008: 141). The educational curriculum is still not matching with the realities in Senegal, which ‘cause students to be uprooted and aliens to their own society’ (idem: 143).

Moreover, economic inequality that is a result of colonialism, and the authorities being clientelist, have forced the state in exploitative, and abusive relationship after its independence. The result is that Senegal was unable to sustain itself economically and engages in the aid industry. The conditional aid of IFIs forced the state and the people deeper into neoliberalism. Policies associated with SAPs have not only undermined the sovereignty of state institutions, but also implemented neoliberalism more thorough (Some & Gueye 2008: 141). A good example is the educational reforms that have resulted in fewer teachers, teachers being less trained, and having double-shift classes – e.g., two classes at the same time (Some & Gueye 2008: 147). To give more context, in Senegal, two classes may equal 100 students. Moreover, these SAPs have proven to be unable to provide education for all while there are simply too few means. Besides, education within

neoliberalism perceived as an investment (idem: 146; Bawa 2013: 7). In Senegal, the control of the tools of self-definition in relationship to others is nowadays, hence, not only determined by France and her clientelist authorities but also by the IFIs with their neo-liberalist ideology (Wa Thiong’o 1986: 16).

The result is that especially privately educated people do not want jobs that the labor market demands, such as farming. They desire similar jobs as in western states. Another consequence is that teachers’

professionalism clashes with the educational policies of the government. After all, quantity is preferred over quality (Some & Gueye 2008: 144). Moreover, public education is materially underequipped contrary to private education. The curriculum, however, is the same. Private education then, reproduces already existing privileges (Clasby 2012: 5; 7 – 8; Some & Gueye: 145).

The reason why no other local language, such as Wolof – the dominant language in Senegal – is chosen can be explained by the bifurcated state that fears domination of a tribe over others. Barely any school books in other languages were and are available, and no resources exist to fund the creation of similar books or new curricula. Another factor is the colonial legacy of the French education that is very accessible, and tempting since France supports education concerned with the French language and culture, for the Senegalese state (Bawa 2013: 7).

2.2 My choices and theoretical approach

The central question that I had formulated in Chapter 1 was: ‘To what extent are colonial legacies and a neo-liberalist ideology visible in the educational system, and how does that affect youngsters’ employment aspirations in Dakar?’ When overviewing the literature cited from Section 2.1, I came to understand that it is impossible to analyze colonial legacies and a neo-liberalist ideology separately. Both colonial legacies as neoliberalism are intangible, nor can they be seen as separated aspects that affect youngsters’ employment

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aspirations. For the next Chapters, I, hence, merge colonial legacies and a neo-liberalist ideology into the concept of structural imperialism. Structural imperialism signifies the fact that a state and its people, as in Senegal, have since the foundation of the state been subject to foreign policies, ideologies, and foreign interests, as colonialism and neoliberalism that have affected the educational program and the aspirations of youngsters’ employment aspirations.

While structural imperialism cannot be studied directly, it needs indirect consideration. I employ the concept of aspirations to understand better what effects the educational program has. Therefore, in practice, my research focusses on the impact of education in Dakar. The following elements are focused upon: aspirations of youngsters, to indirectly find out what structural imperialist in the contemporary educational system and its curriculum are, the aspirations of youngsters in the labor market, and, solely for teachers, which structural imperialist elements they see in the educational reforms and state-funded scholarships. Now I will specify three sub-questions that I use for my fieldwork analysis. My sub-questions are:

1. What are the aspirations of students concerning the Senegalese educational program? 2. What are the Senegalese students’ aspirations in the labor market?

3. What structuralist imperialist elements do teachers and directors recognize in the contemporary Senegalese education, including educational reforms and the state-funded scholarships?

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3.

M

After having clarified the specific focus of this research in Chapter 2, I will now explain how this study is set up. To begin, Section 3.1 elaborates on my research design. Section 3.2 then describes the respondents and how I accessed them. Section 3.3 explains how I conducted my interviews. After that, Section 3.4 defines the methods of analysis for the gathered data with interviews and the use of secondary sources. And, lastly, Section 3.4 describes the ethical aspects I was confronted with while doing this research.

3.1 Research Design

In this study, I employ a qualitative interview design with contemporary primary- and high-school students, teachers, and directors as a target group since they are the ones who participate in the educational system and program in Dakar. Through their interviews, I can analyze the existing discourse concerned with colonial legacies and neoliberalism in education that affects the employment aspirations of students. I research the subject mentioned above by conducting open interviews with students, teachers, and directors about their vision on current education in their school and their views about life after school. I have prevented being directive and finding confirmations of existing theories in the interviews I have conducted.

3.2 Respondents

For this research, I have gained access to different, mainly private, primary- and high-schools in Dakar via a friend who helped in getting access to these schools and with interviewing the students, teachers, and directors. In January 2020, I have also tried to speak with the Senegalese Ministry of Education and the Inspection d’Académie in Dakar to acquire more profound insights into their vision on education and foreign influence. Unfortunately, both have never replied to my emails. When I visited the Inspection d’Académie, the women in charge reacted very defensively at the moment I mentioned the word ‘research’ and told me to send an email again. I have not gotten any response. Although I have not spoken to people who make decisions about education in Senegal, I am content to have spoken with the teachers and directors of different primary- and secondary schools in Dakar. After all, they have given us more in-depth insights.

The participants of the interviews are selected on their willingness to participate, and I have told that participation is voluntary and anonymous. The names of the respondents, just as the schools are, hence, fictitious or unmentioned. In total, 16 primary school students – ten girls and six boys from two different schools – between 9 and 12 years, 17 secondary school students – nine girls and six boys from two different schools – in the age range of 15 to 19 years, 20 teachers – from various disciplines and three different schools – and two directors – from different schools – have been interviewed.

Even though the curriculum is the same in public and private schools, my sample is not representative of the whole educational system in Dakar, Senegal. Besides the relatively small sample of my research, I have only accessed private schools – which means a higher than average social-economic class in society.

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since the students belong to a relatively high social-economic class, they generally have more access to information, and worldwide media, and have more time and possibilities to make decisions by themselves. Besides, the society as a whole may be of significant influence in the employment aspirations of Senegalese youngsters. I am not going to try to correct these potential biases, simply because I cannot know. Some students’ parents may not be from a relatively high social-economic class, and everyone’s situation is different.

It is, however, argued that, just as Maslow (1943) has demonstrated, aspirations only come into being when particular needs are fulfilled. Whit specific needs, physiological needs (food, water, warmth, rest) and safety needs (security, safety, order, predictability, and the ability to control life) are meant. These needs have to fulfill before one starts to develop oneself and aspire to materials or ideas from life (McLeod 2020). Furthermore, the educational system is a compelling and representative case to research youngsters’ employment aspirations since education entails a persuasive discourse, which assumes educated people to have more opportunities to have enhanced living circumstances. Real power is, moreover, found in institutions and not in individuals. An educational institution, such as a school, therefore possesses the sort of power that can control and discipline how people think when faced with particular contexts at specific times. Education, in short, shapes discursive practices – e.g., youngsters’ employment aspirations.

The teachers and directors are hired directly by the school and not by the state, as is the case with public education. The latter does not mean that they have a different educational background, work experience, connections, vision on education, or more freedom to educate in the way they like than those directly hired by the state. Most teachers in Senegal are underpaid, and for them to sustain themselves, they most of the time work in both private and public schools. The teachers, then, are the same as in public schools. The only difference is that the material circumstances are better in private schools. In sum, the students in private schools may have a different vision on the realities of education and the labor market, whereas the teachers are similar to those in public schools.

3.3 The interviews

I have conducted 22 open interviews with teachers and directors and five focus groups with students. The interviews with primary school students focus on who they are, what they learn, what students like in school, what their dreams are for the future, how students want to achieve these dreams, and where they want to make these dreams. The interviews with secondary school students were, besides the same questions as the primary school students, also focused on the current labor market in Senegal and why – if that was the case – they wanted to achieve their employment aspirations elsewhere. The interviews with the teachers focus on the Senegalese educational system, the Senegalese curriculum, the dreams and desires of youngsters according to them, their role is in shaping these aspirations, the role of education in shaping these aspirations, teachers’ vision about the relationship between the Senegalese schooling, and the contemporary labor market, the role of the state, how reforms in education emerge, their perspective upon these reforms, and what they think about the state-funded scholarships.

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Because the aspirations of youngsters are affected by structuralist imperialism, I operationalize this concept in the interviews by asking what students learn, the educational system, its curriculum, the labor market, the role of the state, educational reforms, and scholarships. What these aspirations entail are the perspectives youngsters have for their future so they can live, what they think, is a satisfying life (Van Heelsum 2017: 2138). Hence, I asked students in the interviews about their future dreams, how they want to achieve those, and why. In the interviews with teachers and directors, I have asked what they think are the dreams and desires of students and why. For this thesis, I choose, after Van Heelsum (2017), to compare the perspectives of refugees at the starting point of their journey and the destination to understand the dynamics in refugee aspirations at a deeper level, to examine the views of primary students, high-school students and teachers separately (idem: 2148).

3.4 Methods of the analysis

To understand the dynamics of aspirations of youngsters in Dakar, Senegal, primary school students, high-school students, and teachers and directors are analyzed separately. This study is interpretivist. Feelings, values, and ideas are, therefore, central in understanding social realities – from both the researcher as the researched (Yanow 2014: 133).

The interpretative approach is the most suitable for this study since the ideas, feelings, and values of individuals and groups shape activity and construct social reality. By looking at the particular beliefs, and feelings of students, teachers, and directors, this study aims to give a more in-depth insight into their constructed social reality (Hague & Harrop 2013: 88).

The conducted open interviews gather data concerning personal feelings, values, and ideas. Since this data is mainly qualitative, the analysis is a process of bringing order, meaning, and structure to it. With the focus groups of primary and high-school students, I have used color-coding: pursuing related words or groups of terms mentioned by respondents. The colors, after that, are combined with having a better understanding of their meanings and with being able to observe connections (Hilal & Alabri 2013: 181). Their view upon education, their dreams, reasons, how they want to achieve these dreams, where, why a specific location, and their vision on the labor market are marked.

With the interviews of teachers and directors, I’ve used Kwalitan to structure and analyze the more complex data (Kwalitan 2018). In this program, I’ve made two segments: one concerned with aspirations, and one with structuralist imperialism. Within these segments, I have made dimensions that are non-hierarchical since they are all part of the process that form youngsters’ aspirations in the labor market and are topics that have appeared in all conducted interviews. By doing this, a useful pattern arises by creating categories that match with the theories. In that sense, this is an iterative research in which data and theory are no separate phases, but complement each other (Baarda et al. 2001: 169).

Qualitative sources complement the qualitative data from conducted interviews. Qualitative sources are mostly secondary sources, or materials that are produced after an event occurred, without being witnessed by the author (Halperin & Heath 2012: 329). This thesis takes into account that these sources have been

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interpreted, commented on, or analyzed. Throughout this thesis, those are not used as unproblematic facts. Alternative sources, hence, are taken into account, just as the fact that there is looked at similar patterns across different sources with related topics, and by justifying the data sources that are used (idem: 330).

3.5 Ethical aspects

The first ethical aspect of this study has continuously occupied my mind since starting my research is the fact that I am a white European who researches black Africans and their education. Since colonialism, Europeans have written the history of others, and is what this research is also about. Moreover, being engaged in post-colonial studies, and being western-educated means that I represent western modes of thought and western discourses. I am, furthermore, aware of the fact that I’m also a product of neo-liberalist modes of thought and discourses and aim to create more consciousness about this ideology. However, by member checks via my network in Dakar, and people who are very familiar with the context, I have tried to prevent my bias and my positionalities that influence the data and analysis. Besides doing member checks, I have been reflective and conscious about ethical issues that may play a role in this study, which means that this study does contribute to the existing literature and maybe more easily understandable for all those concerned. Secondly, in the interviews I have conducted together with my Senegalese friend. My positionalities, as well as his as a successful civil engineer and graduate of the Senegalese education system, have played an essential role in the interviews I have been able to conduct and the information the respondents have given us.

Furthermore, I aim not to do any harm to my respondents. Firstly, informed consent to participate in my research and by the knowledge that I may use their replies anonymously in my study. Moreover, as mentioned before, I do not describe the schools thoroughly or give away their details. Their disciplines are fictitious as well. Furthermore, I told them only to share what they feel comfortable sharing. By doing this, I guarantee their anonymity and their safety.

Besides, some topics concerned with France are sensitive in contemporary Senegal. Some people that criticize France are imprisoned, so this has potentially influenced the data from the interviews. Lastly, this research is not entirely inductive and probably looked for confirmation of existing knowledge while that may unconsciously be of influence in the questions I have asked, or how I interpreted the data.

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4.

P

’

This Chapter concerns primary school students. It analyzes data gathered from interviews with 16 primary school students. With this data, the effects of structuralist imperialism are discussed first. After that, question one, ‘What are the aspirations of students concerning the Senegalese educational program?’, and sub-question two, ‘What are the Senegalese students’ aspirations in the labor market?’, are answered. These questions are analyzed directly and end with a straightforward answer to the questions. This chapter ends with a conclusion.

4.1 The effects of structuralist imperialism

For primary school students, the effects of structuralist imperialism are mainly found in the current education. they have since it concerns traditional ‘western,’ more specifically French schooling that enables the students to benefit from the French knowledge and seen as more developed. The courses the students follow and the content of the courses is based on colonial legacies and changed by neo-liberal reforms. The students are mainly occupied with learning French, which is, in most cases, not their native language. Next to French, they also learn mathematics. All books are written in French, most by French authors for a French context, and not directly for the Senegalese context.

While doing the interviews, to illustrate, I heard students sometimes speak native languages that made me aware that French is not their first language, nor the language in which they can well express themselves in. It may be that the language in which they have learned to structure their environment is put aside and deemed irrelevant by imposing French in their education, the language they are supposed to master for their professional life in the future. To master the French language for their professional life is, then, a myth with real consequences. People do believe that western educated people – which includes learning the French language – have more skills than those that have other forms of local, more context-specific education. As a consequence, ‘western’-educated people will have more opportunities in French-speaking Africa, and people continue to send their children to French schooling.

Another effect is that most students are already aware of different contexts, and aspire to go overseas, more specifically France (44.44%) and Canada (22.22%). The following quote illustrates this phenomenon:

‘In Canada […] we can do science, to study science there, you can have new colleagues. It’s a cold country’1 _{(male 12 years old).}

Only one student mentioned that he wanted to stay in Senegal. It seems, hence, as if most students are already thinking about migrating to be able to achieve their aspirations. Generally, they feel that abroad are more and, or, better opportunities and circumstances than in Senegal. The French language, moreover, might pose a

1 _{Il y a, on peut faire la science, pour étudier là-bas la science, on peut aussi avoir de nouveaux collègues. C’est un pays}

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barrier for these students to go elsewhere than France or Canada. One female, however, wants to go to Norway:

‘In Norway […] because there, they are rich, and there are a lot of people who require us’2

(female eleven years old).

Except for the one student that wants to stay in Senegal, most students have noted to want to go to states that perceived as ‘wealthy.’ Wealthy states, or states where one may become wealthy too, play an essential role in their aspirations and equals having the opportunity to become successful.

Overall, the structuralist imperialist effects for primary school students are in the educational program and system; this includes the imposed French language on the students. Another effect is the focus on going abroad from all students, and especially to north-western European, or northern-American states.

4.2 Aspirations of primary school students

4.2.1 What are the aspirations of stud ents concerning the Senegalese educational

program?

All the students I spoke to have expressed that by working hard, studying well, and listening to their parents, make them achieve their goals. Quotes like the following are illustrative of what most students have said:

‘I have to continue my studies and work well like my parents, and, then, when I want to grow up, I study a lot and help people’3 _{(female nine years old).}

All students have repeated similar aspirations. The following three students have expressed other aspirations too:

‘I have to work well, continue my studies, and I also have to help the children in the streets, those who are outside, that’s it’4 _{(male ten years old).}

‘ I have to study well, not disappoint my parents, [...] stop a bit with gossiping [laughing] […]. And respect my parents’5 (female eleven years old).

[I have] ‘to work well and avoid disappointing my parents, always respect them, do what they ask me to do, and reduce the time I spend on my phone a bit’6 _{(female twelve years old).}

2 _{À la Norvège […] parce que là-bas, ils sont riches et il y a beaucoup de personnes qui ont besoin de nous}

3 _{Je dois continuer mes études et bien travailler comme mes parents, et, puis, quand je veux grandir, j’étude beaucoup et}

je aide des gens

4 _{Je dois bien travailler, continuer mes études et je dois aussi aider les enfants dans la rue, ceux qui sont dehors, c’est ça} 5 _{Je dois bien étudier, ne pas décevoir mes parents, [...] arrêter un peu trop des histoires [rire]. […] Et respecter aussi mes}

parents

6 _{Bien travailler et éviter de décevoir mes parents, toujours les respecter, faire ce qu'ils me disent et un peu éliminer le}

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Based on all that the students said, it seems like most students have similar aspirations: to continue their studies, to respect elders, and not disappoint them. Some already pointed out that they have to start with helping people in their state, stop gossiping, or spend less time on a mobile phone.

What I find remarkable is that their aspirations are, firstly, similar, and, second, that they have all have their elders in high regard. The latter may point out to a more collectivist culture in which collective

aspirations are more valued than individual, meaning that harmony and group cohesion are essential. The underlying collectivist culture can explain the fact that all students have their elders in high. The fact that the students are very disciplined in general, and people rely more on family structures for their well-being, and the students have the opportunity to go to school. In the primary school, for instance, I have seen first-year

students who were able to form a line in pairs of two in silence without any struggles.

Shortly, the educational aspirations are mainly to work hard and respect collective interests in their education. Currently, the primary school students are focused on their current schooling. The next section discusses the students’ employment aspirations and will, however, show that their long term aspiration is going abroad.

4.2.2 What are the Senegalese students’ aspirations in the labor market?

The educational aspirations of students are related to their primary objectives after education: to achieve their employment aspirations. The following quote illustrates the employment aspirations of most students when asked what primary school students want to do after they finished school and why:

‘Lawyer […], because I like helping people who do not have anything now’

old).

To me, it seems as if the aspirations these students have are very high. All want to achieve abstract jobs that require at least a university degree. Their family and the respect students have for their relatives, may influence aspirations while most students are unclear in what these jobs entail. I, hence, assume that the parents, or caretakers, are of significant influence for the aspirations of these students. Unfortunately, I do not have data about the aspirations of parents for their children, which means I cannot be sure about their

influence.

Besides the high aspirations, all except one have said to want to help people. The more collectivist culture, and their social reality with hard living conditions may be of influence, e.g., children of their age who beg, are homeless, do not have the means to go to school. The reason why they have these high aspirations, then, is not selfish but to improve the lives of others too. Most, then, students aspire to have money to help others with little means of having a good quality of life. The following quote illustrates this:

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‘I would like to be a doctor because I like taking care of people, being nice to them, distribute lots of things. For example, when you are a doctor, you have a lot of money, and with that money, you can help them’8 (female nine years old).

Furthermore, most students aim to achieve their aspirations abroad. Solely one student said to want to stay in Senegal as a computer scientist to work for Sonatel – a Senegalese privatized telecom company with France as its principal investor (Oxford Business Group 2009: 71). From the other students, most said to want to go to France or Canada, like the following:

‘In Canada […] we can do science, to study science there, you can have new colleagues. It’s a cold country’9 (male twelve years old).

The female that wants to become a doctor, however, has an even more lofty reason related to helping the Senegalese people. She wants to work in France for the following reason:

‘In France, while it’s good there, it’s neat. And we can take with us some sick people from here to make them better there’10 (female student nine years old).

Most students (93%) already think about going to other states to be able to achieve the jobs they aspire. Either to study, to work, or to go to France to heal sick people of Senegal, like the nine-year-old student, most already realize that there are more and, what they think are better, opportunities and circumstances outside their state.

The idealistic female student shows that ‘neat’ and ‘good’ conditions also play a role. These words made me think of pursuing what it means ‘to be civilized.’ The level of civilization is, for most African states, always determined by others. France, for instance, used to justify colonization by bringing civilization, which signified being Christian, mastering the French language, and being assimilated to the French culture – what that may be. Nowadays, the level of civilization is measured by comparing ‘underdeveloped’ states to states that are assumed to be at a higher social, cultural, political, and economic level. The fact that states like Senegal are still compared to western states and believed to be less ‘developed’ makes ‘civilizing missions’ even possible, as well as from France as from other international actors that aim at ‘development.’ Although nowadays it has more the form of foreign aid with conditions.

The part of the quote that states ‘In France, while it’s good there, it’s neat,’ feels to me like an internalization of a colonial dichotomous discourse. This discourse entails contradictions in which the colonizer state and its people have always ascribed aspects like developed, competent, neat and civilized. In contrast, the colonized state and its people presumably are undeveloped, immoral, dirty and uncivilized.

8 _{J'aimerais être docteur parce que j'aime bien m'occuper des gens, être gentils avec eux, les distribuer plein de choses.}

Par exemple, quand on est docteur, on a beaucoup d'argent et avec cet argent, on peut les aider

9 _{Au Canada […] on peut faire la science, pour étudier là-bas la science, on peut aussi avoir de nouveaux collègues. C’est}

un pays froid

10 _{Dans la France parce que c’est bon là-bas, c'est propre. Et on peut pour ramener quelques maladies ici, et les amener}