Dimensions of safety from a gender perspective for Syrian refugees

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Dimensions of Safety

from a Gender

Perspective for

Syrian Refugees

Poppy Stanbury | Master Thesis

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University of Amsterdam

Graduate School of Social Sciences

MSc International Development Studies

Master Thesis

‘Dimensions of Safety from a Gender Perspective

for Syrian Refugees’

July, 2018

Poppy Stanbury |

11612118

Supervisor |

Anke van Dam

Second Reader |

Esther Miedema

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Acknowledgements

I would first like to thank my supervisor, Anke van Dam, for her consistent support and guidance throughout the thesis process, and for her endless patience with my many concerns. I would also like to thank Esther Miedema, for not only taking the time to read this thesis, but for taking the time to teach me about topics that would guide my thesis. I would also like to thank my mum for her spectacular proof-reading. A big thank you to Spark, for helping me find participants and locations for this research, and for helping me to acclimatize to life in Jordan. Overall, this research is for the participants of the Spark programmes, who gave me time and effort into providing valuable information, and allowing me into their minds. I hope this research contributes to making them feel more at ease in Jordan.

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Abstract

For vulnerable groups such as Syrian refugees, the perception of safety within programmes conducted by Non-Governmental Organisations should be deemed a high priority. Gender issues are often considered to be secondary in emergency contexts. However even in non-emergency contexts such as employment or higher education, the notion of safety with regards to gender issues is often overlooked, and consequentially the feelings of safety for vulnerable groups decreases. While there is an abundance of research into sexual violence of refugees, especially concerning women, there is a lack of knowledge about more subtle forms of ‘unsafety’, which, although less obviously invasive, have a substantial impact on how refugees view their safety. This research tackles issues of emotional safety, sexual safety and physical safety, with a focus on female and male Syrian refugees enrolled in the programmes of the NGO, Spark, based in Amman, Jordan. This research collected data predominantly using interviews of refugees, NGO workers, and gender development specialists. Focus groups, surveys and observation sessions were also used. The findings can be summarised as follows; the refugees enrolled in the programmes felt that their overall feeling of safety was high; however there were measures that the organisation could take to ensure that this feeling of safety increases. Their perceptions of safety can be categorised into two themes; ‘Safety as Safe Spaces’ and ‘Safety as Security’. Measures to be taken within these themes include; investigation of the placements for internships before the interns begin, conducting awareness sessions on issues of sexual safety and consent, working on better methods for travel for refugees living in refugee camps, and developing workshops or a network for job opportunities for the refugees.

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List of Abbreviations

NGO Non-Governmental Organisation HES Higher Education for Syrians

IEO Improving Employment Opportunities GBV Gender-Based Violence

CSE Comprehensive Sexual Education MoU Memorandum of Understanding

List of Figures

Figure 1 Current Employment status of Women in Jordan (source: UN Women, recreated

by author)………...14

Figure 2 Gender Norms Discrimination Cycle (author)………...27

Figure 3 Diagram of Optimal Trajectory of this Research (author)………...33

Figure 4 Map of Jordan (source: 123.com) ………...34

Figure 5 Criteria to Assess Qualitative Research (source: Bryman, 2012)………...36

Figure 6 Criteria to Assess Qualitative research (source: Lincoln and Guba, 1994)………...37

Figure 7 Safety versus preference for Awareness Education (author) ……….50

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Chapter 1 - Introduction

Since the beginning of the Syrian Refugee Crisis in 2011, Syrian people have been forced to flee their country in search of refuge. With no indication of ending soon (Migration Policy Institute, 2015), it remains that host countries and the organisations tackling the crisis must provide refugees with the best safety and security possible.

1.1 Research Overview

This research was conducted with the Dutch organisation, Spark, which tackles issues of employment, scholarships for education, and entrepreneurship for Syrian refugees (Spark, 2018). The research was conducted in Jordan, specifically in the cities of Amman, Zarqa and Irbid. This research tackled the issue of safety of Syrian refugees from a gender perspective, particularly in the workplace and educational context provided by Spark. I chose to conduct this research initially to fill the knowledge gap that Spark has due to the lack of gender policy, and the research I conducted couldgo on to directly benefit the Syrian refugees in their programmes, through the policy. Jordan was the country chosen for research because, through the organisation, I had contact with their country office who expressed interest in having me conduct research there. Moreover, Jordan was a safe country that had taken in a large number of refugees, and would provide ample opportunity to conduct research on the safety of refugees without risking my own safety.

1.2 Safety as Safe Spaces

The theme of Safety as Safe Spaces emerged because it became clear during and after the research period that the participants found it important to their overall safety to be able to work and study in spaces where they felt safe. Not only are refugees subject to discrimination from society due to the societally imposed label of ‘refugee’, but women are also subject to societal stigma that is bias against them. Issues of structural discrimination (Link and Phelan, 2001) against women contribute to feelings of unsafety due to negative stereotyping that positions women as inferior; this can lead to troublesome behaviour that inhibits feelings of safety that female refugees have. Being a refugee and in a country that is not your home makes it even more important for individuals to find somewhere they belong, and to feel welcome. If an institution or company does not project inclusive practice, both in policy and from colleagues or employers, the feeling of being unwelcome is exacerbated and encroaches on their feelings of unsafety. This can begin to be remedied by introducing Awareness Education that tackles gender issues, from gender norms and discrimination, to sexual harassment and consent.

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1.3 Safety as Security

The theme of Safety and Security became significant to this research during the research stage, after the conversation regularly turned to employment after enrolment in Spark’s programme had finished. Gender norms that dictate how women should act, and stereotypes that label women as inferior, affect the chance of a female obtaining employment. Despite holding positive stereotypes, however, women are still discriminated against (Heilman and Eagly, 2008), especially with regards to employment. This issue is exacerbated by high unemployment rates in Jordan (tradingeconomics.com, 2018), as there are limited opportunities. Many women feel these opportunities are more likely to be awarded to men, due to bias in their favour. This shortage of employment opportunities affects perceptions of safety, as an absence of regular income means financial insecurity, and this lack of security increases feelings of unsafety.

Financial instability is also keenly felt by the Syrian refugee population (in this study) as discrimination against refugees also limits employment opportunities. These issues will be discussed in further depth in chapter six.

1.4 Outline of Thesis

This thesis is ordered into seven chapters. The first, this chapter, introduces the subject of study and the reason for studying, as well as the approaches taken by this research to study the dimensions of safety from a gender perspective, and to situate them in the workplace and educational settings that Syrian refugees experience in Amman, Jordan. Chapter two will elaborate on the background of the refugee crisis in Jordan, and the social and cultural context of Syrian refugees living in Jordan. This information is important for engaging with the empirical findings.

Chapter three will address the theory used in this research; the themes of Safety as Safe Spaces and Safety as Security, and how relevant the dimensions are from a gender perspective in the workplace and education context. The chapter will briefly discuss post-development theory, as that is an ongoing theme throughout the methodology and the evaluation of the empirical findings. Chapter 4 will introduce the research questions, conceptual framework and operationalisations, as well as the reasoning behind the methodology used.

Chapters five and six situate and discuss the theory within the empirical findings of Safety as Safe Spaces and Safety as Security, respectively. In the final chapter, chapter seven, the answer to the main research question is given, with discussion of the empirical findings. Moreover, this chapter will include policy recommendations for organisation implementation by Spark, as well as suggestions for future study in this area of research.

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Chapter 2 - Context

This chapter will elaborate on the social and cultural contexts of Jordanian society, and how the Syrian Refugee Crisis intersects with the contextual situation that is relevant to the research. The first section will look at the overview of the Syrian Crisis in Jordan, and how agreements regarding the treatment of refugees came about. The second section will focus on how the male-dominated structures of Arab culture affects Syrian and Jordanian women, but also how men are affected by these structures. The third section will detail the difficulties Syrian refugees face finding work or obtaining an education, and the challenges they face in those settings. Finally, the fourth section will explain Spark’s response to the Syrian Crisis.

2.1 Syrian Refugee Crisis and Jordan

The Syrian Refugee Crisis began in 2011, with the Syrian government’s violent retaliation to peaceful protests as part of the Arab Spring (Mercy Corps, 2018). According to UNHCR, as of June 2018 there are 740,160 registered refugees in Jordan, 666,596 of them being Syrian1_(UNHCR, 2018). The other refugees come from Iraq, Somalia, Yemen Sudan and Palestine. In a country of only 9.7million people (UNFPA, 2017), this is a substantial number of refugees. Contrary to what is stereotypically shown in the media, 81% of refugees live in urban settings, not refugee camps (UNHCR, 2018).

Jordan is not a signatory of the 1951 Convention relating to the Status of Refugees, which discusses the rights of refugees and obligations of countries that are legally bound to protect them (UNHCR, 1951). Instead, Jordan has an agreement with the EU called the Memorandum of Understanding. The Memorandum of Understanding (MoU) was signed in 1998, as a way that allows UNHCR to permissibly give aid and protection to persons falling within their mandate (UNHCR, 1998). Under the MoU, a refugee is authorised legal status, and UNHCR is supposed to find them acceptable placement within Jordan, a third country, or approved repatriation into their country of origin. However, the refugee is not permitted to stay in Jordan for more than six months (UNHCR, 1998). For most refugees, a six month stay in Jordan is not at all feasible, so in 2014 an amendment was made to the Memorandum that stated that refugees could stay for up to one year (Malkawi, 2014). However, the majority of refugees whom I interviewed had been living in Jordan for five years or more.

In 2016, the European Union made a partnership contract with Jordan which promises to improve the living conditions of Syrian refugees in Jordan. The agreement states that Jordan will receive

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€747 million for 2016 to 2017 (roughly €100 million going to humanitarian aid), in return Jordan must ensure that career opportunities are available for Syrians, and that 165’000 Syrian children will have access to education, and older youth access to vocational training (Council of the EU, 2016).

Jordan has been releasing a Jordan Response Plan to the Syrian Crisis (JRPSC) for the past few years, which details the issues and how they plan to tackle them. For the years 2018-2020 the Response Plan has been given $7.3 billion by the Jordanian government and international donors (MEMO, 2018). For employment, the Response Plan for 2018-2020 includes strategies for “projects focusing on employment creation, including job matching and employability services, vocational training and apprenticeships, and career counselling services designed to increase the accessibility of decent work opportunities” (JRPSC, 2018). With relevance to education, the newest Response Plan (2018-2020) explains that improving the quality of education in Jordan for both Syrian and Jordanian children is paramount2_(Ibid).

The Jordan Response plan describes how there were numerous ‘challenges’ to social protection in Jordanian society before the crisis began. Challenges included high unemployment and poverty rates, and excessive occurrences of violence against women and children3_{, among other issues} (JRPSC, 2018). These issues were exacerbated by the onset of the refugee crisis and the influx of refugees into Jordan. Furthermore, the current measures for social protection were deemed inadequate by the international community to meet the level of protection that is required for vulnerable demographics such as refugees (ibid). Communities where refugees are accommodated in high numbers are strained to the max, and social cohesion between different nationalities are at risk of deteriorating without adequate social protection services in place to protect and boost the needs of both the host community and vulnerable groups.

According to the Jordan Response Plan the crisis has cost Jordan over ten billion US dollars (JRPSC, 2018), and the money has gone towards basic needs such as healthcare, water, food, shelter, but also transportation, education and electricity. As reported by the plan, the crisis is only getting more expensive and social cohesion is becoming increasingly fragile. There are numerous news stories of patience wearing thin with the crisis. The Guardian reports that, “Rents

2_{According to official figures, there are over 200’000 registered refugees of school age, but only} about 60% of those children are enrolled in schools (JRPSC, 2018). The Response Plan for 2018-2020 discusses enrolling more Syrian refugee children into schools, while also maintaining and improving quality, and without simply overcrowding schools to get more students enrolled (Ibid).

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and prices have risen astronomically. Unhappiness, frustration and anger are heard everywhere.” (Black, 2014).

As will be discussed in Chapters five and six, the tensions between Jordanians and Syrians is growing, with attitudes becoming more unwelcome according to the Syrian participants of the research. One quote from a Washington Post article encapsulates the situation for Syrians in Jordan, “They once received us as guests and brothers. Now they see us as a curse.” (Luck, 2013).

2.2 Arab Society and Gender

It is no great revelation that Jordan, like most Arabic societies, is a male-dominated society, and is placed 135 out 144 countries in the 2017 Global Gender Gap report (World Economic Forum, 2017). The main indicators that measure gender equality include educational attainment, political empowerment, economic participation and opportunity, and health and survival. With practices such as child marriage, honour killings4_{, spousal rape, domestic violence and common} sexual harassment (US Department of State, 2017). Jordan’s position on women’s rights is not strong. However, Jordan does have laws against gender based violence; in August the government abolished part of the penal code that states rapists could avoid prison if they married their victim (Tahhan, 2017). Moreover there is a law against sexual harassment and sexual assaults that carries a minimum sentence of four years hard labour (US Department of State, 2017). However, the latter is not often enforced, and there are still inadequate legal protections for women who experience violence, in addition, women generally report abuse to NGOs rather than to police (ibid).

Furthermore, as will be discussed in Chapter six, there is the frequent occurrence of discrimination against women in the workplace. Not only is there wage discrimination, but also the number of women in the workplace is shockingly low. The Committee on the Elimination of Discrimination against Women found that only 13.2% of the labour force was made up of women, compared to the 60.43% of men (CEDAW, 2015). Although Jordan has relatively good statistics for the number of women in education, the number of women in the workforce is nowhere near acceptably highenough (World Bank, 2013), as it ranks 142 out of 144 countries in the Global Gender Gap Report (World Economic Forum, 2017). This issue will be discussed further in Chapter six, with reference to empirical data.

For this research it is not only imperative to consider the Arab patriarchal context within Syria and for the refugees within Jordan. For some laws affecting women’s safety there are similar

4_{the practice of killing a female family member for ‘inappropriate behaviour’, sometimes being} the female was raped

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provisions to the laws in Jordan, however Syria still decrees that if a rapist marries their victim then they will not be punished (US Department of State, 2017). Within Syria, there are similar provisions to Jordan, such as no law against spousal rape, and prevalence of honour killings. It is relevant to discuss the context of laws within Syria, as laws have an effect on what is socially acceptable within society. Therefore it is important to know what Syrians believe is socially acceptable when entering Jordanian society, with regards to gender issues. A further finding in Syria is that domestic violence is a common occurrence that ultimately goes unpunished, and since the refugee crisis, the domestic violence shelters no longer operate (Ibid). Furthermore, with the conflict in Syria, the already low statistic of 16% female participation in the labour force (with men at 72%) was exacerbated as insecurity and violence increased (US Department of State, 2017).

For men, a study conducted by CARE, found that refugee men in Jordan have a higher risk of experiencing physical violence, and their main concerns are being not sent back to Syria (CARE, 2017). During research conducted by the humanitarian aid organisation, CARE, Syrian women explicitly stated their fear of sexual harassment, however, due to societal stigma and worries about what family and friends would say or do, talking openly about sexual violence is a not a common practice (CEDAW, 2015). This is an issue that will be discussed further in Chapter five.

2.3 Syrians in Education and the Workplace

As Syrian refugees are technically temporary citizens of Jordan, they need permits to attend schools, universities and apply for work. While there are provisions that allow for this, obtaining the permits is a challenge that leaves refugees unable to get an education or find work.

For the first time in 2015, higher education was included in the mandate for the Jordan Response Plan to the Syrian Crisis. The 2018-2020 plan includes a provision within the education sector mandate that states it will, “Provide post-basic opportunities for youth, including lifelong learning and higher education” (JRPSC, 2018; p19). The plan recognises that without access to higher education, the majority of young adults will be forced into unemployment, and vulnerability and insecurity will increase (ibid).

Scholarship providers in Jordan focus more on primary and secondary education, and consequently tertiary education is sometimes seen as less important for refugees. Furthermore, there is not enough money in the education sector for Jordan to provide education for all Syrians interested in tertiary education (UNESCO, 2017). Research shows that it is important for Syrian refugees to receive higher education, as the needs of a post-conflict Syria will reflect the current

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job market in Jordan, and therefore there is a need for Syrians with degrees, such as engineering, or medicine5_{, for when the conflict is over and the country needs to be rebuilt (Ibid).}

Despite these provisions for Syrian refugees, there are still difficulties getting into tertiary education. These difficulties include lack of identification and university transcripts that are likely inaccessible from Jordan (Kamyab, 2017). In addition to this, there are discriminatory practices against Syrian refugees (UNESCO, 2017). Moreover, the tuition fees and cost of living in Jordan is far higher than in Syria (Kamyab, 2017), so many refugees cannot afford to pay for themselves to attend university, and are reliant on the limited source of scholarships.

Syrians entering into the workforce in Jordan face as many difficulties as those entering into education. For a Syrian refugee to get a job, they must have a work permit, which requires the following documentation; a valid Ministry of Interior service card, a photo, and a certificate of good health. However, even if a person is eligible for the service card, they might lack the proper documentation in order to attain it (Amjad et al., 2017).

For Syrians living in the camps, they require ‘leave permits’ to be given access to leave the camp and go to their job. This makes them unsuitable job candidates, as obtaining a leave permit can take anything from three hours to three days, meaning they may miss at least three days of work (Amjad et al, 2017).

Syrian women in Jordan also have a hard time finding work. As this graph from UN Women’s (UN Women, 2017) shows, while Jordanian women are very much underrepresented in the workforce, Syrian women have almost no participation6_{. Even} _if women want to work, there are societal and logistical

5_{Spark currently offers internships in the industrial sector, and scholarships were awarded to} students studying engineering, all of which are necessary for rebuilding a country.

6_{However, the research conducted found that Syrians (mostly men but women were also} mentioned) had begun their own crafts stalls in the markets; this does give women some financial autonomy. However no specific statistics were named.

Figure 9 Current Employment status of Women in Jordan

Accessed via http://jordan.unwomen.org/en/digital- library/publications/2017/3/women-working-jordanian-and-syrian-refugee-womens-labour-force

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obstacles preventing them from looking for work (UN Women, 2017). Society tells women that many jobs are inappropriate for them, or that employers do not want to hire women. These social norms are projected onto women not only by potential employers, but also from family members; therefore women face resistance at every level (World Bank, 2013). There is a wage gap in Jordan, as there is all over the world, whereby companies pay women less than men, and Syrian women less than Jordanian women (Magistad, 2017).

Not only do women have challenges to find work, they then face challenges relating to their gender in the workplace. Sexual harassment is widely known to happen to women in the workplace, and in Jordan, it is a common practice in the industry sector. Oftentimes young women, sometimes in their first job, begin working in factories supervised by groups of men who take advantage (Better Work, n.d.). There have been calls for stricter practices and laws against sexual harassment and violence in the workplace, and for recognition that violence is a substantial factor in women being forced to leave work (Prieto, 2017).

However, it is not just women that experience harassment and violence in the workplace. Research shows that refugee men are also at risk of sexual exploitation when at work (UNHCR, 2017). Many refugees are financially challenged, and the men feel a particular responsibility to earn money for their families. Work permits are not easy to come by, and, with a lack of available employment, informal work becomes more frequent. Informal work means no social security, which means that there is no legal support network for the refugee, creating exploitative conditions, and often being extremely underpaid (UNHCR, 2017). In the research, the refugee men explained that sexual exploitation happened when they asked for their full wages, with employers asking for ‘special favours’ in return for financial compensation (UNHCR, 2017; p33).

2.4 Spark’s Response to the Crisis

Due to the influx of Syrian refugees into Jordan, the number of NGOs in the region have spiked over the past few years. As the crisis does not look as though it will end anytime soon, NGOs have a challenging time deciding whether to treat the crisis as an emergency response or long-term development (condevcentre.org, 2016).

The Dutch Organisation, Spark, is an organisation that focuses on entrepreneurship and higher education so that young people have the skills to empower their post-conflict communities. Spark has been working with the Ministry of Foreign Affairs in the Netherlands to work on three projects in Jordan; Jordan’s Small and Medium Enterprise (SME) Growth programme, Improving Employment Opportunities (IEO) programme, and Higher Education for Syrians (HES) programme (Spark, 2018). This research has focused on the IEO and HES programmes.

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The IEO programme is designed and implemented with the idea that, through internships and work experience, young Syrian adults will continue to learn new skills and improve upon old ones, so that they are more qualified to either find a job in Jordan, if integration is the way forward, or back in Syria post-conflict, if repatriation is deemed the best option. So far the majority of the internships take place in the industry sector, with both male and female refugees finding placements. The HES programme focuses on helping Syrian refugees obtain a tertiary education, which, like the IEO programme, gives the participants more skills, a degree, and opportunities for employment, whether in Jordan or in Syria. (Spark, 2018).

The refugees enrolled in Spark’s programmes are aged 18-35, and most have been in Jordan for about five years. The majority of the refugees (especially those who participated in this research) do not live in refugee camps, but in urban areas.

2.5 Concluding Remarks

As detailed in the above contextual section, the situation of Syrian refugees in Jordan is both complicated and ever-changing. Complexities such as obtaining permits for education and work, becoming registered, finding scholarship programmes, such as Spark’s, to fund education, demonstrates the challenging path that Syrian Refugees have to navigate in order to structure their livelihood. Escaping the dangers of Syria were, of course, difficult enough, but combined with the societal limitations and sexual violence dangers that women and men face, both in the educational setting and workplace setting, one can begin to get an understanding of the issues that refugees have to deal with.

The context detailed in this chapter is paramount to understanding the foundations that significantly shape the response to, and management of, the Syrian refugee crisis in Jordan, and the limitations and challenges that the refugees themselves face. The following chapter presents the theoretical framework of this research. The theoretical framework, along with this chapter, establishes the conceptual background with which the empirical findings engage with in chapters five and six.

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Chapter 3 - Theoretical Framework

This chapter will discuss the theoretical foundations of this research, and will be divided into four sections. The first section will briefly explain the theory of Feminism, and will then go on to explain Post-Development Feminism, as this is a theory that is interwoven into the subsequent sections7_{. The second section will address how the dimensions of ‘stigma ’, ‘inclusion/exclusion’} and ‘awareness education’ are related to Safety as Safe Spaces. The third section will discuss the concepts of ‘gender norms’ and ‘financial stability’ in relation to Safety as Security, and how these concepts together, with some overlap from Safety as Safe Spaces, will explain Safety as Security.

Introduction to Feminism

To begin introducing the current debates on feminism that relate to this research, we must first start by defining what feminism is. According to Merriam-Webster Dictionary, and the definition that I adhere to for this research8_{, feminism is “the theory of the political, economic, and social} equality of the sexes” (Merriam-Webster Dictionary, n.d.).

The key goal of feminism is to achieve gender equality. Gender equality is a universally used term that has become synonymous with achieving women’s rights worldwide, and feminism is the powerhouse of gender equality. It is important to note, and will be discussed further in section 3.3 Safety as Safe Spaces, that feminism and the achievement of the feminist movement are vital to men also, however much the term ‘gender’ may be associated with women9_.

Hindrances to gender equality take the form of societal, cultural, religious and often biological discrimination. Examples of such unequal behaviours include the following; discrimination in educational and workplace settings, and ‘traditions’ and stereotypical practices ascribed to men and women that often limit women’s societal participation and opportunities (these behaviours will be discussed in detail in the following sections). Other unequal behaviours that women experience include; fewer legal rights and biased judicial systems, as well as the reproductive burden that women have to bare (Osteria, 2003).

7_{Feminism and post-development feminism are important, because my way of looking at both} the theory on safety and the empirical data is based in feminist theory. This is therefore an integral part of my analysis

8_{Although I recognise that feminism is not so simple as to define in one sentence.}

9_{It is also important to note that this research discusses gender in terms of men and women. I} understand and believe that there are more than two genders, however, for feasibility in such a short fieldwork period, and for lack of access or acceptance of, for example, transgender refugees, this research will henceforth discuss gender as the binary between men and women.

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Issues of gender are intertwined with issues of education, employment, migration, and safety, to name a few topics relevant to this research. There are many facets to feminism, but for this research the focus will be on, 1) the legitimacy and importance of women and men’s own experiences and societal requirements for safety through their own eyes, 2) the misplacement of western feminism within Arabic culture, and 3) the challenging of prevailing gender norms and societal views that are a hindrance to the safety of refugees, specifically young adult women and men.

3.1 Post-development Feminism

“This average third world woman leads an essentially truncated life based on her feminine gender (read: sexually constrained) and her being “third world” (read: ignorant, poor, uneducated, tradition-bound, domestic, family-oriented, victimised, etc.). This, I suggest, is in contrast to the (implicit) self-representation of Western women as educated, as modern, as having control over their own bodies and sexualities, and the freedom to make their own decisions.”

(Mohanty, 1991, p;56)

This section will briefly elaborate how western feminists have ‘othered’ feminism in other parts of the world, and how post-development feminism is moving beyond the ‘othering’ and into a more worldwide, diverse, inclusive feminism that doesn’t see ‘west is best’. This field of research views the development sector as one built upon international actors, such as non-profit organisations, governments, and global institutions that came from western conceptualisation of the ‘third world. This subsequently created a model of development to impose upon the third world, and dominate over with a western mentality at the helm (Escobar, 1995).

The relevance of post-development theory to this research is to draw attention to the fact that I am a western researcher studying non-western groups. My feminist theoretical stand-point and my views on gender issues come from a western background, and are understood from a western context. This section of the theoretical framework aims to demonstrate that I am conscious of my positionality, and although I do believe that feminism is a universal ideology, post-development feminist thought is important to this research as it is a tool to tackle feminist issues but with the self-awareness to not impose western hegemony on to non-western contexts.

Post-development theory emerged as a critique of development from social scientists; the criticisms targeted the “reductionism, universalism, and emphasis on western concepts of rationality contained in both modernisation theory and structuralist perspectives of capitalism.” (Curry, 2003; p 405). Development was criticised as being the ‘new religion of the West’ (Rist, 1990). The idea that western hegemony in development discourse is the best course of action was

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challenged, and this notion was rejected for new ways of thinking about the global south (Ibid). Development was often critiqued as being focused, for the majority, on economics (Pierterse, 2000), thereby reducing whole lives to a monetary value.

The ways in which post-development relates to feminism can be demonstrated through Chandra Mohanty, who strongly advocates for western feminist scholarship on ‘women in the third world’ to recognise that what is being written is in the context of western hegemony, and not only the words written, but also the publication, distribution and impact of ideas on a third world and wider audience (Mohanty, 1988; p 64). She argues that the writing has a political impact and the western scholars should be aware of repercussions beyond feminist and academic audiences (Ibid). Particularly important is the representations that western feminist scholars create of third world women, as this representation can shape ‘development’ discourse and practice, as well as responses to political and social issues. Despite the criticisms, it is my belief that post-development (feminist) theory can help to better understand the data and lives of the research participants. However, there is always the risk that a western researcher is prejudiced because of their western way of thinking about development, as well as the fact that the western research has chosen to research - which can often be a form of ‘othering’ – groups that are unfamiliar or foreign, which is problematic in itself as one is distancing themselves from a group by seeing them as something to study.

A further criticism of post-development is that it is too holistic in its rejection of development. By rejecting all of development practice, critics are painting development as homogenous, and as being the same worldwide; portraying development as coming in only one shape and size (Curry, 2003). Pierterse criticised post-development as denying the agency of the third world. Claiming that development is simply another form of Westernisation denies autonomy and recognition to ideas and innovations in development that originate in the south, as well as denying agency to the people living in and dealing with development in the third world (Pierterse, 2000).

However, awareness of such a problem is the first step in ensuring this issue does not arise, as Mohanty wrote, “Western feminist scholarship cannot avoid the challenge of situating itself and examining its role in such a global economic and political framework. To do any less would be to ignore the complex interconnections between first- and third-world economies and the profound effect of this on the lives of women in all countries.” (Mohanty, 1988; p63-64). Therefore, this research postulates that post-development theory (expanded from simply looking at the economics of people’s situations), along with intersectional feminism, which will be touched upon in subsequent sections, creates the intellectual space to view the data from a contextualised feminist standpoint.

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3.2 Safety as Safe Spaces

This section, Safety as Safe Spaces and the following section, Safety as Security will discuss key dimensions of safety that have emerged from the data. Safety as Safe Spaces, is comprised of three dimensions (as well as minor links to dimensions within the Safety as Security theory); Stigma, Inclusion/Exclusion, and Awareness Education. These dimensions proved to be the most relevant ones when it became clear during the research period that for vulnerable people, such as Syrian refugees, having a safe space to work and study is paramount, especially when coming to a new country following a traumatic past.

Subsection ‘3.2.1 Stigma’ will discuss how the stigma against refugees, not just in terms of gender but also in terms of nationality, contributes to feelings of unsafety. Subsection ‘3.2.2

Inclusion/Exclusion’ will discuss how a feeling of belonging will aid in creating safe spaces for

Syrian refugees, as having a feeling of belonging creates the space for freedom of expression of identity. Another important factor in this concept is that of bullying and harassment. Bullying and harassment are behaviours that are used as a form of exclusion, which make, for example, the Syrians feel unable to express their national identity. This limits the feeling of safety, as it is difficult to create an environment of safety when those present in it are excluding certain members. Subsection ‘3.2.3 Awareness Education’ will discuss the importance of educating members of the educational and workplace environments on issues of safety, specifically this section will address awareness education on sexual safety for girls. Awareness Education, for this research, has a specific denotation and means providing sessions for students and interns that raise awareness of issues that relate to safety, particularly sexual safety, from a feminist perspective. These sessions will aim to educate participants on issues such as sexual rights and health, consent, healthy relationships, sexual harassment, CSE (Comprehensive Sexual Education), and emotional abuse, as well as discussion on gender norms and gendered discrimination. This subsection will detail the importance of inclusive education, and including males in feminist debates regarding safety10_.

3.2.1 Stigma

The modern definition of stigma within the social sciences was coined by Erving Goffman in the 1960s, and was considered a ‘process based on the social construction of identity’ (cited by Kleinman and Hall-Clifford, n.d; p1), and if someone was considered ‘stigmatised’ they moved from the regular social status to discredited (Ibid). Goffman also theorised that stigma comes about as a result of an inconsistency between how a person is characterised by society versus the

10_{It is important to note that, while the majority of this subsection will look at awareness} education on sexual safety, this research does recognise the importance of awareness education regarding issues of exclusion of Syrian refugees.

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characteristics a person actually has (cited by Yang et al, 2006; p1525). A more recent study of stigma came from Link and Phelan (2001) who theorised that structural discrimination (ie, institutionalised disadvantages that society places on stigmatised groups of people), is a major factor in stigma theory (Link and Phelan, 2001).

This research uses the above theories to elaborate on the dimension of stigma, in a way that combines Goffman’s socially constructed identity theory, with Link and Phelan’s structural discrimination theory. The main groups that were discriminated against due to stigma, in this research, were Syrian refugees and females. It is important that socially constructed identity is included in this theory, especially when it comes to Syrian refugees, as they do not identify as refugees, but as Syrians who are simply coming to a new country, whereas society has imposed the ‘refugee’ label upon them, along with the stigma that comes with it. This will be discussed further and with examples in the next chapter. Link and Phelan’s (2001) notion of institutionalised discrimination is also integral to this theoretical framework, as it highlights the systemic stigmatisation that is internalised within society, therefore it is not just stigma from a few civilians, but society-wide discrimination, on both women and refugees. As such discrimination is society-wide; the recommendations of this thesis will not have much of an impact on the treatment of women and refugees in society. However, there is more of a measurable impact in the partner institutions of Spark where the measures will be implemented.

3.2.2 Inclusion/Exclusion

This section will discuss ‘feelings of belonging’ and how this relates to inclusion and the creation of safe spaces for Syrian refugees. This research postulates that having a feeling of belonging creates the space for freedom of expression of identity; an identity chosen by the individual, and not one imposed upon by society (see above: Stigma). A further factor to consider within this concept is ‘bullying and harassment’, which can be used as a form of exclusion. Exclusion limits the safe space within which a person can comfortably be their identity, whether as a Syrian, a male or a female. Without safe spaces for education or work, exclusion of certain people (due to stigma or negative stereotypes) contributes to the overall feeling of unsafety.

For the concept of Inclusion/Exclusion, this research will first begin by discussing identity11_{, and} how this relates to the concept. In the 1980s Sheldon Styker developed a sociological stance to

11_{Identity is a complex subject with many theories and debates devoted to it. This research will} not elaborate on the wider discussion on the concept of identity, but will only discuss theory that is related to this research. As will be discussed in subsequent chapters, identity is

important in this research as there are specific elements of safety issues that pinpoint specific parts of a person’s identity; such as gender bias against women that affect the female part of a woman’s identity.

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identity and the ‘self’, through which he assumed there to be a reciprocal relationship between the ‘self and society’ (Karki, 2012; p5), meaning that a person’s identity is in part formed by the society they remain in, and society is influenced by the identities of the people that comprise the society. This research suggests that maintaining the already formed identity as a Syrian (influenced by Syrian society) in a country where they are labelled as ‘refugees’ must be challenging, and can help fuel the feeling of exclusion. Trying to maintain your identity while also trying to feel included in the new society you must adapt to cannot be an easy task.

For this research, the notion of identity will also be associated with the Goffman’s idea of stigma. As mentioned previously in this chapter, Goffman stated that stigma comes about from the process based off the social construction of an identity (cited by Kleinman and Hall-Clifford; p1). This research will take Goffman’s use of a social construction of identity and join it to Stryker idea of outside influences on a person’s identity, and these theorists will back up the research’s notion that identity is socially constructed from society, but also from peers and loved one. To expand on this, I argue that the individual has agency to construct (at least part) of their identity without input from society. They have agency in their own identity construction, and how they represent themselves (McCarthey and Moje, 2002), which, I argue, is why some participants may feel exclusion or harassment more than others; the more value you place on an aspect of your identity, for example being female or Syrian, the more you feel it when it is attacked.

The next sub-concept of Inclusion/Exclusion is Refugee Status. This sub-concept is intrinsically linked with the notion of identity, as the acceptance or rejection of the ‘refugee’ label is a factor that was consistently discussed during research. This research will draw from Carol Mortland’s study of Cambodian refugees in the United States to demonstrate how the label refugee is a term that is rejected by some refugees (this number will be discussed with more accuracy in the following chapters). For the Cambodians in the study, their identity related to their country is intrinsic, but they fear that their ‘natural’ identity will disappear the longer they are away from where their identity comes from. For the participants of the study, identity is culture, language, customs, and religion, and to lose that is to lose their identities as Cambodians (Mortland, 1994; p6).

This study can be used to shine a light on the rejection some participants feel for the term ‘refugee’; there is the risk that having the identity of a refugee, and residing in a different culture, may diminish the identity of being Syrian, especially as so many Syrians moved to Jordan so young. Being defined as a refugee is being defined as a ‘displaced person’, rather than being a person from Syria, and, as will be discussed further in subsequent chapters, this label comes with

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a stigma against refugees. A stigma that can lead to discrimination, financial worries, such as lower wages or less job security, or personal worries (Baranik, Hurst and Eby, 2018).

3.2.3 Awareness Education

This final section of the theme, Safety as Safe Spaces, will discuss the sub-concept, Awareness Education. This sub-concept is more of a prescriptive one, and this research will argue that access to awareness education regarding safety (with a focus on gender) in the education and workplace environment will contribute to developing safe spaces for refugees. Awareness education is critical for the notion of sexual safety because of the sexual harassment that girls receive, and the lack of awareness on issues of sexual safety (this also ties in with emotional safety).

The definition of sexual violence and harassment varies according to different actors, which makes the issue of enforcing education on such issues complicated and challenging. The World Health organisation defines sexual violence as “any sexual act, attempt to obtain a sexual act, unwanted sexual comments or advances, or acts to traffic or otherwise directed, against a person’s sexuality using coercion, by any person regardless of their relationship to the victim, in any setting, including but not limited to home and work.” (WHO, 2012; p2). However, this definition does not help anyone if it is not taught widely in society. In Jordan, although the official line is that comprehensive sexual education is taught in schools, there are people who argue that the ‘taboo’ topic is avoided as much as possible (Zaid, 2017). If adolescents go through school without adequate sex education, once they enter university or the workplace, their knowledge of what consent is, or what constitutes sexual assault or harassment, is lacking.

This research argues for the relevance and necessity for awareness education about sexual safety to bring about the creation of safe spaces within university or the workplace, and the critical need to include males in the discussion. Awareness education is especially relevant to the theme of safety, and what NGO organisations can do to ensure safety for vulnerable people, as it allows people access to information that will empower them to not only know their rights within university and the workplace, but also to know when they are out of line with their behaviour; it creates a system of accountability.

It is especially important to develop inclusive education that brings boys and men into the discussion on sexual safety, and to have them partake in awareness sessions on such topics. Gender relations are key to understanding issues of sexual safety, and many studies demonstrate how masculine hegemony contributes to contexts where sexual harassment and sexual violence are tolerated and even normalised (Altinyelken and Le Mat, 2017). Following on from the groundwork of stigma theory, an important, related concept in this research is that of ‘Hegemonic masculinity’ (Connell and Messerschmidt, 2005). The concept of hegemonic masculinity has been

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used in studies of education to understand dynamics of classroom life; Connell and Messerschmidt (2005) cite studies by Skelton (1993), and Martino (1995). Addressing the issues that hegemonic masculinity brings can create awareness within men of how their behaviour negatively effects women’s perceptions of safety. Furthermore, engaging in awareness education about sexual safety can also help males to understand that they too can be victims of sexual harassment or sexual violence.

The OECD developed Sexual Harassment Policy states necessary measures an organisation should take to ensure safety from harassment. This policy, detailed in Appendix 3, could be used as a framework for inclusion into Awareness Education, and should be read by every individual enrolled in Spark’s programmes. It is important to bring this document into the awareness sessions, as it should not just be women who know the details of policies against sexual harassment. The UN states that “gender equality is not a women’s issue, but should concern and fully engage men as well as women.” (UN, 2008). The UN goes on to state that although in most societies men have a dominating power over women’s opportunities and livelihoods, they also have the power to change things (Ibid), this is one of the reasons why it is a necessity to have inclusive awareness sessions, as society, whether just a small one such as a university or a workplace, or the wider society, needs aid from both genders to facilitate change.

3.3 Safety as Security

This section, Safety as Security, will discuss how the dimensions of Financial Stability and Gender Norms together comprise the notion that safety means security, as this research postulates. This theory emerged during the research period, as a major concern for many of the participants was how their gender affects their jobs opportunities, and the importance of having good job opportunities for financial stability.

Subsection ‘3.3.1 Gender Norms’ will discuss how harmful stereotypes against men and women increase their vulnerability, and decrease their perceived feelings of safety. It will also address the norms that are imposed by society about what is ‘appropriate’ in the workplace. The subsection ‘Financial Stability’ will discuss how the feeling of being financially stable increases feelings of independence and empowerment, while also tackling issues that having a ‘refugee status’ has on job prospects.

3.3.1 Gender Norms

“Gender norms are the accepted attributes and characteristics of being a woman or a man (ideas of how men and women should be and act) at a particular point in time for a specific society or

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community. They are internalized early in life through the process of gender socialization, are used as standards and expectations to which women and men should conform and result in gender stereotypes.”

(UN Stats, 2015)

Within this research, gender norms are a significant component, as they not only relate to universal norms that are applied to men and women, such as reproductive duties, or biological stereotypes (for example, men are stronger than women). Moreover, gender norms also refer to cultural stereotypes and traditions, in this research that means, for example job position appropriateness. These examples will be discussed further in the discussion chapters.

Social roles create the foundations of norms that dictate the behaviours of men and women (Diekman and Goodfriend, 2006). Social role theory explains how gender roles are determined by societal expectations that arise out of a person’s identification as a man or a woman (Eagly, Wood and Diekman, 2000; cited by Diekman and Goodfriend, 2006). There are two types of roles for Social role theory; specific roles, for example what job a person had, or diffuse roles, which include wide-ranging gender roles that are applicable across a whole host of situations, such as being the ‘caring person’. These roles require specific characteristics, for example a man takes the role of leader because the typical characteristics of a leader (independent and assertive) are generally associated with men (Diekman and Goodfriend, 2006). Gender norms can also be broken into descriptive and prescriptive categories, meaning that descriptive stereotypes assert what men or women are normally12_{like, whereas prescriptive stereotypes consider what men or} women should be like (ibid).

In the discussion of norms, a key term that is important to understand is ‘stereotype’. Stereotypes often use generics, such as ‘some’, ‘most’ and ‘all’, and they use these generic terms to make statements or assumptions about social groups, as opposed to individuals (Beeghly, 2015; p676). However, a positive stereotype imposed on a group doesn’t mean they are treated better. Despite women having the stereotype as the kinder sex, there is still an abundance of discrimination against them (Heilman and Eagly, 2008). One major feature that emerged from the data concerning stereotypes against women is discrimination entering and in the employment market. The dimension ‘Gender Norm’ may not seem intrinsically relevant to safety; however gender norms and their effects, such as social exclusion or limited opportunities, can affect an individual’s perception of emotional safety. This is linked to the dimension of financial stability, and in chapter

12_{In the specific context}

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six I will discuss how gender norms that perpetuate discrimination against women hinders empowerment, which in in turn affect safety.

In the workplace, gender norms can prevent women from being promoted or even getting hired. For leadership or managerial positions, the stereotypically male characteristics of ‘achievement-oriented aggressiveness’ and ‘emotional toughness’ are sought after, and these attributes are the antithesis of gender norms both described and prescribed to women (Heilman, 2001; p659). These discriminatory stereotypes can also be applied to finding a job initially, not just being promoted, as companies still want employees that fit the ‘masculine stereotypes’. This dimension relates to the research because limited employment opportunities limit financial stability, which in turn negatively affects emotional safety. Furthermore, if women transgress the imposed gender norms they may be societally punished (England, 2010), which may affect the woman’s safety on many levels. The following diagram epitomises the cyclical effect gender norms have on women in the employment market.

This diagram shows the cyclical relationship between the effect gender norms have on women’s opportunities. The top box shows the gender norms that portray women as incapable; the stereotypical women’s traits paint them as inferior to men in job roles, such as leadership or management. The ‘Women not hired/promoted’ box shows how the stereotypes hinder women’s opportunities for climbing the career ladder. Finally, the last box demonstrates how as women are not hired/promoted, certain areas of an industry/company remain male dominated. This links to the first box, as the small number of women reinforces the stereotype that men are better at these jobs than women, and then women continue not to be hired/promoted as they are seen as stereotypically inferior.

Gender norms create

stereotypes against

capabilities of women

in the workplace

Women not hired/

promoted

Workplace remains

male dominated with

few women

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As mentioned previously, employment bias is prevalent at the hiring stage also. Despite women doing the same university degree as men, the latter are still provided with more opportunities than the former. Being as competent (if not more) than a man does not provide a woman with the same level of advancement as it does to a equivalently qualified male (Heilman, 2001;p 657). This will be discussed in depth in chapter six.

There are not only stereotypes against women that discriminate and decrease employment opportunities, but also against refugees. A study conducted in Canada found that “the more immigrants are skilled and qualified, the less likely they are to find employment relative to their local counterparts” (Dietz et al., 2015; p1318). For those who are qualified, the study found that the employment rate was 90.9% for locals, and 79.8% for immigrants; an 11% employment gap (Ibid). While this study was conducted in Canada and with immigrants, not refugees, the bias is still clear. There are a number of reasons why refugees are discriminated against when it comes to employment, one of the reasons suggested by Tomlinson (2010) is the concern over legal status.

There is plenty of research into gender norms and stereotypes; however, much like the Canadian study mentioned in the above paragraph, they are studies based in the west. Furthermore, the stereotypes and social roles that are present in the west might not be found in countries like Jordan. Mohanty (2003) argues against the homogenisation of women in the developing world all falling under the same dependent and oppressive category. Whilst I do not believe that all women around the world experience similar oppressive gender norms (or at least at the same rate), throughout the research I did notice similarities between gender norms that the female participants discussed and my own personal experiences (however, not to the same extent). While it is important to consider Mohanty and her argument that women are not a homogenous group, the idea of universally applicable gender norms should not be discounted.

3.3.2 Financial Stability

“Men who lose self-esteem in the labour market may try to claw it back in other aspects of their lives, from investments in education to violent domination in the household to risky behaviour. The profound impact on male self-esteem that occurs when men lose their jobs or when women take over as primary breadwinners is exacerbated by high unemployment and lack of job security so prevalent in today’s world.”

(World Bank, 2012) This section is intrinsically linked to the above section of gender norms, as norms and stereotypes play a large role in the acquisition of employment, especially for women. This section will begin

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by linking gender norms and financial stability, and how one affects the other. It will then go on to discuss the concepts of empowerment and independence, and how these feelings relate to perceptions of safety.

The above quote demonstrates how gender norms perpetuate issues within financial stability. When women subvert gender roles and become the breadwinner13_{, it can rearrange dynamics in} a household; either positively, and men invest in education to better themselves, or negatively, and they made turn to violence or aggression. I argue that the latter is an expression of hegemonic masculinity (Connell and Messerschmidt, 2005), meaning that because the traditional role the man should occupy is being occupied by a woman, the man feels emasculated, and engages in aggressive behaviour to try and adhere to the ‘masculine’ state. This demonstrates how, if a man feels he cannot maintain financial stability for his family (as society tells him he should) he punishes the woman for her success, decreasing levels of safety, either emotionally, sexually or physically.

Despite the fact that having women in the work force makes families more financial stable, the power it gives women poses a threat to the masculinity of the man. According to Zuo and Tang (2000), this is especially true for men with a lower income or a less esteemed job, and this category can be assumed to apply to refugees. Due to issues refugees face, such as difficulty getting social security (required for a job), Syrian qualifications not being recognised, or outright discrimination, higher income jobs are few and far between for Syrian refugees. In 2016, 88’000 work permits were issued to Syrians, however the majority of the permits were issued for the construction and agricultural sectors (Dunmore, 2018), which do not provide a lot of opportunity for high income. However, by viewing men as a threat to women’s employment, there is the risk of assessing men as one-dimensional, and discounting the notion that men’s views on traditionally masculinity may be changing along with women’s (Zuo and Tang, 2000).

The above paragraph is relevant to this research as it provides context for the wider societal issue of financial security and how gender norms can negatively affect both men and women. However, this research has not investigated gender dynamics within a household, but in the educational and workplace setting.

The two main sub-concepts of the dimension of financial stability are Independence and Empowerment. These were two reoccurring notions that were apparently intrinsically linked to the feeling of safety for the participants. As will be discussed in further detail in chapter six, having

13_{The ‘breadwinner’ is defined as the extent to which someone provides for their family} (Gerson, 1993, cited by Zuo and Tang, 2000. Definition adapted by author). The breadwinner is traditionally the male authority figure in the household.

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financial security and employment opportunities makes one feel empowered and allows the individual independence that gives them an autonomy of their life and choices. For many of the interviewees this is what safety meant to them; the freedom to act how they wish without being forced or intimidated into certain behaviour. During the research it was evident that financial independence and empowerment also linked heavily to gender equality, as well as to refugee status.

This is consistent with previous research into financial stability and gender equality. Zuo and Tang (2000) found that paid employment means a woman is more likely to have ‘pro-equality’ sentiments, as it gives them the feeling of financial independence. Academics have also found that being employed means women are more likely to believe in gender equality than unemployed women, due to the economic independence bestowed upon them by paid employment (Zuo and Tang, 2000). Conversely, this research has found that students who are not yet in employment, and are worried about getting a job, already have strong belief in gender equality, which is why they wish for employment so much; getting a job means having financial independence and empowerment, it gives them security that as women, or as refugees, is not easy to come by. It means that, as women, they do not have to rely on the support of a man, but are empowered to support themselves. Empowerment means having agency, with economic agency being one of the main factors that keep an individual from being disempowered (Hennink et al., 2012). They have security in their own right, and therefore feel independently safe.

Findings from the data discovered that ‘refugee status’ also affected financial status, as the stigma against refugees in Jordan was perceived to influence the chances of getting employment (according to the participants). This finding supports the importance of intersectionality within this research. Intersectionality is the notion that academic writing should be more inclusive of a more varied group (of women) in analysis and discussion of feminism14_{. It also calls for gender} scholarship to explore “how issues of race, migration status, history, and social class, in particular, come to bear on one’s experience as a woman” (Samuels and Ross-Sheriff, 2008; p5). The link between refugee status and gender is epitomised in the following quote, “Refugee women are actively discriminated against on the grounds of their ethnicity and their gender. They are often devalued or “othered” on grounds of their race, and this racial discrimination effectively removes any need by the aggressors to respect them by gender.” (Pittaway and Bartolomei, 2001). Intersectionality theory with regards to migration status and gender will be discussed further and with reference to the data in Chapters five and six.

14_{The feminism of this research is inherently intersectional, as it recognises the difficulties that} Syrian women face, based on their nationality.

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3.4 Concluding Remarks

This theoretical discussion has shown that the dimensions can be categorised into two themes; Safety as Safe Spaces and Safety as Security, and they can develop a framework that adequately evaluates and measures the safety of Syrian refugees from a gender perspective. This theory shows that it is not enough to simply think of safety as ‘physical safety’ in the most common sense of the word, but of sexual safety, and particularly the more subtle form of emotional safety. The latter may not appear as obvious, but is an undercurrent to everyday life that is paramount to maintain for vulnerable groups.

The next chapters, five & six, will use this theoretical framework and combine it with empirical evidence from the data collected to give an overall argument of how the dimensions of safety are relevant to vulnerable groups from a gender perspective.

Chapter 4 - Research Framework

This chapter details the methodology and research methods used to conduct data during the fieldwork period of around 21st January to 28th March.

4.1 Research Questions

Main Research Question

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What is the Relevance of the Different Dimensions of Safety from a Gender Perspective, in Education and Workplace programmes, for Syrian Refugees?

Sub-questions:

1) How do the refugee women and men in Spark’s programmes perceive their own safety within the education or workplace context?

2) What are the barriers for the safety of the refugee women and men, with reference to traditional gender roles?

3) What do women and men need to feel safe, and what measures should be taken to change existing barriers and safety issues?

4.2 Relevance of Research

Spark currently lacks a Gender Policy; therefore this research will be used to help develop one for them, by looking at the safety of the refugees in their programmes, from a gender perspective. Spark’s lack of gender policy demonstrates a more practical knowledge gap in this issue. There is a significant lack of research into safety of refugees that doesn’t involve big issues of safety, such as sexual violence or physical assault, particularly in refugee camps. Safety issues such as financial stability, or inclusive spaces, are not as addressed in the academic sphere relating to Syrian refugees seeking refuge in the Middle East. Furthermore, the majority of research pertaining to Syrian refugees in Jordan is conducted within the refugee camps, despite significant numbers living in urban areas (UNHCR, 2018). This research instead chooses to focus on everyday issues of unsafety, in urban settings, specifically in university and the workplace.

This research is important as it not only highlights the significance of ‘less emergent’ safety issues, that nevertheless contribute to feelings of unsafety. Moreover, it also will result in direct action to increase the safety of the current and future Syrian refugees enrolled in Spark’s programmes.

4.3 Operationalisation and Conceptual Scheme

The Operationalisation table presented in Appendix 2 demonstrates the breakdown of the themes into dimensions, variables and indicators. The operationalisation table is developed using the contextual background and the theoretical framework of the research. Safety as Safe Spaces is characterized by the dimensions of Stigma, Inclusion/Exclusion, and Awareness Education, and Safety as Security is characterized by the dimensions of Gender Norms and Financial Stability. The