Master’s Thesis Human
Geography
Polish Places in Brummie Spaces:
The day-to-day lives and practices of Birmingham’s Polish
Community
Murray D. Bridgwater
11124172
Abstract
This research frames within the Masters thesis assignment for Human Geography at the University of Amsterdam. The work presents findings from a qualitative study exploring Polish migrants in the English city of Birmingham. The thesis examines how the Polish community negotiate their new social and spatial boundaries, by examining practices which relate strongly with Polish identity. The study should shed light on how a migrant community living in the United Kingdom lives out their day-to-day lives. Currently, in the United Kingdom the topic of immigration appears to be on everybody’s lips. Birmingham, between 2007 and 2010 attracted migrants from a total of 187 different countries. Therefore, has been classified as a super-diverse location. Scholars have claimed such environments can influence many characteristics relating to a community or individual, in particular surrounding concepts of race, national and ethnic identity. This paper provides useful detail regarding the experience of a migrant group living in such a diverse city and also highlights how the concept of super-diversity ties into institutional and immigrant group formations and what implications this creates for the Polish community but also the city of Birmingham itself.
Acknowledgments Firstly, I would like to thank all of the participants who took part in my study. Without their contribution this work would not have been possible. Secondly, I would like to thank my tutor Inge Van de Welle for her support throughout the process.
Contents Page Abstract 2 Acknowledgements 3 Contents 4 List of Appendices 5 List of Figures and Tables 5 Chapter One - Introduction 6 - Recent Polish Migrants to the UK 9 - Research Questions and Aims and Objectives of the study 11 - Structure of the thesis 12 Chapter Two - Theoretical Framework 14 - Super-Diversity and its implications 14 - Social spatialisation and place 19 - Ethnic Identity and Performance 22 - Conclusion 23 Chapter Three - Methodology 25 - Research Design 25 - Visualisation of Research Process 26 - Operationalisation 27 - Secondary Data 30 - Primary Data 31 o Observations 33 o Semi-Structured Interviews and Participatory Mapping 36 - Participant Sample 39 o Participants Table 40 - Data Analysis Method 40 - Researchers Positionality and Limitations to the Study 41 - Ethical Considerations 43 - Conclusion 44 Chapter Four – Analysis 45 -Introduction 45 -Understanding the life experience of the participant sample 49 -Identity association 50 -Motivations for Migration 54 -Qualifications and Employment 55
-Polish Places: But for whom? 64 - Polish shops 65 -Religion and Tradition 68 -The Polish Millennium House 75 - Conclusion 79 Chapter Five – Conclusion 81 - Empirical Conclusions 81 - Suggestion for future research 85 Bibliography 87 List of Appendices Appendix A: Participatory Mapping Exercise Example 93 Appendix B: Interview Transcript 94 Appendix C: Coding Categories 100 Appendix D: Participant Consent Form Example 101 List of Figures and Tables Figures Figure 1: Issues facing the United Kingdom June (2016) 7 Figure 2: Top Ten Sender Countries of Migrants by Nationality, UK (2014) 10 Figure 3: Visualisation of Research Process 26 Figure 4: Locating Polish Infrastructure 31 Figure 5: Steps in Observation 34 Figure 6: The Karzcama Restaurant 35 Figure 7: Participatory Mapping Example 39 Figure 8: Distribution of Birmingham’s Polish Population, Across Electoral Wards 48 Figure 9: The Polish Expats Association 58 Figure 10: Where The Participant Sample Live 60 Figure 11: Polish Shops 65 Figure 12: St Micheal’s Church 71 Figure 13: Polish Millennium House 75 Tables Table 1: Operationalisation 29 Table 2: Participant Table 40 Table 3: Migrant Communities Growth in Birmingham 46 Table 4: Top Ten Polish Wards In Birmingham 47
Chapter One: Introduction
The debate which surrounded the United Kingdom’s (UK’s) referendum on its membership with the European Union (EU) was multi-faceted and divisive. Politicians on opposing sides exhausted every imaginable topic relating to contemporary British thought or indeed anguish. Stretching from the National Health Service (NHS), housing and schools through to broader topics such as the stability or restricted potential of Britain’s economy. To put it simply, people living in the UK endured months of contradictory information from both campaigns. Of course, when the 23rd June 2016 did
arrive, the UK voted to leave, the assumed discomfort of many had been confirmed and a divided Britain was exposed, on the global stage. An initial observation commonly cited by political commentators highlighted that the majority of communities in Britain in favour of leaving have suffered the greatest neglect, through public spending cuts under successive governments. The debate often failed to maintain focus around the EU’s function and lack of transparency. Instead, the discourse very much centred around immigration, which has become a channel for millions of people in the way they understand everyday difficulties which are entwined with living in modern British society; the decreasing availability of affordable housing; the shortage of stable jobs; deteriorating living standards and strained public services. Therefore, the EU’s fundamental ‘Freedom of movement’ principle, which essentially grants citizens from any country in the EU, the right to work in the UK under the same conditions as British people has been central to a longstanding public debate and was used by many to argue for the UK’s exit from the EU.
Figure 1 The survey below was undertaken two weeks prior to the the referendum by Ipsos Mori’s social research institute which works extensively for the UK government. Source: Ipsos Mori, 2016 This thesis takes the UK’s second largest city, Birmingham and studies its rapidly growing Polish community, aspiring to highlight how such communities, who have been central to such a far reaching and at times toxic debate, live and function within contemporary British society. Birmingham is a major city and located in the metropolitan borough of the West Midlands. The city is the largest metropolitan area in the UK after London with a population of 3.8 million which also makes it the 9th most populous metropolitan area
in Europe (Birmingham City, 2014). The city is home to an extensive range of nationalities. Research conducted by the University of Birmingham indicates that between 2007 and 2010, individuals moved to Birmingham from 187 different countries (Birmingham City, 2013).
Cities are notably becoming fundamental sites for immigration and therefore play a key role, as hosts to increasingly growing and mixed populations. Over recent decades, numerous countries have experienced a significant increase in migration (Castles and Miller, 2009). The causes often attributed to the process include environmental change, political instability and economic development. What is clear however, is that globalisation has provided the world with the tools, be it through the media, increased communication and transport to drive migration flows further. Undeniably, migration can be noticed across various geographical terrains and scales, but, cities are crucial locales which shape flows of migration within and across countries. The location of numerous cities within migration networks contributes to altering both the compositions and functions of such sites within a small period of time (Nicholls and Uitermark, 2016). Such migratory processes inherently present many questions surrounding the communities and individuals living in such locations. Continuous migration to cities has encouraged population growth and consequently stimulated rates of diversity. Therefore, producing environments characterised Vertovec (2007) as ‘super-diversity’. Such diversity has been said to reproduce patterns of ‘radical heterogeneity’ regarding many sociological aspects, in particular surrounding concepts of race, national and ethnic identity. (Nicholls and Uitermark, 2016: 878). This prompts questions surrounding the implications of increased international migration and the emerging influential new dynamics which may impact both the flows of people and the city itself. This thesis addresses how Birmingham’s Polish community negotiate their newly discovered socio-spatial boundaries, by examining practices and performances which reproduce Polish identity. The term ethnic identity refers to the degree a person associates with a specific ethnic group. This can emerge through various sources and scales such as a shared language, origin, and similar past experiences. A person’s association with such a group
has been said to resonate with their sense of belonging and how the group establishes part of the individual’s thoughts, views, feelings and behaviour (Levesque, 2014). The process of performing identity has been considered an identity performance (Klien, et al, 2007; Hopkins and Greenwood, 2013). Identity performance can take a variety of forms, through an individual’s activities and their physical appearance. Therefore, identity performance may be considered a meaningful expression, or indeed suppression, of behaviours regarding norms often linked to ethnic identity (Klein, Spears and Reicher, 2007). Recent Polish Migrants to the UK Individuals who reside within the European Union are uniquely mobile. The Schengen agreement in particular has provided Europeans’ with such fluidity that it challenges the nation state as a marker for identity (Kusek, 2015). The 2004 and 2007 enlargements within the European Union (EU) accomplished ‘a geo-political shift in post-1989 Europe’, in terms of the mobility of the continents populations. This has been said to pose the greatest demographic change in Europe since the end of World War II (Favell, 2008: 1). Eight countries known as the ‘A8’ (the Czech Republic, Estonia, Hungary, Latvia, Lithuania, Poland, Slovakia and Slovenia) became members of the EU, facilitating their inhabitants with opportunity to move freely into original, wealthier member states. When the A8 gained its admission into the EU, the United Kingdom (UK) was one of three existing EU members that opened their labour market to individuals from the new accession countries (Burrell, 2009). In the preceding years, the UK witnessed enormous growth in migration, nearly 900,000 A8 nationals registered with the Workers Registration Scheme, the largest group was individuals from Poland (67%) (Home Office, 2009).
A8 migration was initially understood within existing models of economic migration (Massey, et al, 1999), which claim international migration to be a reactionary process to firstly, push factors of unemployment and low wages and secondly pull factors of strong labour markets (Wallace, 2002). However, this has been challenged in recent years. Research is emerging which aims to tackle the non-economic motivations of the new EU migrants (Ryan, et al, 2009). In response to lowered borders, international migration may not be economically motivated (Massey et al, 1999) but instead an expression of different lifestyle desires (Favell, 2008; Krings, 2013). Such notions suggest migrants emigrating towards the original, predominately western member states may transcend into complex, varying communities due to different motivations for being there. In turn, this poses questions concerning the identities of such migrant groups. For example, Favell (2008) has argued for micro level work on the experiences, lives and networks of such recent migration in the EU. Between 1993 and 2014 the foreign-born population in the UK more than doubled from 3.8 million to around 8.3 million. During the same period, the number of foreign citizens increased from nearly 2 million to more than 5 million. Poland tops the list of foreign citizens in the UK as shown in Figure 2. Figure 2 (SOURCE: Migrants in the UK: An Overview, 2016) 15.1 7.3 6.2 3.6 3.6 3.5 3.3 3.2 3 2.7
Poland India Ireland Italy Pakistan Romania Lithuania Portugal France Germany 0 2 4 6 8 10 12 14 16 NATIONALITY % OF M IG RA N TS
Top ten sender countries of migrants by nationality, UK
2014
Research Questions and Aims and objectives of the study
The following provides information regarding the research questions and aims of this study. The analytical ambitions are presented, providing an outline of the argument which is developed in this paper. Research Question: • How does the Polish community perform their ethnic identity through practices in the city of Birmingham? Sub Questions: • What practices are seen to reproduce ethnic identity for the Polish community? • How does Birmingham serve to facilitate such practices? • What influences the choice of an individuals practice and the places they use in the city? The primary aim of this thesis is to explore the practices of the Polish community who have migrated to Birmingham. However, it is important to understand both the driving forces which encourage such practices and how Birmingham facilitates them for the community. Therefore, this thesis initially outlines how the participant sample, who are members of the Polish community associate with their ethnic identities through an exploration of components which relate to it, such as their beliefs, traditions and culture. By doing this, the paper is able to highlight and distinguish the importance of Polish identity to the community living in Birmingham. The second objective of this thesis is to understand how this is represented through practices the community undertakes and crucially how important these practices are to the community’s identity. The final
objective seeks to understand how such practices occur spatially across the city, by locating fundamental areas and sites which are key to the Polish community.
Structure of the thesis
This thesis investigates Polish migrant practices in the city of Birmingham. The fundamental matters concerning this, as demonstrated within the aims and objectives, are developed through eight chapters.
Chapter Two presents the theory underpinning this thesis. The analysis of the existing
theory and literature should not be considered comprehensive; it is a selected interpretation due to the complexity of the work which exists on the topic. Firstly, literature surrounding super-diversity is demonstrated, illustrating how the concept ties into institutional and immigrant group formations and what implications this creates for more on the ground sociological processes such as socio-spatialisation and spatial-socialisation. Further, the chapter reflects on themes which underpin the formation and development of ethnic identity by presenting components that are used frequently in an attempt to define the notion. Finally, scholars dealing with identity performance are highlighted in order to outline the possible repercussions and effects on an individual’s ethnic identity and their use of space.
Chapter Three: Presents the research design, methods and techniques applied when
undertaking the research for this thesis, meanwhile demonstrating some problems which were encountered in the fieldwork. Qualitative tools used to analyse the data gathered from the interviews with the Polish community are outlined. Furthermore, the chapter considers the influence of the positionality of the author as a male British researcher, who prior to this research, had not had any interaction with the Polish community. The chapters which follows present the analysis of the study.
Chapter Five: The chapter’s purpose is to act as a flowing narrative. Firstly, providing
the reader with a clear understanding about Birmingham’s Polish community. A variety of data sources have been brought together in order to illustrate the cities experience of Polish migration and how the participant sample sits within the context of it. Secondly, the chapter aims to demonstrate the spatial implications for both Birmingham and the community, by highlighting areas of the city which are important for the participant sample and key sites and institutions which provide opportunities for the individuals to reproduce their Polish identities through practices. Following on from here practices which were highlighted by the Polish community in this research are presented. These are examined in detail, leading on from the previous chapter links are made in reference to one’s overall association with their identity and what implications this may have for the practices they choose to undertake in Birmingham. Chapter Six: Presents the conclusion of the study. It brings together the crucial points of the analysis, emphasising the problems encountered during the course of the study and opportunities for further research. It recognises the important contributions that the work makes to the field of knowledge, in addition to wider public debates.
Chapter Two: Theoretical Framework
This chapter outlines the framework for the research, by presenting a variety of literature, which has been utilised as a guiding tool for the thesis. Firstly, research concerning super-diversity is presented, demonstrating how diverse urban environments function for the varied communities living within them. From here, the concept of ethnic identity and in particular how it is practiced is explored by outlining numerous perceptions, methodological deconstructions and by drawing on studies which hold similarities to this work.
In addition, Anssi Paasi’s (1996) book ‘territories, boundaries and consciousness: The
Changing Geographies of the Finnish-Russian Border’ was studied in preparation for this
research. The book highlights that boundaries and territorial units often prompt questions concerning how individuals or groups interact in their social spaces and importantly how such spaces manifest themselves in the lives of the individual or group. Therefore, such thoughts have inspired key discussions in the research. Particularly relating to understandings of social-spatialisation and spatio-socialisation and therefore, these ideas have been placed in the broader discussions of ethnic identity and super-diversity. By doing this, it has highlighted factors and approaches which are applicable for studying the Polish community in Birmingham, meanwhile enabling a demonstration of what contributions can be made to the debate.
Ever since the circulation of Vertovec’s (2007) article ‘Super-diversity and its implications’, the term has captured a considerable audience (Meissner, 2015). The notion of ‘super-diversity’ implies a multi-faceted view on the concept of diversity (Vertovec, 2007). The development of the concept not only surfaced in a period whereby
diversity relating to migration was celebrated, but also, at a time where studies focused intensely on migrations subsequent to World War II, which were controlled by a community rhetoric aided by discussions on multiculturalism and societal cohesion (Meissner, 2015; Flint and Robinson, 2008). Subsequently, research areas have concentrated on migrants from more diverse upbringings or on specific migration flows, such as the movements of international students (King, 2002) or existing migrant community sub-groups such as Polish elites who have moved to London (Kusek, 2015). An additional tendency for scholars has been to diverge from noticing ethnic diversity as remarkable. Many research projects have highlighted that living amongst high levels of ethnic diversity has become the norm for their research subjects (e.g. Wessendorf, 2010; Maalouf, 2012). Therefore, understanding societal dynamics whereby the day-to-day existence of variety triumphs, is rapidly growing into a captivating area of study.
As a consequence of the existing ambiguity which notoriously surrounds the topic of ‘super-diversity’ Meissner (2015: 558) reviewed a wide selection of papers, which the journal Ethnic and Racial Studies lists as citing Vertovec’s (2007) work in order to understand how the notion was initially embraced within academic literature. Meissner’s work concludes that there are four ways papers lean on the term ‘super-diversity’:
• Those utilising word but failing to clarify its purpose (17%) • To signify considerable ethnic diversity (38%)
• To recognise a requirement of the ‘multidimensionality in diversity’ (39%) • To empirically analyse (6%)
The variety of uses outlined in Meissner’s research indicates that ‘super-diversity’ has been used by many scholars but often it had failed to be operationalised efficiently. Furthermore, the way the term has been utilised and the breadth of research that it has captured has been particularly fascinating. Most notably, on a local scale where the literature studied has presented two dialogues concerning diversity. Although comparable, they differ somewhat in terms of the emphasis and angle in which they are presented. The first approach demonstrates the standardisation of diversity in people’s day-to-day lives and how this plays out in the ‘local’. Wessendorf (2014) coined this as ‘commonplace diversity’. Interestingly, the second dialogue makes a clear attempt to detach from the idea that one’s ethnicity is the leading classification of difference for individuals who reside in super-diverse environments. Wallman’s (1982) research, which took place in Battersea, an area in South London, aimed to demonstrate how ethnicity has little influence concerning people’s perceptions of ‘us’ and ‘them’. Instead Wallman’s study pointed out that factors such as a resident’s length of stay in the neighborhood, their active participation in community activities and regard concerning for example maintaining a respectable noise level, were indicators of somebody who was local or not. Therefore, Wallman’s work highlights that cultural difference should not be a sole indicator of diversity, just because it counts in one scenario does not mean it will hold the same weight in another. This leads on to a study by Wimmer (2004), who focused on ‘ethnic boundary making’ in numerous Swiss towns. The key element to the research is that the idea of ‘us’ or ‘them’ is distinguished by concepts of order and descent. Wimmer’s findings showed that older more established Swiss nationals understood younger Swiss arrivals in Basel as more foreign than the long-term Spanish and Italian migrants residing in the city. Interestingly,
term residents and newer arrivals in a small village in England. However, what is clear from the literature studied is as the environment becomes more diverse as do the relations and reactions to newcomers, making encounters far more pivotal. Such thinking is reinforced by Wessendorf’s (2013) work whereby she stated that in Hackney, established locals found it difficult to distinguish newcomers as the area was simply too dense and fluid to notice who was new, instead encounters and generally perceptions of behaviour was more telling.
Immigrants from Eastern Europe have been perceived as opportunists with the movement being labelled materialistic and for the improvement of personal economic conditions (Rabikowska, 2010). Such assertions both by scholars and the British media have fuelled the image of an uninformed, low skilled individual who migrates West in pursuit of an easier life by utilising manual jobs available within the new labour market (Moszczynski, 2008). When examining the context of the UK specifically, it has been claimed that an added incentive for new immigrants can be noticed within the countries welfare system. Systems such as these, secure support for the low skilled and unemployed, a benefit which is non-existent or vastly underdeveloped in post-Soviet countries such as Poland (Rabikowska, 2010).
Drawing from a phenomenological perspective, it has been recommended by Rabikowska (2010) that the multifaceted inequality amongst migrant’s means there is a requirement for the Polish community to be recognised as united. Consequently, the concept of ethnicity, which was not as apparent in Poland, actually promotes an understanding between the community which counters the recipient countries culture. Therefore, an individual’s Polish identity develops into a battle to be recognised by the host culture both at the individual and community level.
Scholars have suggested that there are multiple platforms when seeking to understand a standard of normality for the community, which include practices and performances. They have been studied on various sites such as in the home (Rabikowska, 2010) and online by Galasinska (2005). Whereas Ryan (2011) illustrated through detailed interviews with Polish individuals living in London how societal descriptions concerning the notion of Polishness operate as a means of inclusion and exclusion. The perceived normality of one group is not equal to the level of normality understood by those falling outside of the group, it is only when compared that they illustrate the capricious character or social norms. Therefore, a study focusing on one community, such as the Poles helps to understand the inner variances within the community and demonstrate the complex picture of normality. An example of this can be seen in Wrobel’s (1975) study which investigates the lives of working class Polish individuals living in the Detroit. Wrobel’s findings suggested that in spite of being third and fourth generation Poles the community often reproduced and were engrained in both Polish traditions and culture. For instance, it was highlighted that being a Polish American effected behaviour, choices and had further implications for gender and church practices. The literature which exists on day-to-day encounters has emphasised a great importance relating to the locations where people interact on a frequent basis. For example, local institutions such as churches, sports clubs, schools and socialising venues. Such encounters are claimed to have a positive attitude with regards to people’s opinions about one another. (Amin 2002: 989) refers to such locations as micro publics where interactions between individuals of mixed backgrounds occur. However, in this research it is important to understand how a migrant community reacts to certain encounters.
Therefore, it is important to understand what this means for the urban landscape itself as well as the many communities that it comprises.
Cities with a high concentration of migrants have often been locations where newly migrated individuals encounter groups which are established. Therefore, when encountering new restrictions “immigrants turn to their own networks to pool resources,
share information and construct new identities within receiving countries” (ibid, 2016:
879). It has been evidenced that when cities attract high numbers of immigrants, economies of scale consequently develop, which therefore sustain more group specific institutions like churches and general socialising venues. As such, these institutions provide both emotional and societal support for groups that are newly emerging (Coutin, 2003). An example of this can be noticed in Hamilton and Chinchilla’s (2001) study. The research illustrated how humanitarian and religious organisations assisted refugees from Central America in the city of Los Angeles during the 1980s. This enabled new migrants to establish their own organisations relating to their social and cultural needs. The mass numbers of Central American immigrants and the flourishing organisations resulted in fostering the production of parallel cultural worlds to mainstream Los Angeles society.
This example, aligns to Paasi’s (1996) theory of social spatialisation. Paasi claims communities manifest themselves in different ways on various spatial and historical scales and in various social contexts. Meaning, the idea of a place is not an experienced everyday environment, but instead a web of ‘spatio-temporal life connections’, these connections are bound to numerous locales and associate meanings which emerge from the basis of daily life. Therefore, instead of bounding spatial experience with some specific locality, different localities and their structures of expectations are bound to the
constitution of personal spatial practice and experience. Such a process explains why the extensive history of migration from Poland to the UK has created strong cultural and social infrastructures to support Poles.
On the other hand, spatial socialisation has been seen by Paasi (1996) as the discourse through which inhabitants become members of a group. He reports, that territorially bounded units adopt specific modes of thought and action and promote specific products of social spatialisation. Meaning, that the spatial context experienced by an individual or community bears an influence into the type of behaviours they exhibit. Using this notion as a departure point, a strong principal of classical urban sociology is the idea that cities are favourable environments for marginal groups, such as migrant communities to settle and prosper (Park and Burgess, 1921; Wirth, 1938; Saunders, 1986). Fischer (1975) highlights there are also damaging aspects of cities which in turn lead to social disorganisation. However, Fischer claims, such disorganisation consequently forms the reorganisation of new social groups. It is reinforced that, the greater numbers in cities makes room for the anonymity of its residents, which therefore weakens generic collective norms and tolerates the differing dispositions of residents which comprise the city. Meaning, such circumstances generate an ideal environment for emerging new subcultures. For example, migrants who carry a stigma may come up against more rigid social restrictions in a small town as the homogeneity of existing residents living there allows for more social control by established communities. The greater diversity of inhabitants in large cities deconstructs societal control mechanisms, which consequently provides greater space for new immigrants to form into new groups. It is important to note, Fischer does not merely suggest that cities are spaces of unrestricted freedom but that large numbers make it increasingly difficult for more established groups to assert
control of new members, therefore providing emergent communities with space to settle, cluster and develop.
An important feature of this research as outlined is understanding how Birmingham as a place creates a facilitating environment for the Polish community. Cities that boast strong community institutions establish ‘pull effects’ as individuals are attracted towards them for provision. However, as diverse urban environments entice more co-nationals, the community develops in complexity, and institutional strength. Therefore, enhancing the reputation of these cities as flourishing hubs of immigrant cultural and social life. This emerging environment results in a community network that can both connect cities and cross national boundaries. The further arrival of immigrants has been said to encourage competitiveness as they spur competition between discourses and organisations (Kloosterman, Rath, and van der Leun, 1999). Meaning, this encourages individuals to locate niches and innovative methods to prosper in a new and dense urban environment. This therefore results in an increased variability of institutions to provide the immigrant group with services and support, and a more robust discursive space to support the circulation of different ideas.
Undoubtedly, well studied notions such as space and place form a bedrock for the formation of identity. Paasi (1996) suggests that space should be noticed as a social product however, he declares that space is never produced, instead it incorporates things that are produced by encompassing interrelationships. In contrast, place is understood as abstraction which draws upon a person’s experience and meaning. Therefore,
meaning, it is consistently challenged and evolves during the life of the individual through
the everyday practices that people conduct, produce, and reproduce, informing their personal and group spatial identities.
Akerlof and Kranton (2002) suggest that identity is an individual’s feeling of self which is dependent on social classifications. Meaning, individuals often associate with people in some social categories, but in turn, distance themselves from those in others. Interestingly, Bergman (1975) claims that power actors, such as governments, institutions and classes define the socio-spatial boundaries of membership. Simultaneously, individuals of such societies often share ‘iconography’ which enables them to differentiate “insiders from outsiders and define the boundaries of the political
community in the discourse” (Bergman, 1975: 21).
Ethnic identity can be noticed as a measurement of the perceived belonging to a particular ethnic group (Epstein and Cohen, 2015). There exists a general understanding of ethnic identity among social science researchers, however, there is still no agreement on the components which whole-heartedly contribute to one’s ethnic identity. General components of ethnic identity have been said to relate to the subjective expression of one’s sense of belonging with the culture, beliefs and values of a specific social group (Unger, et al, 2002). Furthermore, language is often examined when investigating ethnic identity. Language fluency provides an individual with the opportunity to communicate with members of their new country and their members of origin (Epstein, et al, 1998). The interaction with another culture, is often seen as an attempt to coexist with people from elsewhere, this can cause people to alter their beliefs and customs for example, relating to food and entertainment choice. It has been claimed the cultural components most present in ethnic identity research are language, media, food preferences and social interaction (Laroche, et al, 2005 and Unger, et al, 2002).
Interestingly, studies of performance and practice have flourished into a multidisciplinary field. The area of focus tends to be on the attention of everyday
performances through investigations of patterns of day to day behaviour. The study of performance holds similarities to the works of Goffman (1959 & 1967) whereby he initiated the study of ‘micro-interactions’ and ways in which they contribute to the day to day social life of individuals. Goffman suggests that performance is the formation, demonstration or affirmation of an identity through an act. More recently, the notion of ethnicity has been acknowledged as a social construct. Butler’s (1999) work stated that gender is a sequence of identity performances, and that identity performances inherently incorporate mistakes. Therefore, Butler claims it is through the repetition of miss-performances that societal change occurs. What does this mean for ethnic identity? If they are established synchronously with gendered identities as Butler proposes, the nation, or Polishness in this case does not advance through merely order, but also through ‘ambivalent identity performances’ (Ullman, 2013: 224). Consequently, it should not be considered contentious to suggest that ethnic identity, much like gender, is performed, acted out and continuously reproduced in day to day life. Conclusion In conclusion, this chapter has reviewed a selection of academic literature relevant to minority groups in dense and mixed urban areas. The review departed from the concept of super-diversity. Birmingham, as outlined is an extremely multi-cultural metropolis. Therefore, examining the sociological processes which are understood to unfold in the context of diversity was a sensible starting point for the chapter. Keeping the research in mind, two thoughts were addressed. Firstly, examining the variety of social implications for groups living in such diverse environments and secondly the impact of groups like the Polish community on the urban landscape itself. Moving on from here, the second half of the chapter proceeded to outline how scholars understand
ethnic identity, its composition and applied a particular focus towards how everyday practices may be entwined with the concept.
The way groups encounter and interact with each other has demonstrated the importance of examining factors which rest outside of ethnicity. Clearly, there are various indicators of group membership, as alternate behaviour which may reinforce labels such as ‘us’ or ‘them’. Therefore, the thesis can contribute to a further understanding of how such mechanisms play out within one migrant community. Additionally, the review highlighted how cities with high levels of diversity are favourable locations for migrant groups. In particular as they enable the sustainment of important infrastructures such as socialising clubs, shops and churches.
What is clear, is that research is thin regarding how migrant practices occur spatially and of course how the spatial setting may influence practices also. Which draws on Paasi’s ideas relating to social spatialisation and spatial socialisation. Therefore, the fundamental contribution this paper wishes to make is to illustrate how certain areas of Birmingham resonate with the Polish community. Firstly, by highlighting components of the sites which are particularly crucial, for example particular infrastructures. But crucially the mechanisms, behaviours and sentiments which are underlying and are present at such locations.
Chapter Three: Methodology
This thesis is based on research surrounding the Polish community in the UK city of Birmingham. A location which is considered to be a thriving economic hub, where opportunities attract migrants of all socio economic levels and places of origin. The research examines ethnic identity in practice and performance, essentially observable or evidential responses in relation to a new socioculturally diverse environment. Therefore, it is imperative to understand 1) How this notion, or identity of Polishness is reproduced in day-to-day experiences and practices and importantly 2) Where in the city this occurs and how does Birmingham as a multi-cultural urban arena serve to facilitate such practices for the Polish community.
The approach to this research is qualitative, semi-structured interviews which have explored the experiences and day-to-day practices of the individual. The interviews also ran parallel with a participatory mapping exercise, which when combined, helped indicate the participant’s use of space, mechanisms and sentiments behind it. The findings presented in the result and discussion section of this thesis are from this stage of the research, entailing thirteen semi-structured interviews with fifteen participants in April and May 2016. Interviews have been transcribed using the software Atlas.ti, which identifies recurring patterns and themes within transcriptions.
Research Design
The research was constructed around a qualitative case study, it is however firstly important to highlight the epistemological and ontological elements which were considered before conducting the research. It was quickly understood that in order to tackle the research question the Polish communities experiences, behaviour and reasoning behind actions needed to be explored in depth. The researcher considers the
approach taken in this research to be predominantly deductive, as prior to conducting the research a clear operationalisation, interview guide and specific themes had already been identified through the use of existing literature and research. The semi-structured interviews undertaken by the participants were originally planned following the theoretical framework’s highlighted concepts and categories.
However, the researcher does acknowledge that some alternate methods were drawn upon, for example the concept of constructionism, which “displays constructed realities of
people in a particular setting, exploring their meanings and explanations” (Ritchie, et al,
2014: 19). Such thinking can certainly be noticed in this project, as the researcher is aiming to portray the day-to-day experiences of a particular community in a specific location. Additionally, this leads on to the concept named ‘subtle realism’, which has been eluded to by scholars Blaikie (2007) and Hammersley (1992). Subtle realism refers to thinking that reality is in fact noticed as something which unfolds independently of those who view it, although, it may only be accessed through the interpretations of people. Again, this is reflective of the position taken by the researcher which is a reliance on individuals who are experiencing, and carrying out practices which in turn construct elements of their ethnic identity.
Figure 3: Visualisation of Research Process
What? - How does the Polish community perform their ethnic identity through practices in the city of Birmingham?
Where? - Birmingham
Who? - Polish Immigrants
How? - Primary Data: Semi structured interviews, participatory mapping and observations
To supplement the theoretical framework outlined in Chapter 2, further primary and secondary data needs to be explored to fully tackle the research question. Secondary data was fundamental to this study, in both providing contextual detail and affirming the relevance of such work, which afforded a clear foundation to carry out field-based research. The semi-structured interviews and observations conducted in the field enabled detailed individual accounts of personal experiences relating to migration, Polish identity and how practices in the city resonate with such associations. The thought behind entwining the mapping approach with the semi-structured interviews was that it would allow the participant to ruminate and spatially visualise their everyday practices, which proved a useful tool for the researcher in the analytical stage of the study. Operationalisation Ethnic identity “refers to a sense of group or collective identity based on one’s perception that he or she shares a common heritage with a particular racial group” (Helms, 1993: 3).It
has been presented in the theoretical framework that there are many components of one’s ethnic identity. Further, it has been heavily linked with a group’s beliefs, culture and traditions (Laroche, et al, 2005 and Unger, et al, 2002). Therefore, these three components have been deconstructed further and been applied in the field in order to evaluate how deeply the Polish community associate as a group. It should be acknowledged, that the theoretical framework illustrated that there have been many suggested components by scholars, such as norms and values. Therefore, it is key to clarify the process of operationalising these concepts. As demonstrated, beliefs, culture and traditions have been noted comprehensively by numerous academics and have been functional and pragmatic themes within the research. Concepts such as one’s values or norms were considered and proved to be quite abstract in the qualitative research.
However, the nature of the semi-structured interviews permitted some exploration of these topics and new opportunities that arose during the process.
Following on from the research question, the fundamental exploratory aim of the research is the ethnic identity of the Polish migrants. The concept of ethnic identity has been deconstructed in line with the theoretical framework, which presented that an individual’s beliefs, traditions, values and culture have been reported as significant by various scholars. Within every exploratory aim the inquiry of ethnic identity and its four components shall be kept in mind. The first exploratory aim seeks to contextualise the participant sample, by highlighting variances in their life experience such as the time they have spent in Birmingham and their motivations for migrating. The second exploratory aim seeks to understand how members of the Polish community associate with their ethnic identities through an exploration of their beliefs, traditions, values and culture in the semi-structured interviews. Such an investigation will elude to the perceived importance of Polish identity amongst the participant sample. The third aim: is to understand what practices are typical of the Polish community, meanwhile drawing comparisons regarding how such practices relate and associate with the participant sample’s ethnic identities. The fourth aim: seeks to understand how such practices are undertaken spatially in the city of Birmingham, highlighting fundamental areas and locations within the city which are important to the Polish community. The practice of ethnic identity in relation to the city generally, particular sites, such as social clubs, the home and workplace will be utilised throughout the semi-structured interview process and supported by the use of the mental map.
The exploratory aims, dimensions and variables presented overleaf highlight the deconstruction of the research ques
Table 1: Operationalisation
Exploratory aim Dimensions
Explored Variables Method
Life experience of the Individual Past Migration experience, motivations and network Semi-structured Interviews Present Length of stay in Birmingham Ethnic identity Components Culture Language Forms of media Food preferences Social Interactions Semi-structured interviews Beliefs Religion Politics
Traditions Dress Holidays and Festivals Practices Use of Services The types of shops, businesses and general services used by participant Semi-structured interviews Work The type of employment and the people worked with by the participant Celebrations Significant days celebrated by the participant. E.g. Christmas & Easter Political Practices Political engagement Voting Religious
Practices Religious engagement Church visits Particular events How practices occur spatially Transnationally Practices engaged in in Poland Semi-structured interviews and mental mapping process Birmingham Presentation of use of space in the city by the community
Neighbourhoods Highlighting key areas
and their function Key sites and infrastructure Highlight specific sites and institutions which support Polish practices in the city
The operationalisation has been presented visually in Table 1. As illustrated, the life experience of the individual has been known to affect how somebody associates with their ethnic identity, for example, the period of time spent in Birmingham may alter how an individual associates with their feelings of Polishness. Therefore it is important to understand how the participant sample as a whole associate with their ethnic identity, the mechanisms behind such thinking and further how this is reflective in the practices undertaken by the community. Combining the information with the spatial exercise, whereby the participants inform key locations for their day-to-day lives facilitates an analysis regarding the areas, sites and more broadly how the city functions for the Polish community.
Secondary Data
A mixture of data collection methods were utilised within this research project. Secondary data was employed to contextualise Birmingham’s polish community, specifically national census statistics and local municipality data provided online. The census data sources provided information surrounding the population rise and level of the Polish community in Birmingham over time. Through combining information gained by the municipality and conducting an in depth web search numerous examples of Polish infrastructure in the city were located, for example, churches, shops and social clubs. Such examples were spatially mapped, through the use of GIS, which illustrated clustering examples and visually portrayed prominent Polish areas in the city. This initial research served to provide the contextual prominence and story of Polish migration to Birmingham and supplied a solid foundation to conduct research on the ground.
Figure 4: Locating Polish Infrastructure Exercises such as the above, using the secondary data available gave the researcher an idea of where to commence the research and the flavour of Polish infrastructure in the city. Primary Data
Before going into greater detail regarding each primary data method employed the researcher wishes to highlight some of the research considerations regarding the primary data collection process.
Firstly, a conscious effort was made to avoid researcher bias through a regular and rigorous focus on transparency, for example by recording a fieldwork diary. The fieldwork diary was used throughout the project, primarily to identify thoughts raised throughout the research process and importantly capture and record observations
accurately in the field. Other steps taken which helped avoid bias included having a fortnightly meeting with a thesis supervisor, who regularly encouraged and reinforced the importance of openness in the field interviews.
A multi-step snowball sampling method has been utilised in this research project. Research started in the Polish Millennium House due to its central location and its well known historical and cultural prominence in Birmingham. The researcher felt the centre would attract people from different socio-economic backgrounds due its proximity and services offered. From here, the manager of the site was approached for a preliminary discussion to hear about the history of the club and see if he and his co-manager would be willing to participate in the research. They agreed to facilitate, and act as key informants and network facilitators in the early stages of my research.
Throughout the project the snow ball sampling approach was crucial and worked well for this research. For example, many interactions led to a wider network of further participants. Maciek, who worked at the Polish social club introduced the researcher to his friend, a tattoo artist Rafal, who arranged for the researcher to interview Paula, who was also a Masters student and therefore was open to help with translating for one day during the fieldwork. Of course, snowballing can often produce a research sample which may be skewed, in the sense that it is a social network referring one another for the research. However, in this scenario, it enabled access to a wider range of Polish people who the researcher may not have been able to contact otherwise. Also, through the comfort offered by being referred by a trusted friend it sometimes enabled the researcher to join participants in a natural everyday activity once the formal interviews were over. The researcher joined participants on a brief shopping trip, an evening beer at a local bar
and an afternoon coffee and snack which provided a more natural setting, especially when conducting observations.
Observations
The observations conducted during the fieldwork phase made a fundamental contribution to the primary data presented in this thesis. The decision to incorporate observations stems from Lofland’s (1971) work; who asserts that field observations are particularly appropriate when studying groups, organisations and importantly their practices and relationships. Therefore, the implication drawn from this by the research was that these could be valuable for studying the Polish community in Birmingham. With this in mind, observations were made consistently throughout the research process. The researcher adopted a stance referred to by Gold (1997) as an ‘observer as participant’ as the researcher was completely open regarding his research aims and he approached each individual on that pretext. Inherently, conducting observations within the field involves delicate human interactions and therefore the exercise is often considered difficult to deconstruct into simplified steps. That being said, some scholars have aimed to indicate paths which observers should follow when incorporating observations into their research. Williamson et al (1977) suggested the following four stages:
Figure 5: Steps in Observation
Therefore, this framework was applied prudently to the project in order to structure the observations made and provide greater consistency to the research. The study applies a strong emphasis to the city of Birmingham. Meaning, there is an importance to not only demonstrate the numerous sites where observations were undertaken but the characteristics of them and reasoning for doing so.
Initially, observations were simply conducted at the organised locations of the semi-structured interviews such as the Polish club in the city centre and households of the participants. As the fieldwork and consequently the knowledge surrounding Birmingham’s Polish community developed, the researcher observed many areas throughout the city rather than ones purely entwined and associated with an interview visit. Established Polish neighbourhoods such as Acocks Green, Erdington and Handsworth were visited frequently both to make observations as well as to search for research participants. Such sites offered a variety of infrastructure which was aimed at the Polish community from small independent services like convenience stores, salons
and travel agents to larger multi-faceted institutions which provide many services for the Polish community such as the Polish Expatriates centre.
Locations where interviews had been arranged were comfortable and permitting. However, alternate sites such as smaller Polish enterprises varied greatly. For example, when visiting the Polish restaurant The Karzcama in Birmingham’s city centre, workers were unwilling to be interviewed yet they allowed the researcher to spend time there, taking notes and photographs, as demonstrated overleaf. Figure 6 The Karzcama Restaurant, Birmingham Observation notes that were taken and utilised included: the description of the location, the people at the location, and details of conversations with individuals and among individuals at such sites. This was then always followed by a recap session afterwards
whereby the researcher aimed to spend a short period writing a self-interpretation of what he had just observed. The researcher took accurate and detailed notes as objectively as possible at each site. This was because the researcher did not initially understand which data would be useful and significant for the results of the thesis. Therefore, all details were noted down and sorted at a later date alongside the participatory maps, photographs and transcribed interviews in order for them to be analysed with a fresh and importantly, a complete perspective when combined with all of the data acquired throughout the process. Semi-structured Interviews and Participatory Mapping The semi-structured interviews in collaboration with the participatory mapping exercise were the two key tools used for the collection of the primary data in this research. Semi-Structured Interviews Semi-structured interviews have been defined “as an interview in which the researcher asks open questions relating to a predetermined range of themes, listed in a topic guide”
(Seale, 2012: 594). This was particularly attractive for this research as it enabled the researcher to ask questions flexibly. Matthew and Ross (2010) claim that this method is particularly useful in that it allows the researcher room to investigate topics raised by the participant that were previously unexpected or not considered.
Overall, the semi-structured interviews allowed a greater understanding of the participant sample’s ethnic identity as well the mechanisms which reinforce it and how it has developed over time. As raised, the method provided room for both the participant to raise topics which they feel may be relevant to the research and for the interviewer to build on findings as the research unfolded. The questions in the interviews were framed around three themes. The personal background of the participant, components of the
participant’s ethnic identity and the participant’s use of space in the city. Emphasis was placed on where certain practices take place in the city.
The semi-structured interviews aimed to encourage participants to speak as organically and comfortably as possible. This was considered by the researcher to be a strong position as participants may be inclined to be more honest about a statement if the topic has not been put to them directly. There were certainly differences between many of the interviews conducted, some participants were extremely fluent and comfortable answering the questions where others often required guidance facilitation around the subject. As the research project unfolded it became evident that a large section of Birmingham’s Polish community were unable to speak English and represented a different group to the individuals the researcher had initially been able to gain access to. A recurrent theme in the early fieldwork findings was that participants were often stating alternate answers and experiences may be given from residents who were unable to speak English. Luckily, one participant interviewed by the researcher agreed to spend a day in the field with in order to translate for non-English speakers in multiple locations in Birmingham. The Polish centre and multiple shops were visited in order to talk to both workers and individuals using the services. These interviews were very impromptu in nature, however it should be noted that translation may have lost validity as the researcher was unable to speak Polish.
Out of the thirteen interviews conducted 10 lasted between 40 minutes and 1 hour. The longer interviews were with accomplished English speakers who completed the mapping exercise. The shorter interviews were both the group interview and the two interviews with non-English speaking Poles whereby the mapping exercise was excluded. The mapping exercise was excluded not because of language but because the interviews were
conducted in the participants working environment and therefore not as much time was available. However, due to the researcher’s preparation, questions relating to space were prepared and incorporated in the interview. Therefore, the participants who did not take part in the mapping exercise were still able to make valuable contributions in relation to this aspect of the research. Other sites in the city where the interviews were conducted, included people’s homes, workplaces and two Polish clubs, the Polish Millennium House and the Polish Expats Centre. Participatory Mapping Exercise The mapping process had two purposes. Firstly, it enabled a location of Polish services and individuals, which was crucial to the overall data collection within the project. However, it was primarily used as a tool in the project for the interviews to better understand the participant’s perception of how they use the city. Participants were given a map of Birmingham, which marked boundaries between different areas and also highlighted numerous locations of Polish infrastructure throughout the city, aimed to give the participant sample some perspective if they were unsure where certain places were located. Participants engaged with the map in a variety of ways, either by writing on it, or by drawing shapes to illustrate important sites.
Figure 7: Participatory Mapping Example Participant Sample The identified group for the field-based research were Polish migrants who presently lived in Birmingham; principally, individuals who had been born and raised in Poland, before migrating. There was no boundary relating to length of time an individual had been living in Birmingham, however the majority of participants migrated after Poland’s EU accession in 2004. Furthermore, the researcher did aim to apply a strict gender
balance to remove that area of bias, this was achieved as eight females and seven males formed the participant sample. Table 2: Participant Table Participant Nickname Participant Number
Age Occupation Gender Length/Type of Interview
Michael 1 27 Works at Polish Millenium House Male In depth interview with mapping process 53 minutes 27 seconds
Ryan 2 29 Tattoo Artist Male In depth interview with mapping process 1 hour 3 minutes 14 seconds
James 3 76 Violin Maker Male In depth interview with mapping process 49 minutes 33 seconds Allanah 4 37 Yoga Teacher/ Interpreter Female In depth interview with mapping process 50 minutes 52 seconds Megan 5 42 Works at Polish Millennium House Female In depth interview with mapping process 55 minutes 12 seconds Phillipa 6 31 Student/ Interpreter Female In depth interview with mapping process 54 minutes 50 seconds John 7 43
Labourer Male Brief group interview with two workers in the business
22 minutes 42 seconds
Andy 8 23 Labourer Male Brief group interview with two workers in the business 22 minutes 42 seconds Maria 9 65 Polish Travel agent Female In depth interview with mapping process 43 minutes 12 seconds Rosie 10 38 Works at Polish expats centre Female In depth interview with mapping process 45 minutes 5 seconds Alice 11 41 Works at Polish expats centre Female In depth interview with mapping process 57 minutes 36 seconds Charlotte 12 35 Works in
Polish Salon Female Non-English speaker Translator Used Mapping Exercise dropped Ashley 13 32 Hotel Manager Male Short interview
Mapping exercise dropped due to nature 18 minutes 43 seconds
Harriet 14 54 Works in
Polish Salon Female Non-English speaker Translator Used Mapping Exercise dropped
Luka 15 46 Lorry Driver Male In depth interview with mapping process 33 minutes 15 seconds
Data Analysis Method
The researcher is keen to acknowledge that the categories drawn from the theoretical literature studied have influenced the interpretation of the fieldwork. However, there has been a consistent and applied focus towards remaining as open as possible to new themes which surface from the participants studied and crucially following up such findings up in proceeding interviews. In terms of the management and technicalities involved in analysing the data, the semi-structured interviews were recorded on a mobile phone, using apples voice memo application, and this facilitated each interview to be transcribed accurately. After this, all interview transcripts were thematically coded using Atlas ti. Each transcript was initially explored and broad codes were created. These broader codes were then collectively reviewed and refined in accordance with the research question. This process allowed the researcher to remove data which was irrelevant. Any information which was excluded from the transcripts either had no relevance to the study or was because of, for example an interruption during the interview such as a telephone call. After this process was complete the researcher combined all documents, including field notes made and photographs. Recurring concepts and ideas were identified, such as key sites, practices and overall experiences of the migrants, which allowed all data to be brought together and provided a schematic base for the analysis.
Researchers Positionality and Limitations to the Study
The limitations of this thesis relate to the participant sample, the city of Birmingham, the chosen method and the limits of the researcher. The researcher acknowledges the importance of demonstrating some of the key issues in this project. Of course, more
limitations exist than the ones illustrated, the following simply highlights some of the key concerns.
A research sample of this size comes with clear and inherent limitations. Firstly, regarding generalisability, a participant sample of fifteen individuals cannot be considered representative of a community of around 10,000 people. As the author of the research is a white, non- Polish speaking, British university student it is important to recognise personal internal and external status, as it has been claimed that one’s background reflects onto the participants involved in the study and can therefore affect the responses the researcher is given (England, 1994; Rose, 1997). This has also been acknowledged by Easterby-Smith and Malina (1999), stating a researcher who shares the nationality with the study group may provide a greater understanding of their own past experiences and culture. The English use in the interviews could have made the participants in the study feel constrained and not able to fully represent themselves. A further potential problematic element to this research is the fact that the researcher is from the area. Therefore, the participants may feel like they need to portray Birmingham in more positive light than how they actually feel.
Furthermore, the participant sample interviewed should be understood to have both a high social and economic status particularly when compared to other migrant communities across the world. For example, much of the sample benefited from Poland’s EU accession and therefore maintain clear rights to legally live and work in England. Which is not something many migrant communities can claim access to. Therefore, a study with an alternate migrant community, which has not arrived from another EU country may shed light on differing experiences such as stigmatisation and limited access to employment and welfare. A further concern relating to the participant sample is the
