Combining competitiveness and liveability in urban development projects in Amsterdam : the cases of Zuidas en Overhoeks

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Combining competitiveness and liveability in urban

development projects in Amsterdam

The cases of Zuidas and Overhoeks

Wai Yin Liu 10787720 Supervisor: Dr. R. Ronald Second reader: Dr. M. Kaika August 15th, 2018

Master’s Urban and Regional Planning waiyinliu@hotmail.com

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2 Abstract

This paper shows that urban agendas are changing due to globalisation processes. It is now more important than ever to achieve urban competitiveness to have sustainable economic growth. However, this can often lead to the deterioration of liveability in cities. Therefore, this research looks at how the municipality of Amsterdam incorporates both urban competitiveness ambitions with liveability ambitions in Zuidas and Overhoeks, two main urban development projects. Through the use of a discourse analysis and looking at policy discourses and discourses of experts, it becomes apparent that the municipality of Amsterdam takes a different approach to combining urban competitiveness and liveability in the area. The different developmental direction and ambitions, and the inherently different images the projects have, create a different relationship between urban competitiveness and liveability in both projects. Whereas liveability is seen as a means for achieving competitiveness in the Zuidas, enhancing urban competitiveness is not explicitly an aim in Overhoeks. Enhancing liveability is an end goal in Overhoeks, which is for a large part achieved by creating a mixed urban district.

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1. Introduction

Throughout history, urban competition has always been present in cities, for they have been competing with each other on economic and cultural front. Perhaps cities do not compete in the way how commercial enterprises compete, that is through profit maximisation. Instead, their rivalry is often focused within product markets, inward investment and attracting desirable residents, population, tourism and public funds (Lever & Turok, 1999). But with the rise of globalisation, neoliberalisation and the increased interconnectedness of cities, urban competitiveness has only become more prominent (Shen, 2004). The process of globalisation and the resulting social, political and economic changes has led to the restructuring of urban economies. Likewise, it makes the aim towards more openly market-led neo-liberal development strategies more important (Swyngedouw, 2005). Globalisation has pushed cities towards adapting to the dynamics of economic restructuring, such as the global reorganization of production, restructuring of labour markets, and the cross border networking of companies (Ibid.). As Castells (2010, p. 442) argues, present day society is constructed around flows. That is flows of capital and flows of information, just to name a few. This new spatial form Castells calls the “space of flows” can be seen in parallel with the idea that globalisation has increased mobility in the new economy. The relocation of labour and production markets, and the increase of international capital mobility and firms are some features of increased globalisation (Castells, 2010; Buck et al, 2005). Though it might seem that physical places play a secondary role in Castells “Network Society”, they are still of great importance. There are still profound important agglomeration effects (Hall & Pfeiffer, 2013). These effects underline the importance of the city and its urban region. At the end of the day important economic and social activity are still centrally clustered in cities. This is particularly the case with two kinds of service activities: high-technology producer services such as banking and finance, and command and control and media services (ibid.). Both service activities also require lower-technology subservices such as, but not limited to, restaurants, bars, haircutting salons and all kinds of entertainment (ibid.). These are easier to find in cities. The dependency of service activities on agglomerations and cities has also been explained by Saskia Sassen (1991, p. 3, as cited in Castells, 2010, p. 415). She argues that:

“…The combination of spatial dispersal and global integration has created a new strategic role for major cities. Beyond their long history as centres for international trade and banking, these cities now function in four new ways: first, as highly concentrated command points in the organization of the world economy; second, as key locations for finance and for specialized service firms ...; third, as sites of production, including the production of innovation in these leading industries; and fourth, as markets for the products and innovations produced.”

Consequently, policy agendas of cities across the world are increasingly aimed at gaining a comparative advantage over others for economic and cultural activities. Achieving urban competitiveness is high on the agenda of cities across the world. Likewise, this trend shows itself in spatial planning. The need to compete with other cities has driven cities to acquire a competitive advantage by means of place branding and (urban) regeneration projects (Amin & Thrift, 1995). Development of neighbourhoods often incorporate mixed-use functions, which is seen as essential for the community life and health of the city (Bagaeen, 2006).

Amsterdam’s policy agenda is for the most part in-line with the aforementioned. The municipality has a clear vision for the future, reflected in the publication of so called vision documents. It aims to be in a

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5 competitive position in the world economy, because it is pivotal in providing its citizens wealth and wellbeing (Gemeente Amsterdam, 2011). Amsterdam has a long history of being an international gateway and has a high level of internationalisation (Musterd & Murie, 2011). In addition it is ranked high when it comes to quality of living and it remains an attractive investment destination in Europe12_.

Overhoeks and in particular Zuidas are two areas that are seen as means to enhance urban competitiveness. The two areas are currently in a process of spatial (re-)development and clear place brands are being applied to promote urban competitiveness. Overhoeks is perceived as a cultural and creative area that reconnects the north side of the IJ with the centre of Amsterdam, whereas the Zuidas development department of the municipality is trying to create an international economic hub in Amsterdam South (Gemeente Amsterdam, 2011). The municipality’s view is that urban competitiveness provides residents with benefits and should improve the liveability of the city (Gemeente Amsterdam, 2011).

However, the question is whether this aim of ‘urban competitiveness for the liveability of the city’ is at conflict with the ‘real’ liveability. For instance, by being a competitive city, more people will visit or stay in the city, economic activities are intensified and often even prioritised over more sustainable growth objectives. Consequently tourism can become a hinder for some, while generating profits for others. At the same time, competitive cities across the world generate high paid employment but also have the highest housing prices. These examples of negative effects are visible in Amsterdam. The popularity of Amsterdam as a tourist destination generates considerable amount of income and jobs for the city and the Dutch tourism sector, roughly 37 percent of all foreign tourists in the Netherlands visited the capital city3_{. Nonetheless residents of the city centre experience the negative (social) effects such as nuisance,}

dirty streets and decreasing social cohesion4_{. The attractiveness of Amsterdam as a tourist destination}

and a place to stay, in combination with the increasing number of residents, make the city more expensive and less accessible for the less wealthy. At the same time however, Amsterdam is on the shortlist of several (financial) companies leaving London after Brexit. The Dutch national government and the municipality of Amsterdam have the desire to attract these companies to Zuidas. The European Medicines Agency and the Royal Bank of Scotland for instance have moved their headquarters to the business district as a direct result of Brexit56_{. This will enhance the overall competitive position of}

Amsterdam as a business hub, but it will test the limits of the city as well. Simply due to the fact that Amsterdam is already experiencing negative effects as mentioned.

1_{Mercer’s Quality of Living Index 2018.}

https://mobilityexchange.mercer.com/Portals/0/Content/Rankings/rankings/qol2018i321456/index.html

2_{EY’s Attractiveness survey Europe 2016.}

https://webforms.ey.com/Publication/vwLUAssets/ey-EY-s-2016-atttractiveness-survey-europe/$FILE/ey-EY-s-2016-atttractiveness-survey-europe.pdf

3_{Groenendijk, P. (April 4, 2018). Toerisme groeit explosief, Amsterdam dreigt vol te lopen. AD.}

https://www.ad.nl/binnenland/toerisme-groeit-explosief-amsterdam-dreigt-vol-te-lopen~aed1a0f2/

4_{Couzy, M. (October 7, 2017). Toerisme levert Amsterdam 2,7 miljard aan welvaart op. Het Parool.}

https://www.parool.nl/amsterdam/toerisme-levert-amsterdam-2-7-miljard-aan-welvaart-op~a4522512/

5_{Braaksma, J. (March 21, 2018). RBS keert terug aan Zuidas vanwege Brexit. Fincancieel Dagblad.}

https://fd.nl/beurs/1246791/rbs-keert-terug-aan-zuidas-vanwege-brexit

6_{Peeperkorn, M. (November 20, 2017). Van London naar de Zuidas: Nederland haalt Europees}

Geneesmiddelenbureau binnen. De Volkskrant.

https://www.volkskrant.nl/nieuws-achtergrond/van-londen-naar-de-zuidas-nederland-haalt-europees-geneesmiddelenbureau-binnen~bd0e5699/

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2. Theoretical framework

Due to the importance and actuality of the field of study, this research aims to analyse the relationship between how urban competitiveness and liveability are taken into account in real estate development in Amsterdam. In order to do so, a framework of the underlying concepts are presented in the

following sections, to provide a conceptual background. These concepts are: 1) urban competitiveness; 2) place branding; 3) real estate development and 4) liveability.

2.1. Urban competitiveness

Currently, the perception of cities is that of creative places in which people can both live and work (Buck et al, 2005). Buck et al. (2005) argue that this perception has been created as a result of broader social, economic and political changes, required by a whole different economic environment as a result of neo-liberalisation and globalisation. Coinciding with the increased growth of multinationals, the emergence of rapid information exchanges, and the liberalisation of trade and capital flows, competition between cities have now expanded beyond national borders (Gordon, 1999). Consequently, urban competitiveness is now becoming imperative for the existence of cities. Urban competitiveness is a broad concept that has many academic and non-academic definitions. A definition is provided by D’Arcy and Keogh (1999, p.917), they argue that “…urban competitiveness is taken to mean the ability of a city to exploit or create comparative advantage, and thereby to generate high and sustainable economic growth relative to its competitors”. Martin and Simmie (2008, p.4) define it more specifically as:

“…the ability of cities to continually upgrade their business environment, skill base, and physical, social and cultural infrastructures, so as to attract and retain high-growth, innovative and profitable firms, and an educated, creative and entrepreneurial workforce, to thereby enable it achieve a high rate of productivity, high employment rate, high wages, high GDP per capita, and low levels of income inequality and social exclusion.”

While non-academic sources like The Economist7_{considers urban competitiveness as “…the ability of}

cities to attract and use resources to generate wealth.” The World Bank (2015, p.12) considers a competitive city to be “…a city that successfully facilitates its firms and industries to create jobs, raise productivity, and increase the incomes of citizens over time.”

Based on the above, urban competitiveness is mainly used as a measure of economic growth or development. Achieving growth and accumulating wealth is the main goal in contemporary, financialised economies (Baumol et al, 2007). David Harvey (2009) argues that urban entrepreneurialism has become important both nationally and internationally. In his paper he identifies urban governance systems, consisting of state, civil society and corporate actors, trying to achieve and manage urban development. These governance systems are subsequently also known as growth machines or regional growth coalitions (Ibid.), which are key systems in achieving successful economic growth in most cities across the globe (The World Bank, 2015). The importance of urban competitiveness shows itself in what Sáez and Periáñez (2015) describe in their paper as a “global/local duality”. It is the notion that global opportunities are dependent and created by local capabilities and initiatives. This means that cities and

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7 regions are incubators for global socioeconomic growth, which in turn offers those cities and regions political and economic power.

2.2. Property and real estate development in relation to urban competitiveness

It is now clear that urban agendas focus on achieving urban competitiveness. Research efforts from academics and policy makers alike have shown that issues such as entrepreneurship and even architecture and art are key determinants of urban competitiveness (D’Arcy & Keogh, 1999). In addition, the role of real estate development and the property market can also have major implications to urban competiveness and cannot be dismissed (D’Arcy & Keogh, 1999). Property is a physical entity that is location-specific and immovable in general. What makes property relevant for urban competitiveness is the fact that the stock of physical property affects urban economic activity (Ibid.). For example, offices create an environment of businesses and buildings offering shopping spaces will create an area aimed towards leisure and shopping. Furthermore, the age, design and the physical juxtaposition of buildings are key determinants of the quality of the urban milieu. A high quality built urban environment, or areas where the physical property provide opportunities catered towards specific type of economic activity, will most likely create a city image that could encourage economic growth. The importance of city image is also discussed in section 2.3. Exactly these basic defining characteristics of real property constitutes the first level at which the property market influences urban competitiveness according to D’Arcy and Keogh (1999).

Furthermore, the potential of property in creating city competitiveness is underlined in Swyngedouw’s work. In parallel with the dynamics of economic restructuring and globalisation that changed cities and urban regions, a new urban agenda has emerged in European cities (Swyngedouw, 2005). This new urban agenda reflects a policy shift towards the promotion of economic growth and urban competitiveness, in which project development has a key role (Ibid.). After the initial wave of large scale Urban Development Projects (UDP) in the 1980s, which consisted mostly of re-development projects in former industrial sites, UDPs have become an integral part for generating economic growth and attracting investment capital and consumers (Ibid.). UDPs can be seen as flagship real estate development projects in cities. They are the physical manifestation of the new urban policy in Europe, framed as a major component of fulfilling the increasingly competition-oriented agenda of cities (Gualini & Majoor, 2007; Swyngedouw, 2005). UDPs often come in the form of targeted territorial development schemes and public private partnerships (Swyngedouw, 2005). An example of an UDP is Canary Wharf, a part of the London Docklands project. Canary Wharf is one of London’s largest business districts. However, the physical, social and economic results of property development according to the new urban agenda have been the subject of critique (Gualini & Majoor, 2007). One example of these criticisms on UDPs is that they increase fragmentation of space according to Graham and Marvin (2001, as cited in Gualini & Majoor, 2007). Public space in UDPs such as business districts are often perceived as privatized, controlled and regulated areas of their own. This results in the emergence of so called “non-place”. These non-places challenges our perception of once planned public spaces for encounters, combining individual identification and socialization (Gualini & Majoor, 2007). Place identity and place-branding are important in property development. What is built and for what or whom it is built creates a certain image.

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2.3. Place/city branding

This is where the concept of city or place branding comes in. City branding emerged as a response to the globalisation of world markets and the ever expanding competition between places for resources, investment and tourism (Ward & gold, 1994; Kavaratzis, 2004). It is a basis for the city for developing policy to pursue economic development and growth, while helping residents to connect and identify with their city (Kavaratzis, 2004). A brand is best defined attempt to influence the context in which messages are communicated (Anholt, 2006, as cited in Kavartzis & Ashworth, 2007). According to Kavaratzis (Kavaratzis & Hatch, 2013) place branding can be viewed as a process. It starts with the formulation of a vision for a place. Then consultation takes place between people responsible for branding, the local population, and all potential partners. As a result of this consultation period, functional infrastructural projects, interventions in the cityscape, and incentives or opportunities for certain audiences will be implemented. The final and most important part is that the vision and strategy should be communicated to the greater audience. Eventually, this process can be dissected into two parts, primary communication and secondary communication. The primary communication is the creation of a city’s brand, while the secondary communication is the advertising of this brand (Kavartzis & Ashworth, 2007). According to Kavartzis and Ashworth (2007) a city’s brand consist of landscape strategies, behaviour, infrastructure and organisational structure (see figure 1). Urban design, architecture, public art/spaces, quality of services, visions for the city, accessibility, tourism and cultural facilities all contribute to the creation of a brand.

2.4. Liveability

Paradoxically, an important aspect of achieving urban competitiveness in cities is having a high level of liveability. However, the perception of liveability can vary. A typology can be made between three different discourses and their perspective on the definitions of liveability (Lloyd, Fulagar & Reid, 2016).

Figure 1: Place branding and the characteristics of primary communication (Kavartzis & Ashworth, 2007)

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Table 1 Typology of liveability based on different views (Lloyd, Fulagar & Reid, 2016)

The academic perspective states that it is almost impossible to capture liveability in one definition. This perspective views liveability as a concept in a form of “desires” represented by physical environments, personal and community development, or so called “domains” (ibid.). According to this academic view, what constitutes a liveable place is a complex matter based on personal preferences. Vine (2012, p.119, as cited in Lloyd, Fulagar & Reid, 2016, p. 345) argues that liveability is a “…relativistic concept for a range of ideas about place and daily life as well as its appeal to the individual or to a community”. From a government or policy perspective, the concept of a liveable city and liveability encompasses a broad spectrum of different variables, ranging from the role of the built environment in supporting health and well-being of residents, as well as the level of sustainability and productivity in a city. Additionally, the concept often incorporates measures of residential amenities, human and social capital (Lowe et al., 2015; Newton, 2012). The city of Vancouver incorporated 4 key components in their definition of liveability: 1) governance and citizen participation; 2) a sense of identity and place; 3) complete communities, vital downtown core, industrial clusters, and green space; and 4) natural resource flows, green corridors, energy grids, communication, active transportation networks (Lloyd, Fulagar & Reid, 2016). Liveability in this perspective aims to benefit all residents. Several components in the urban policy document of the city of Amsterdam can be viewed under the concept of liveability. The city aims to help residents and visitors to achieve a high quality of life by making dwellings more affordable, making the city more accessible, socially inclusive and healthy (Gemeente Amsterdam, 2011). Ultimately, the marketing of “liveability” and liveable cities is viewed as a pivotal component of acquiring competitive advantage required to compete for economic gain through investment, tourism and population growth (Lloyd, Fulagar & Reid, 2016). This specific view on liveability connects to a certain extent to the concepts of urban competitiveness as well as place branding.

The third perspective is the private provider perspective. The emerging interest in liveability indexes and measures have caught the attention of many private organisations (ibid.). Mercer Consulting and PriceWaterhouseCoopers are just some of those organisations creating liveability indexes. Policy makers generally make use of this information to improve aspects of a city and monitor their city’s performance over a longer period of time (ibid.). Furthermore, these performance indexes on liveability are used to develop and promote a city’s image, which in turn attracts “desirable” people like tourists and highly skilled professionals. Additionally, it can also help attract (foreign) inward investments. All the aforementioned effects of indexes are pivotal in achieving urban growth. Consequently, the private provider perspective on liveability is aimed at creating attributes which can attract potential economic growth in cities by observing progress and assessing potential (ibid.).

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3. Research questions

As mentioned briefly in the introduction, tension between urban competitiveness and liveability can be identified. An attractive city can put liveability under pressure, for instance due to tourism nuisance and prices of dwellings becoming more expensive. But then again, the theoretical framework underlines the symbiosis between liveability and achieving urban competitiveness. It has become clear that both place branding and liveability are important in achieving urban competitiveness. Additionally, the importance of real estate development for urban competiveness cannot be underestimated. Based on this information, the following hypothesis can be formulated. Increasing or maintaining liveability in combination with the goal of attaining urban competitiveness, will at a certain point generate a level of dissonance or even a paradox. Place branding through urban (re-)development projects helps create economic prosperity by attracting ‘desirable’ residents, businesses and tourists. Thus initially creating a successful economic and social environment that could enhance the liveability of residents. However, as the city (district) becomes more attractive and successful, (housing) prices will increase. This might lead to certain groups benefitting and others left out of this process. It is therefore interesting to see how a city copes with maintaining liveability whilst striving for competitiveness. Consequently, the following research question has been formulated:

“How has the city of Amsterdam combined improving liveability of their city and their aim for urban competitiveness in urban development projects Overhoeks and Zuidas?”

The reason these two cases are chosen for this research is due to the fact that they fit well within the new urban policy agenda described in section 2.2. According to Altshuler & Luberoff (2003, as cited in Majoor, 2009), large-scale development projects in the form of new business districts, waterfront developments or brownfield conversions, have occupied a prominent place on the policy agendas of western metropolitan regions. Zuidas is the business centre in Amsterdam, while Overhoeks is the prime centrally located urban waterfront area. Additionally, they are both classified as part of 10 main urban development projects in Amsterdam (Savini et al., 2015; Savini et al., 2016) (see figure 2). Both projects connect well with the theoretical framework. The identity these two areas have attained over the years, show that place branding has played an important part in their design and development. The municipality of Amsterdam considers these two areas to have the potential to enhance the international image of the city (Gemeente Amsterdam, 2011; 2013; 2016a).

To help answer the main question the following three sub-questions have been formulated:

 How have Zuidas and Overhoeks been developed in relation to the changing urban agenda in Amsterdam?

 What are the ambitions of policy makers concerning Zuidas and Overhoeks as drivers of urban competitiveness and liveability, as expressed in policy documents?

 To what extent do the discourse of experts and stakeholders reproduce or resist the policy discourses on urban competitiveness and liveability in Zuidas and Overhoeks?

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4. Methodology

4.1. Research design

The research makes use of two descriptive case studies, namely Overhoeks and the Zuidas. A case study provides the opportunity to investigate a unique case that differs with other cases. Amsterdam’s view on real estate development might have similarities with other cities, but will never be the same. Case studies can be used in order to understand the complexity of a particular case and to initiate in depth research (Bryman, 2012). Additionally, case studies can help define the context and relations between different variables (Bryman, 2012). Since one goal of the research is to find out how the city of Amsterdam takes the relationship between liveability of the city and urban competitiveness into consideration in development projects, a case study is a fitting research design. Yin (2009) claims that when a “how” and “why” question is asked concerning a contemporary set of events over which the investigator has little to no control over, a case study has advantages over other types of research strategies. Data and evidence needed for the research can be harvested from different sources. A researcher can make use of literature, observations and/-or interviews (ibid.). A case study research design provides opportunity for a combination of different data collection methods. In turn, this triangulation of methods can strengthen a research (Noor, 2008). Considering that the main question encompasses contemporary events I have no control over, and the fact that several data collection methods is used in this research, the case study research design makes sense.

This research as a whole can be dissected into two parts. First off, a large part of answering the main research question and specifically for sub-questions one and two relies largely on desk based research. This desk based research has a particular focus on policy documents, secondary data sets and articles,

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12 on Amsterdam in general and Overhoeks and Zuidas in particular. Secondary data can either be data collected by other researchers and data collected by institutions in the course of their business (Bryman, 2009). Documents from the municipality such as Amsterdam’s “Structuurvisie” or vision documents for example, provide textual material of interest. Bryman (2012) states that the state produces large amounts of statistical information that can be useful for social researcher. The second part forms the basis of answering sub-question three, this part relies largely on primary data. Interviews are conducted with experts in order to recognize what they have to say about the policy related to urban competitiveness and liveability in Overhoeks and Zuidas. In addition analysing and interpreting interviews can provide information to understand why certain things did or did not happened in the projects. Both types of data are eventually combined in the discourse analysis.

4.2. Discourse analysis

4.2.1. Defining discourse

Discourse analysis is the name given to a variety of methods that usually focuses on the study of either written or spoken textual forms of language (Richardson, 1996; Gill, 2000). In the realms of policy analysis and planning and related areas such as politics and urban policy, analysing and theorizing decision-making as discourse has gained increased popularity (Fischer & Forester, 1993; Richardson, 1996). But what is discourse? As Hajer & Versteeg state (2005, p. 175), theoretically speaking discourse can be seen as an ensemble of ideas concepts and categories through which meaning is given to social and physical phenomena. These phenomena are produced and reproduced through a set of practices. Discourse analysis then is based on the principle that reality is socially constructed. The constructionist nature of discourse analysis assumes that multiple versions of reality, of events and society is present, due to texts and language being open to multiple interpretations. The world is produced according to a discourse (Bryman, 2012; White, 2004). A great example of constructed reality is given by Maarten Hajer (2002), in which he examines a group of dead trees. The trees being dead cannot be changed and is not a social construct, but the point is how we perceive the trees. One can view the death of trees as natural stress caused by drought or cold, but another can see them as victims of pollution or climate change. Discourse analysis thus sets out to trace particular linguistic regularities or themes (written or spoken) found within discussions like these (Hajer & versteeg, 2005).

4.2.2. Foucault, discourse analysis and planning

In this sense discourse analysis adopts basic insights from Michel Foucault, since he noted that discourse in the way we think of an object constitutes a version of reality (Bryman, 2012). Additionally, Foucault’s work is concerned and underlines the importance of discourse due to its position at the intersection between power and knowledge/truth (Richardson, 1996). For Foucault, a discourse is formed by groups having the power to generate the ‘truth’ or knowledge. His work on power, knowledge and discourse can be reflected on the realms of planning and policy making. Foucault considers power not imposed on individuals, rather it is present in ‘local centres’, such as relations between agents (e.g. planners and interest groups) and citizens. And it is this power relation that fundamentally influences the implementation of a broad strategy (Richardson, 1996). Planning has an argumentative character as well, which is underlined by the following quote by Majone (1989, p.1, as cited in Fischer and Forester, 1993, p. 1.): “As politicians know only too well but social scientists too often forget, public policy is made of language. Whether in written or oral form, argument is central in all stages of the policy process.” Based on Foucauldian principles, the shaping of policy is therefore likely to be vulnerable to the workings of power, providing opportunity for manipulation and control, confusion and exclusion, and other

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13 distortions (Richardson, 1996). An example of discursive governance is the change from welfarism to neo-liberalism in many countries during the 80s. One cannot be seen as morally superior from the other, since they each involve the exercise of power by professional groups and technical experts (Jacobs & Travers, 2015). At any given time, it is thus possible to identify rationalities of politics and the ways of how government is to be exercised at particular times and places (Rose, 1999, as cited in Jacobs & Travers, 2015).

To summarize, Gill (2000, p.173) provides 4 key perspectives on discourse analysis:

1. A critical stance towards taken-for-granted knowledge, and a scepticism towards the view that our observations of the world unproblematically yield its true nature to us.

2. A recognition that the ways in which we commonly understand the world are historically and culturally specific and relative.

3. A conviction that knowledge is socially constructed – that is, that our current ways of understanding the world are determined not by the nature of the world itself, but by social processes.

4. A commitment to exploring the ways that knowledges – the social construction of people, phenomena or problems – are linked to actions/practices.

One of the goals of using discourse analysis in this research is to showcase how discourse is reflected by formalized language, by looking at documents and interviews with experts. A strength of this method of analysis is the fact that it contributes to understanding the role of language (Hajer & Versteeg, 2005). The talk of experts and that what is written in vision documents are two kinds of discourses that can provide insights on how land and space is transformed to serve social, political and economic interests.

Trying to understand for whom, why and how certain policies are implemented in urban planning can be answered.

4.3. Expert Interviews

Alongside the use of a discourse analysis, interviews with experts are conducted to shed light on to what extent reality - or the dominant discourse - is in-line with the vision brought forward in the vision documents. Foucauldian researchers have stressed the importance of adding ethnographic methods, such as interviewing and observation to discourse analysis, as an extension of the analysis of historical changes in governance ideas and policy documents (Jacobs & Travers, 2015). By studying the ‘messineness of human practices’ as well as the political rationalities, one can provide a more detailed account of governance (Ibid.). In this section, the notion of expert is explained and a typology of the expert interview is given. Lastly, a topic guide used in interviews is presented.

4.3.1. Defining an expert

The notion of expert can be understood in a variety of ways. From a researcher’s point of view, a person can be attributed as an expert by virtue of his role as informant (Walter, 1994, p.271, as cited in Meuser and Nagel, 2009). However, Meuser and Nagel (2009, p.18) argue that this definition is limited. They claim that in scientific research a person is an expert when the researcher assumes that he or she can provide knowledge, which is not accessible to anybody in the field of action under study. The strength of an expert interview is exactly this, it can provide a knowledge advantage and helps the researcher discover exclusive information on the research subject (ibid.). Experts can provide the interviewer extrinsic and intrinsic information (Savini, 2018). Extrinsic information is data that are not directly

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14 produced by the interviewee. Examples of such information are contextual information, key documents that are not published or difficult to find and timelines of a certain project (ibid.). Intrinsic information however can be seen as more personal and subjective data. Examples of intrinsic data of the interviewee are, but not limited to, opinions on strengths and weaknesses of a project, understandings of past events, reasons for particular actions and general feelings about the situation (ibid.).

Bogner and Menz (2009) came up with a typology of the expert interview in which they distinguished it between exploratory, systematizing, and theory-generating expert interviews. The first two types of interviews are of importance for this research. In social research, an interview is often utilized as an instrument for data collection to its function as an exploratory tool. According to Bogner and Menz (2009), expert interviews can serve as an initial orientation in a field that is poorly defined or relatively new. Interviews can serve as a tool help the researcher to develop a clearer idea of the problem or as a preliminary move in the identification of a final interview guide (Bogner & Menz, p.46). This exploratory version of the expert interview is also deliberately used as a complementary source of information regarding the actual subject. In this sense the expert’s role is that of one who possesses contextual knowledge (ibid.), which is in principle the same as extrinsic information mentioned before. The systematizing interview on the other hand is an exploratory variant of the expert interview that is oriented towards gaining intrinsic information possessed by the interviewee (Ibid.). The expert in this form of interview is treated as someone who possesses specialized valid knowledge and information that is not readily available for the researcher (ibid.). This is one of the main reasons why expert interviews are useful, as mentioned before. In order to gain this knowledge, researchers ought to make use of a fairly elaborate topic guide, according to Bogner and Menz (2009).

The interviewees in these semi-structured interview are planners from the public and private sector. These groups of people are considered experts for they provide me with information otherwise inaccessible, which is a criteria for an “expert” according to Meuser and Nagel (2009). Finding participants is done by using 2 sampling strategies: purposive sampling and snowball sampling. According to Bryman (2012, p. 416), purposive sampling is essentially the selection of units such as, but not limited to, people, organizations and documents, with direct reference to the research question being asked. The importance of looking back at the research question is that it gives an idea of what units need to be sampled. Consequently, interviewees were found by actively seeking persons working for the municipality of Amsterdam and private sector development companies that are connected on either Overhoeks or the Zuidas project. Snowball sampling can be seen as the extension of purposive sampling, as the researcher makes initial contact with a group of people who are relevant to the research topic and then uses these to get in contact with others (Bryman, 2012). In this research, interviewees were asked after each interview whether they knew others and whether they could provide contact information of their colleagues that were also tied to both projects.

Furthermore, there are two main forms of interviews that can be utilised to gather the necessary data, interviews in the form of questionnaires and more open interviews. The limitations of having a questionnaire is that the amount of information experts (would like to) provide could become limited. (Semi-)open interviews address this limitation and since the type of expert interviews in this research is a mix between exploratory and systematizing, questionnaires are not suitable. Against this background, semi-open interviews are conducted with the experts. Meuser & Nagel (2009) state that when experts are given the opportunity to carry on talking about their activities, provide examples or make use of other forms of exploration, they tend to reveal a lot more intriguing information regarding a topic.

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15 Collecting data in these interviews is done through the following topic guide, but without a prefixed guideline:

1. Connection to project

2. Thoughts on concepts of urban competitiveness and liveability

3. How do the projects enhance or negatively affect the two concepts in Amsterdam 4. To what extent do the projects take urban competiveness and liveability into account

4.4. Reliability and validity

A crucial part of one’s research is the consideration for reliability and validity, two prominent criteria for the evaluation of social research (Bryman, 2012; Yin, 2003; Yin, 2013). Robert K. Yin is a main contributor to how validity and reliability should be acquired in social empirical research and in case study research. Both concepts are challenging aspects in designing and conducting case studies, in particular when the number of case studies is limited as is the case in this research (Yin, 2013). However, to strengthen one’s case study research, the following concepts need to be tested: a) construct validity, b) internal validity, c) external validity and d) reliability (Yin, 2003, p. 34). What they are and how they are integrated in this research is explained in the following section:

 Construct validity: this concept is mainly concerned with establishing correct operational measures for the concepts being studied (Yin, 2003, p. 34). In other words, this means that it is useful to know whether the measure devised of a concept really provides the data that it is supposed provide (Bryman, 2012; Yin, 2003; Golafshani, 2003). This is addressed in chapter 2 by having certain concepts based on multiple sources of evidence.

 Internal validity: is concerned with establishing “…a causal relationship, whereby certain conditions are shown to lead other conditions, as distinguished from spurious relationships” (Yin, 2003, p. 34). However, this criteria does not apply for exploratory or descriptive research (ibid.)  External validity: this criteria focuses on the question of whether a domain can be established in which one’s research results can be generalized in other research context (Bryman, 2012; Yin, 2003). Achieving urban competitiveness and maintaining liveability are two processes that can be witnessed around the globe. Using two case studies in Amsterdam, this research tries to put global phenomena within a specific context. It is difficult to replicate the exact results from this case study in a different one, considering that every case study is unique (Bryman, 2012). In order to test whether the results can be replicated, the results could be projected into different contexts (i.e. municipalities in the world). Though due to time constraint, this is not feasible.  Reliability: this notion is concerned with demonstrating that the procedures of a study can be

repeated by another researcher with the same findings and conclusions (Yin, 2003). These procedures could be for example the data collection. To strengthen reliability in this research, the methods and procedures used have been described as elaborately as possible. Another researcher could for example conduct interviews with the same type of actors in another city, while keeping the topic guide close to the original.

In addition to the aforementioned, a combination of expert interviews and discourse analysis is used in this research. This triangulation of methods used contributes to the quality of research. According to

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16 Yin (2003), triangulation of research methods may result in greater confidence in the overall findings and validity.

5. Results

The following several chapters constitute of a discourse analysis on (municipal) policy documents and interviews conducted with four experts working for the municipality of Amsterdam as planners and a private real estate development company. As such, the results section constitutes of mainly two parts. The first couple of paragraphs discuss the historical background, the visions and policy directions of the projects Zuidas and Overhoeks. The second part contains the analysis the interviews conducted with the experts working on the development projects. As stated in the methodology, Foucault’s way of thinking about discourses provides a frame for understanding recent policy developments in Amsterdam, and Zuidas and Overhoeks in particular. Especially in regards to how policy discourses address the potential conflict between maintaining liveability while also increasing urban competitiveness.

5.1. The creation of a business centre: Zuidas

Using the Foucauldian lens, specific rationales behind certain policy directions written in documents can be identified. Several important factors have influenced the development and policy directions of

Zuidas. Globalisation and internationalisation have played an important part in the developmental vision of Zuidas. As underlined in the beginning of this research, it is apparent that today’s society is focused around flows of information and capital. Additionally, new technology has allowed us to connect in real-time with different parts of the world, instead of travelling for hours as we did before. Connection between persons and locations only happen when it is logical from an economic point of view (Salet, 2005, p. 9). Consequently, the world can be simplified into three important economic regions: Europe, North America and the east coast of Asia (Ibid.). It is within this context that the Zuidas gains its importance. The Dutch national government envisioned it as an area that would help Amsterdam to compete with cities such as Paris, Frankfurt and Milan for necessary global city functions (Fainstein, 2008).

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The area now known as the Zuidas covers an area of around 2 million square meters at the southern part of Amsterdam’s ring road and consists of 11 sub-districts (figure 2) (Gemeente Amsterdam, 2016a). Up till the 1990’s, the urban expansion of Amsterdam was based on urban policies in which the position of the city centre was that of a main economic, industrial and commercial epicentre. Consequently, the daily urban system of Amsterdam was always monocentric at the scale level of urban agglomeration (Salet & Majoor, 2005; Savini et al., 2016). Since the 1933 Amsterdam Extension Plan, all urban expansion plans were based on the Cristaller system. New residential neighbourhoods and new towns were built on development axes radiating from the inner city into the wider region, with secondary-category peripheral centres providing economic functions and urban amenities (Salet & Majoor, 2005). The Zuidas area originally started out as a formally designated peripheral centre, though it was not called the Zuidas yet (ibid.). It was not until the mid-1990s that the monocentric urban form was swapped out in favour of a polycentric one (Bertolini & Salet, 2003; Salet & Majoor, 2005). This change in urban form from monocentric to polycentricism, coincided with the rise of the knowledge/network society and the globalisation of economic and cultural networks (Salet & Majoor, 2005). Reacting to these changing landscapes and the resulting market pressure, the municipality of Amsterdam allowed large office buildings to be realized at the western, southern and southeastern areas of the central city, which was bordered by the A10 ring road as well as train and metro stations (Savini et al., 2016). This polycentric approach to urban form has helped accommodating the demand for modern office space and facilities, but it has also protected the pre-war inner city against new large-scale constructions (Ploeger, 2004, as cited in Savini et al., 2016). The placement of these centres along the ring road and in the vicinity of stations was inspired by the idea of Transit Oriented Development. This meant that office development and regional railway networks are tied together (ibid.).

The initial development in the area what became known as the Zuidas gained momentum in the mid-nineties. The municipality of Amsterdam wanted to push the realisation of a business district at the IJ-riverbank. However, the decision of the head of ABN AMRO bank to locate its headquarters in Zuidas emphasized the notion of the Zuidas as being a business and financial headquarters instead (Salet & Majoor, 2005; Fainstein, 2008; Onclin, personal communication, April 25, 2018). Additionally, the easy accessibility of the area and its connectedness to the nearby Schiphol Airport contributes to the fact that it is attractive for companies to settle in the area, which is reflected in the amount of international firms. There is clustering of knowledge intensive and internationally renowned firms and little vacancy. Zuidas is one of the most important areas in the metropolitan region of Amsterdam that promotes national economic growth. The municipality considers Zuidas to be a ‘brainport’ and in combination with ‘seaport’ Rotterdam and ‘airport’ Schiphol, they form a strong team that connects the Netherlands to the rest of Europe economically speaking (Gemeente Amsterdam, 2011).

5.1.2. Prevalent policy discourses in Zuidas

In more recent years however, the policy discourse of the municipality regarding Zuidas has softened up a little bit. Eric van der Burg, alderman at the Department of Spatial Planning (Dienst Ruimtelijke Ordering) still considers the Zuidas to be an international top location (Gemeente Amsterdam, 2016a). But he states that it is “…also an area where people want to work, live and spend their recreational time

in. This energy is beneficial to Amsterdam as a whole and enhances liveability” (Ibid.). By adding other

functions to Zuidas area, in combination with promoting it as a business district, the municipality aims to transform Zuidas to a mixed urban neighbourhood as opposed to a business centre as it was proposed in original plans. This change of policy direction is reflected in the vision document “Visie Zuidas 2016”

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as well, for the municipality came up with the following themes that accentuate priorities in the area (Gemeente Amsterdam, 2016a, p.13):

 Theme 1: International and ambitious (Internationaal en ambitieus)  Theme 2: A lively residential area (Een levendige woonwijk)

These are not the only ones mentioned in the vision document, but they highlight the main point of this research. These themes provide an insight on the political rationalities of the municipality, particularly in relation to urban competitiveness and liveability. The analysis of policy discourses of the Zuidas area is based on this vision document.

International and ambitious

Within this theme the municipality of Amsterdam has set out four main goals. First of all the municipality wants to “maintain Zuidas’ internationally competitive nature and build on its success as international

business centre of the Netherlands”. Secondly, the municipality wants to “invest in the knowledge sector and innovation in the area”. In addition, Zuidas has to be “made more attractive for a broader audience”.

Lastly, “the presence and visibility of art and culture in the area ought to be enhanced so it will become

one of the main pillars of the area” (Gemeente Amsterdam, 2016a).

Zuidas is a middle sized business district in Europe, competing primarily with business centres in cities such as Brussels, Berlin, Manchester and Lyon. The municipality does not want to compete with districts such as Canary Wharf, City of London or La Défense, for they are at least twice as large in size. Zuidas stands out from the business districts in these cities because it is well connected to Schiphol Airport and because of the presence of the Free University (VU) and the RAI conference centre in its direct vicinity. According to the vision document, Zuidas is also special through its mix of land-use functions. It is an area with services and amenities as well as housing. Combining the functions of housing, working, studying and leisure in the area is seen as key aspect for enhancing the quality of the area. The ambition is to still continue to increase the number of offices in the area, though the focus will be more on variety instead of quantity. The municipality wants to enhance Zuidas’ competitiveness through the supply of a variety of office space with the intention to creating a mixed function business milieu, as this will attract more knowledge intensive companies and freelancers. Knowledge intensive companies are often in search for areas with a balanced mix between business sectors and business activities. Freelancers on the other hand are often in search of areas with an urban feeling and the amenities and social activities that come with them. At this moment, the main types of business sectors operating in Zuidas are financial and business oriented service sectors. The bulk of the offices are used by financial and law firms. Consequently, the municipality wants to further improve the mixed urban and business profile of the Zuidas, so that the area will be more diverse and resilient in the near future. This goes hand in hand with increasing the amount of housing and amenities in the area, besides providing office space. There is a demand for amenities such as high-class hotels, places to go out, a diverse supply of shops, presence of the catering industry, sports facilities, cultural services and (international) education on all levels. The municipality hopes to make Zuidas more attractive as a business sector, as well as a place for meet ups. The location of the Free University (VU) and its affiliate hospital the VUmc in Zuidas, is also viewed as beneficial to the competitiveness of the area. The two institutions are located in the district “Kenniskwartier” or knowledge quarter (see figure 3) and they make Zuidas an attractive location for businesses and institutions in the knowledge sector to settle in. The VU and the VUmc are important

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contributors to the perception and image of the area as an attractive and highly specialised district. Vice versa, Zuidas contributes to the ambition of the university to internationalise. Furthermore, this specific district has the potential to grow and to become a knowledge cluster of importance for the whole city and region. The combined presence of academics, students and existing companies in Zuidas makes it easier to exchange knowledge to achieve innovation. The municipality acknowledges the importance of this knowledge intensive district in the Zuidas. As such the municipality, in cooperation with the university, have the ambition of creating an area in the “Kenniskwartier” that exists of buildings for education and research, (student)housing, catering industry, and offices for knowledge intensive operations. The aim is to create an area that is a place to meet, a place for inspiration and a place for knowledge exchange. This will help attract new students, for students want more than just a place for higher education. They want to experience the feeling of being part of a city with all its amenities. Furthermore, the municipality aims to connect Zuidas with surrounding neighbourhoods, as this will lead to a better distribution and accessibility of amenities. An example is improving the demand and supply of amenities between the Zuidas and Buitenveldert, a neighbourhood south of the Zuidas. The municipality wants to improve the accessibility of Gelderlandplein (the main shopping mall in the district of Buitenveldert) for people from the Zuidas. Moreover, there is space for the development of amenities that provide advantages for Zuidas. These are for instance schools and cinemas.

The vision document shows the ambition to promote Zuidas as a tourist destination as well. This is for a large part connected to improving amenities. By investing in high quality amenities, the municipality hopes to provide and enhance Zuidas’ attractiveness as being a tourist destination. Comparable areas such as Hafencity (Hamburg) and Ørestad (Kopenhagen) show that business districts with a combination of architecture, high-rise, high-quality amenities have touristic value. At the same time, Zuidas can help with alleviating the pressure of tourism in the city centre of Amsterdam as Amsterdam Zuid station will become an important transportation hub for foreign visitors in Amsterdam. Currently, the connection of Amsterdam Zuid station with Schiphol airport is excellent. The opening of the Noord/Zuidlijn (a metro-line connecting the north with the south of Amsterdam) will improve the connection of Zuidas with the historic inner-city of Amsterdam significantly. In addition, the municipality considers art and culture factors that generate character and identity in a place. Creativity and economy are interwoven, especially in Amsterdam. Therefore the municipality wants to provide the opportunity for institutions of art and culture and people to creatively and artistically organize public space as well as interiors of buildings.

A lively residential area

As mentioned, the municipality acknowledges the need to develop a lively multifunctional area in order to become a successful international business centre. Housing plays an important role in all of this. In Zuidas alone, there will be 7.000 houses built for an estimated 13.000 to 15.000 residents in 2030. The municipality proposed three goals to create a more liveable residential area: 1) provide a supply of high quality new residential houses for different target groups; 2) invest in creating an attractive residential area with fitting amenities; and 3) Provide space for ideas and initiatives of residents.

The municipality wants to have a mix in housing stock in the Zuidas. At least 30 percent social housing. Student housing is also part of this number. Another 30 percent of housing should also be private sector rent, of which 50 percent should be accessible for middle income households. This reflects the ambition of the municipality to create an identity of a mixed urban neighbourhood in Zuidas that fits within the

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20 city of Amsterdam. There is space for students who often temporarily reside in an area and there is also space for buyers who connect much more with their neighbourhood. The different sub-districts will have different types of housing that fit within the identity of that specific area. The sub-districts Strawinsky, Mahler and Gershwin are attractive for ambitious starters and internationals due to the high building density and because they form the heart of business in Zuidas. In Kenniskwartier, studying, working and housing are combined to form a dynamic urban milieu. This provides opportunities for students and employees of the VU and VUmc, as mentioned in the previous section. Kop Zuidas and Ravel will be much more family and senior oriented neighbourhoods. For instance, Ravel will have loads of space for meet-ups and there will be playgrounds for families.

The importance of having urban amenities close by is again stressed by the municipality. Cafés, restaurants, shops, schools, day-care, sports facilities are pivotal for a successful urban residential area. The municipality opted to primarily locate urban amenities in areas where people would often pass by on the way to their destination, and where travellers, employees, residents, students and other user of the area would most likely meet. As a result, a large segment of urban amenities can be found around Amsterdam Zuid station and in the Gustav Mahlerlaan. The realisation of the Zuidasdok will help improve the living environment of the area. Zuidasdok is the main infrastructural project in the area and when finished it redirects the A10 ring road under Zuidas. As the highway will not act as a barrier anymore, the Zuidasdok provides the opportunity to create a better train station with amenities. This concentration of urban amenities will extend to the west, in the direction of Kenniskwartier. The supply of shops in Amsterdam Zuid station focuses on the “functional” needs of the traveller, whereas the shops, cafés and restaurants in Gustav Mahlerlaan and the extension towards Kenniskwartier, will be more aimed at the needs of residents and employees. There are also plans made for larger urban amenities such as a cinema. There will be an emphasis on residential amenities such as playgrounds, schools and sports facilities in the districts Ravel, Kop Zuidas and Fred Roeskestraat. The municipality, in their land-use plans, has provided a large amount of space for amenities in the ground floors of buildings to be as flexible as possible with future needs and demands. These spaces vary from price and sizes. Resident participation is also taken into consideration during the design of public space. The municipality has the responsibility to organise public space and to keep the design within the technical and financial framework. However, they also try to engage with the residents by giving them opportunity to think and decide on certain aspects of the project. This is an example of how the municipality tries to create a common identity of Zuidas between residents, therefore creating a lively neighbourhood.

A reoccurring aspect within most of the ambitions and goals within the two development themes is the aim of creating a hub for knowledge production and knowledge exchange. Using Foucault’s ideas on discourse, one can identify why this specifically is so important. As mentioned in the introduction, present day society revolves around the idea of capital, knowledge and information flows. Globalisation and neo-liberal approaches of economies across the globe might have influenced the municipal policy directions of Amsterdam. Even in national policy, Zuidas is considered as an area of economic importance, for it enhances the spatial-economic structure in the Netherlands (Gemeente Amsterdam, 2016a). The emphasis on creating a variety and mixture of businesses and increasing amenities and housing in the area is to enhance liveliness and liveability. The municipality hopes that this in turn attracts certain groups of people such as students, professionals working in the knowledge sectors and even tourists. Eventually however, what the municipality is aiming for as end result is to maintain its international competitiveness. A mixed use neighbourhood is a means to reach that goal. As the vision document states (Gemeente Amsterdam 2016a, p. 48):

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“To be successful as an international business centre, developing Zuidas into a lively and multifunctional area is an important condition. Housing is plays a key role. A growing amount of dwellings means more residents and consequently more life on the streets. This results in more demand for amenities and more people visiting Zuidas.”

5.2. Overhoeks: history of development

Overhoeks is a waterfront area on the north banks of the IJ river, located directly opposite of Amsterdam Central Station. It is an area that forms the apex of a corner in the river IJ. Overhoeks was formerly known as the “Shellterrein” (Shell terrain) due to the fact that it was once occupied by the Shell Research Technology Centre Amsterdam (Dienst Ruimtelijke Ordening, 2004). In 2002, the municipality of Amsterdam has reached an agreement with Shell regarding the development of the site (Savini & Dembski, 2016). Shell moved its research centre to the adjacent 7 hectare plot, where it built its New Technology Centre. As a result, 20 hectares of land that became available was bought by the municipality. The municipality aimed to transform the Overhoeks area into a mixed urban area with emphasis on the functions of living and working (Gemeente Amsterdam, 2006; Dienst Ruimtelijke Orderning, 2004). In the beginning, urban development in Overhoeks was more or less based on one masterplan (Gemeente Amsterdam, 2006). But the strategy in developing Overhoeks has changed, especially after the financial crisis of 2008. Nowadays, the municipality opts to take a more phased approach to urban development (Gemeente Amsterdam, 2013). This phased approach provides opportunities for the development of the Overhoeks area (Gemeente Amsterdam, 2013). Urban development projects are scaled down and risks are spread out across different actors. This is also a direct result of the ever changing demand for real estate. In general, Overhoeks can be dissected into the following three main areas from the northwest to the southeast: 1) Campus, 2) Overhoekspark and 3) De Strip (see figure 4). Campus is a suburb within the central city, with its main function being a residential area. Overhoekspark is a park that forms a buffer between Campus and De Strip. De Strip is the highlight of metropolitan urban development in Overhoeks, with high-rise and different amenities in the vicinity such as the EYE film museum.

5.2.1. Ambitions of plan Overhoeks

Though less evident like in Zuidas, Overhoeks’ development is also partly affected by globalisation. The population of Amsterdam has been growing since the mid-80s. This trend is caused by the attractiveness of the city in a society based on a knowledge intensive economy (Gemeente Amsterdam, 2013). The municipality considers Amsterdam a prominent location to settle for lots of economic sectors, due to it

Figure 4: Area map of Overhoeks with 'De Strip'and Overhoeks-/Schegpark highlighted in red and the 'Campus' above (Gemeente Amsterdam, 2013)

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22 being a hub of knowledge exchange. There are two main spatial processes that can be identified which have helped create an area of opportunities in Overhoeks (ibid.). First of all, the municipality of Amsterdam is now “rediscovering” the waterfront. There is a realisation that waterfront areas can act as (economic) development areas. They can provide opportunities for recreation and can create a unique experience (Gemeente Amsterdam, 2011; 2013). Overhoeks can act as an area that inhibits a unique living environment, considering its location. It is perceived as a “balcony” with a view on the old city centre (Gemeente Amsterdam, 2004). And since population rise pressures the housing market, Overhoeks was originally created as a unique, quiet living area in close proximity to the city centre with urban amenities (Gemeente Amsterdam, 2004; Gemeente Amsterdam, 2013). Secondly, its close proximity with the city centre forms the basis of urban development in the area. The ambition of the municipality of Amsterdam is to “roll out” the metropolitan feel of city centre towards Amsterdam North. The municipality states that the ambition to expand the city centre past the IJ and towards the northern IJ-banks is already taking place. Hence why the area is labelled a metropolitan area in vision documents (Gemeente Amsterdam, 2011; Gemeente Amsterdam, 2013). The realisation of the new Noord/Zuidlijn metro network, spanning from the north of Amsterdam all the way to the south, underlines this trend of moving north (Gemeente Amsterdam, 2011; 2013).

According to the municipality, Overhoeks is the manifestation of new waterfront developments, a place attractive for living, working as well as leisure. At the same time, the municipality aims to make Overhoeks an area that inhibits urban qualities that are expected of centrally located urban district (Gemeente Amsterdam, 2011; 2013). To a certain extent, this policy direction corresponds with those of Zuidas. In particular the creation of a mixed use urban area. ‘De Strip’ is the main eye catcher in the Overhoeks project. De Strip reflects the ambition of creating a metropolitan environment. It is a long piece of land where the metropolitan feel is accentuated by high-rise. Out of seven plots of land tendered out or going to be tendered out by the municipality, 5 plots will be used for high-rise. This urban design element adds high density and lots of mixed functions (Gemeente Amsterdam, 2016b). The design of the area takes inspiration from Hafencity in Hamburg and the Upper East Side in New York City.

5.2.2. The image of Overhoeks

From being mainly a location of wharfs and ‘old’ industry, Amsterdam North has undergone a drastic change of image. The following quotes from the New York Times (as cited in Gemeente Amsterdam, 2013, p. 2) and The Wall Street Journal (as cited in Gemeente Amsterdam, 2013, p.9) underline this shift:

“Once Unfashionable, Noord District of Amsterdam Gains Cachet… From blue-collar industrial area to red-hot art neighborhood…” – The New York Times

“The Noord District’s Hip Rebirth… How One Amsterdam Neighbourhood Became Trendy, Drawing Artists, Musicians and eateries… The longstanding appeal of Noord, though, is that it links city to

countryside.” – The Wall Street Journal

The Northern IJ banks are increasingly becoming mixed urban areas, in the sense that it consists of lots of different types of housing, businesses related to knowledge intensive and creative sectors and attractive hotels, restaurants and cafes. Overhoeks is one of those areas. There are small (cultural) initiatives, start-ups, museums, academies and institutes. Some temporary and some for the long-term, such as the Groot Lab. Others as result of the financial crisis of 2008 halting development in the area,

Combining competitiveness and liveability in urban development projects in Amsterdam : the cases of Zuidas en Overhoeks