Rituals between tradition and globalization : A case study of harmful practices and girls' education in the Amhara region, Ethiopia

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Rituals between tradition and globalization

A case study of harmfuOSUDFWLFHVDQGJLUOV¶HGXFDWLRQLQ

the Amhara region, Ethiopia

Master thesis | Jasmijn van Holsteijn

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Rituals between tradition and globalization: A case study of harmful practices

DQGJLUOV¶HGXFDWLRQLQ the A mhara region, E thiopia

MSc International Development Studies

Graduate School of Social Sciences

Thesis submitted on the 16th_{of August 2015 in part fulfilment of a Master of Science in International}

Development Studies. Supervisor: dr. E.A.J. Miedema Second reader: dr. J. Olthoff Cover picture: Jasmijn van Holsteijn

Date: August 2015

Jasmijn van Holsteijn 10809600

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Acknowledgements

I would like to express my deepest appreciation to the people who supported and believed in me during the past few months and who gave me the opportunity to complete this thesis. First of all, I am grateful to all who have participated in this research and who took the time and effort to share their life, thoughts, and experiences with me. This thesis could not have been written without NGO and government professionals, female students, teachers and school directors in and around Bahir Dar. Special thanks to the young women I interviewed at primary schools who gave me an insight in their personal lives and provided motivation to write about this topic. They showed me that, despite the problems they encounter in everyday life, they are strong and powerful and positive about the future. I would like to dedicate this research to them since they are a huge source of inspiration to me and I wish that all their ambitions and dreams may come true.

Also, I would like to thank the staff members of DEC for their friendly and generous reception at the office and the invitations to their homes and families. I offer my special thanks to Aynalem, office manager Bahir Dar, for his time, arrangements and concerns during my research project and stay in Bahir Dar. In addition, I wish to express my appreciation to Herman Kruijer from Edukans/Educaids for linking me to DEC, Ethiopia and Mr. Aniley Amentie, director DEC, for giving me the opportunity to conduct my research in cooperation with his organization.

At the UvA, I would like to express my sincere gratitude to Esther Miedema, my first supervisor, for her continuous commitment, patience and feedback during the writing process. She provided guidance when I faced difficulties during my fieldwork period and she gave me the courage to continue my research in Bahir Dar. Thank you for your encouraging words and support. Also, I would like to express my thankfulness to Marielle who warmly welcomed me to Ethiopia, DEC, and her friends and made my stay in Addis Ababa comfortable. Furthermore, I am grateful that Jacobijn Olthoff was willing to take up the job as second reader.

My parents deserve a special word of thanks since they have supported me throughout my education and in many other parts of my life. Despite their concerns during my fieldwork, they strongly supported and believed in me throughout my stay. I am thankful for their appreciation and all the conversations that encouraged me at moments I needed it. Likewise, I thank my brother, sister and close friends for expressing their faith in me. Particular thanks to my fellow anthropologist and dear friend Anouk for listing to my stories and visiting me in Ethiopia. She made my fieldwork ±in the end- a pleasant experience.

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Abstract

Women take in a secondary role in Ethiopia, which becomes visible in various aspects of the society, such as the labour market, the school and the household. This study investigates how harmful practices DQG\RXQJZRPHQ¶VHGXFDWLRQDOSDUticipation can be understood against the backdrop of the gender hierarchy in the Amhara region. At present research that engages with both the constraints young women face and their capabilities to confront barriers in order to ensure their educational participation appears to be limited. In addition, the cultural side of harmful practices in the study area is not yet researched much. This thesis focuses on the stories and perceptions of 31 primary school-aged girls residing in the rural area. Furthermore, 3 teachers, 3 school directors and 12 NGO and government professionals were interviewed in order to contextualize the interviews with the young women. The findings show that young women face a number of barriers regarding their educational participation, such as discouraging perceptions in the community, many household responsibilities and early marriage, but they develop several coping strategies to actively challenge the existing norms and practices that hinder their educational access and attainment. As a result of education, young women EHFRPHDZDUHRIER\V¶ DQGJLUOV¶LQHTXDOLW\DQGRIWKHSUHYDOHQWKDUPIXOSUDFWLFHVLQWKHFRPPXQLW\ They do not easily accept their subordination anymore and the practices to which they are exposed. The Ethiopian governmHQW DFNQRZOHGJHV WKH LPSRUWDQFH RI JLUOV¶ HGXFDWLRQ DQG LQWHUYHQWLRQV DUH introduced to help girls to succeed in their education. The young women in the study are offered more support nowadays at the national and local level compared to the past and they are not as helpless and powerless as often described in literature about the topic.

Keywords JHQGHU JLUOV¶ HGXFDWLRQ ULWXDOV KDUPIXO WUDGLWLRQDO SUDFWLFHV (WKLRSLD 6XE-Saharan Africa.

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List of figures and acronyms

Figures

Figure 1 Initial conceptual scheme ««««««««««««««««««««««24 Figure 2 Operationalization table «««««««««««««««««««««25 Figure 3 Revised conceptual scheme «««««««««««««««««««««72 Maps

Map 1 Bahir Dar, Ethiopia «««««««««««««««««««««««««27

Acronyms

CEDAW Convention on the Elimination of

All Forms of Discrimination Against Women CSO law Charities and Societies Proclamation

DEC Development Expertise Center EFA Education for All

FGM Female Genital Mutilation HTPs Harmful Traditional Practices ILO International Labour Office MDGs Millennium Development Goals NGO Nongovernmental organization STDs Sexually Transmitted Diseases

WCEFA World Conference on Education for All WHO World Health Organization

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1. Introduction

1.1 F rom local tradition to global concern

On Sunday the 26th_{of July 2015 the US president Barack Obama ended his visit to Kenya with a}

speech that condemned female genital mutilation and other ǲbad traditionsǳ that treat women as second-class citizens and do not give them the same opportunities as men (Smith, 2015). He emphasized that the situation in African countries where people still hide behind arguments defending tradition and culture need to change (Smith, 2015). Obama said the following in his speech:

Treating women as second-class citizens is a bad tradition: it holds you back. There is no excuse for sexual assault or domestic violence, there is no reason that young girls should suffer genital mutilation, there is no place in a civilised society for the early or forced marriage of children. These traditions may go back centuries; they have no place in the 21st century (cited in Smith, 2015).

Obama continued by stating that ǲjust because something is part of your past does not make it rightǳ (cited in Smith, 2015). In addition he emphasized the economic consequences of ignoring the role of women in society:

Any nation that fails to educate its girls or employ its women and allow them to maximise their potential is doomed to fall behind the global economy. We are in a sports centre: imagine if you have a team and do not let half of the team play. That is stupid. That makes no sense (cited in Smith, 2015).

This speech of Obama is illustrative of the attention that is currently paid to cultural practices, which are acknowledged to be harmful to women in particular and which are considered not to be appropriate in the present time. However, besides Kenya there are many other African countries where women and girls are exposed to harmful practices based on discriminatory values and where traditions continue to be practiced, despite their harmful effects. This stud\ IRFXVHV RQ (WKLRSLD RQH RI .HQ\D¶V QHLJKERXULQJFRXQWULHVZKLFKLVFRQVLGHUHGDVRQHRI$IULFD¶VPRVWWUDGLWLRQ-bound societies in which gender inequalities are prevalent (OECD, 2010).

This thesis LQYHVWLJDWHVKRZKDUPIXOSUDFWLFHVDQG\RXQJZRPHQ¶VHducational participation can be understood against the backdrop of the gender hierarchy in the Amhara region in Ethiopia. Girls and women in this region have a secondary role in society and their rights are often violated. Many of their lives are marked by less education and employment opportunities and less property ownership than the lives of men (OECD, 2010). This thesis will focus on primary school-aged girls residing in the rural area and will provide an insight in their stories and everyday life experiences regarding gender inequality, educational participation and harmful practices. Ultimately the findings in

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this thesis show that primary school-aged girls develop several coping strategies to actively try to challenge the existing norms and practices that hinder their educational participation.

This introductory chapter will describe the attention paid to this topic by the international community (1.2) and education and harmful practices in the context of Ethiopia will be discussed (1.3). The chapter presents the academic and practical relevance of the study (1.4), and finally, an outline of the thesis chapters (1.5).

1.2 International agreements

Since we find ourselves in a globalizing world, activists and policy-makers do not only identify and correct problems in their own community, city or nation but they also address problems in other parts of the world (Boyle, 2002). Much attention is paid in recent years to the importance of gender equality, which is presented as a necessary and progressive step for all nations in their development process. Arguments for the importance of gender equality are that women represent 50 percent of the population and that including them into the development process will bring economic and social benefits to the whole VRFLHW\3DUWLFXODUHPSKDVLVHVLVJLYHQWRWKHSURPRWLRQRIJLUOV¶HGXFDWLRQWKDWLV seen as a tool which can make a major contribution to the promotion of gender equality and the elimination of harmful discriminatory practices in society (Arnot & Fennell, 2008).

*LUOV¶HGXFDWLRQLVSXWKLJKRQWKHJOREDODJHQGDVLQFHPRUHWKDQSHUFHQWRIRXW-of-school children are girls. Wolfe (2014) reported that 33 million fewer girls than boys worldwide are attending primary school in 2013. In particular girls from poor families in rural areas have dramatically fewer years in school than girls from middle-income or upper-income households (Unterhalter, 2014). The UN Millennium Development Goals (MDGs) and the agenda of Education for All (EFA) tried to achieve universal primary education and called for gender equality in education by 2015. In addition, the rights of children all over the world are guaranteed in the Convention on the Rights of the Child and number of international human rights instruments addresses discrimination against women with the most important one being the Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination Against Women (CEDAW) (GADN, 2013). However, despite these international agreements, discriminatory cultural practices are still prevalent in many societies, including Ethiopia.

1.3 Education and harmful practices in the context of Ethiopia

Ethiopia is a country with a fast-growing economy that has made extraordinary progress in bringer greater development and other opportunities to its citizens (Smith, 2015). It is the second most populated nation on the African continent with a population of about 96,5 million people (World Bank, 2014). Ethiopia is also one of the least urbanized countries of Sub-Saharan Africa with more than 80 percent of the population residing in rural areas (Tesegne & Sisay, 2014). The country has a traditional focus on agriculture, which is also the main contributor to the economy and accounts for 40

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percent of its economy (UN-HABITAT, 2008). Ethiopia aspires to create a middle-income and knowledge-based society by 2025 and the country shows a remarkable annual GDP growth rate of 7.4 percent compared to a growth rate of 4.7 percent in Sub-Saharan Africa (World Bank, 2014). The Ethiopian government is a signatory of global conventions and has made steady progress in the adaptation of international agreements into the Ethiopian legal system. Among these conventions are the MDGs, the CEDAW and the Convention on the Rights of the Child (Ministry of Education, 2010).

Education has a central place in the current development strategy of the country and the government spends more than 4.7 percent of GDP on education, which is more than most other countries in Sub-Saharan Africa (UN Data, 2014; UNICEF, 2013). To change attitudes towards women in development, special emphasis is given to gender issues in the curriculum design and the recruitment of female teachers (EFA Global Monitoring Report, 2015; Rose, 2003). The enrolment rate has increased significantly for both boys and girls since the early 1990s when the new government came into power and gender parity has also improved at the primary level. The primary school net enrolment between 2008-2012 was 90.4 percent for males and 84.4 percent for females according to UNICEF statistics (2013). However, only 47.3 percent of boys and girls enrolled actually finish primary education. Educational access and attainment are much higher among the urban population than among the rural population (Central Statistical Agency and ICF International, 2012).

6RPH DGYHUVH FXOWXUDO IDFWRUV WKDW DUH SDUWLFXODUO\ SUHYDOHQW LQ UXUDO DUHDV FRQVWUDLQ JLUOV¶ educational enrolment, persistence and performance (Mjaaland, 2013). Because of the low socioeconomic status of women and the low value of female voices in Ethiopia, girls are often forced to undergo harmful practices (Yirga et al., 2012). This thesis will closely consider four practices ±high workload, early marriage, female genital mutilation (FGM) and tattooing. These practices are prevalent in the study area and negatively affect girls and women. The Ethiopian government is increasingly recognizing these problems and laws have been established against FGM, early marriage and child labour. However, gender arrangements in the country are not yet changing significantly and (WKLRSLDLV UDQNHG IRXUWK ZRUVW LQ WKH ZRUOG E\ 81'3¶V *HQGHU 5HODWHG 'HYHORSPHQW ,QGH[ 81-HABITAT, 2008).

Since the implementation of the Charities and Societies Proclamation (CSO law) that was enacted in 2009, the Ethiopian government regulates the extent to which nongovernmental organizations (NGOs) are allowed to speak about and work on human rights issues. If organizations receive more than 10 percent of their funds from foreign resources, they are prohibited to be engaged in activities related to human rights. This makes Ethiopia a difficult context for NGOs that are involved in human rights issues and advocacy of the rights of women and children to operate effectively (Human Rights Watch, 2014). In addition, the law makes the claim of the Ethiopian government that they want to protect human rights questionable, because human rights organizations can no longer reach the most vulnerable (Human Rights Watch, 2014).

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1.4 Research rationale

It will be revealing and developmentally relevant to discern how primary school-aged girls utilize several coping strategies to overcome obstacles they encounter in everyday life and get around constraining norms in order to continue their education. In terms of academic relevance, at present research that engages with the capabilities of young women to confront barriers and the crucial role they play in ensuring their educational participation appears to be limited. Young women are often portrayed as helpless and vulnerable, but there is a gap in knowledge about coping strategies of primary school-aged girls. Mentioned here are two studies that criticize the representation of girls in Sub-Saharan Africa and that support the findings in this study. The first one by MacDonald (2015), who already noted that girls are often portrayed in development as ignorant, poor and victimized instead of being positioned as capable and powerful, and the second one by Mulugeta (2004), who emphasized that young women are represented as devoid of agency and affected by culture.

The practical relevance of the research relates to addressing and reducing harmful practices. Most international interventions and policy initiatives take a legal approach in order to eradicate harmful practices. However, despite various resolutions and national laws many young women are still subject to discriminatory practices which implies that a solely legal approach is not effective. Therefore, most researchers in the field agree on the fact that educational incentives and community awareness programmes are the most important tools in the eradication of harmful practices (Assefa et al., 2005; Masho & Matthews, 2009; Yirga et al., 2012). Currently emphasis is primarily on teaching DERXW µEDG FRQVHTXHQFHV¶ RI YDULRXV SUDFWLFHV EXW LW Ls also essential for governments and international organizations to have a clear understanding of the underlying causes of harmful practices and thus to focus on the context in which they are exercised and why they are often resistant to change.

The cultural side of harmful practices in the study area is not yet researched much. There are a number of studies (Assefa et al., 2005; Boyden, 2012; Erulkar & Muthengi, 2009) that investigate in reasons for harmful practices in Ethiopia in general, but not specifically in the Amhara region. Gaining better insight in the reasons and cultural background underlying these practices are, therefore, expected to contribute to the knowledge base of organisations such as the Development Expertise Center (DEC), the NGO I cooperated with. This research is expected to contribute to further improving the design and approach taken in programmes such as the DEC Girl Power project and to WDUJHW RWKHU UHOHYDQW SURJUDPPHV UHJDUGLQJ JLUOV¶ HGXFDWLRQ DQG KDUPIXO SUDFWLFHV 7KH UHVHDUFh is particularly valuable because the perceptions and stories of primary school-aged girls are central in this study. At present DEC lacks insight in the opinions of young women to whom the project is aimed.

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1.5 Structure of the thesis

The thesis is divided into six main chapters, with the first chapter setting out the research context and relevance as described above. The second chapter addresses the theoretical framework which presents the three main concepts ± JHQGHU KLHUDUFK\ JLUOV¶ HGXFDWLRQ DQG ULtuals and harmful practices ± on which this research is based. The third chapter will set out the research questions, conceptual scheme, operationalization table and addresses methodological considerations and methods used to describe how data have been collected in the field. In addition, the chapter will elaborate on the limitations and main challenges experienced during the fieldwork period and the ethical considerations will be discussed. The fourth chapter will present the empirical findings which results from the research, followed by the fifth chapter in which the relationship between literature discussed in the theoretical chapter and the empirical data resulting from the fieldwork period will be considered in relation to each other in order to answer the main research question. The sixth chapter concludes the thesis by summarizing the key points of the study in relation to the field of international development. Research implications and limitations are described, and recommendations for future research are provided.

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2. Theoretical framework

This section presents the three main concepts on which this research is based. First, it elaborates on the concept of gender, and in particular the notion of gender hierarchy (2.1). The second part describes the various constrains girls face in relation to education (2.2). Finally the relationship between rituals and the idea of what are often defined as harmful traditional practices (HTPs) is discussed with a special focus on four practices: high workload, early marriage, FGM and tattooing (2.3).

2.1 Gender hierarchy

As Butler (1999) observes, the concepts sex and gender are often used interchangeable while in fact these terms have different meanings. While sex refers to the biological differences between the male and female body, gender is usually used to denote the social construction of masculine and female roles, or men¶s and women¶s personalities. Although gender can be seen as a social construction, it involves a specific relationship with the body according to Connell (2009). Although there is more similarity than difference between bodily processes and capacities of women and men, it is remarkable that the masculine is consistently higher valued than the feminine. This would suggest that gender differences are not only an expression of natural differences but also of social norms. Therefore, Connell (2009) defines gender as the ³structure of social relations that centers on the reproductive arena, and the set of practices that bring reproductive distinctions between bodies into social processes´ (p. 11).

Gender is about identities, relationships, boundaries and practices that are constantly created in social processes. Gender is multi-dimensional and not just about differences, but also about hierarchy, power and inequality. Gender is situational in the sense that gendered roles and expectations are created in some situations, but overridden in others. Even though male and female roles vary from society to society, most gender orders around the world privilege men and disadvantage women (Connell, 2009). The economic sphere, which is culturally defined as a men¶s world, is seen as superior to domestic life, which is culturally defined as a women¶s world (Webley, 2012). Women are usually expected to do domestic tasks and to have primary responsibility for rearing children whereas men are responsible for wage earning and the provision of essential materials for the family. In addition, women are more associated with the body than men are, because of their reproductive role (Chilisa & Ntseane, 2010).

Connell (1987) identifies three aspects of society that interact to form a gender order: labour, power and cathexis. The sexual division of labour is determined by unequal wages, discrimination and the organisation of child rearing and domestic work. Power refers to authority and control, institutional and interpersonal violence and sexual regulations. Cathexis includes the emotional and sexual social relationships between men and women. Those who benefit from inequalities have an

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interest in defending them. Gender hierarchies are therefore introduced and actively defended in many cases and they are not just tradition or a self-reproducing system according to Connell (2009). Not only men, but also women play a role in maintaining gender relationships that discriminate against women (Arndt, 2002).

Though gender arrangements often seem unchangeable, they have been found to be dynamic and subject to change (Connell & Messerschmidt, 2005; Deutsch, 2007). Women¶s status has improved considerably in many societies in the last century, but women¶s subordination remains apparent in many aspects of social life. According to Connell (2009) and Arnot & Fennell (2008) the current gender order does more harm than good, therefore it should be changed. The harm of gender is most visible in systems of inequality in which especially girls and women are discredited, exploited and made vulnerable to abuse, such as domestic violence, rape and early marriage. Gender inequality also affects access to and the quality of education and it can act as a considerable barrier to education, especially for girls (Chisamya et al., 2012).

2.2 *LUOV¶HGXFDWLRQ

Since the 1990s, gender inequality in education has received considerable attention from international agencies. At the 1990 World Conference on Education for All (WCEFA) the focus was mainly on the importance of female education because of the critical role it is supposed to play in the social and economic development of a country. The demands for gender equality in education were also encapsulated in the MDGs that had to be achieved by 2015 (Arnot & Fennell, 2008). Despite international and national efforts to improve girls¶ educational participation, worldwide there are still 33 million fewer girls attending primary education than boys as mentioned in chapter 1 (Wolfe, 2014). Many of the problems that girls face in relation to their education are related to and reinforced by gender relations in their society. For this reason, it is important to develop an understanding of the various factors that influence access to, and quality of, education in the context of Sub-Saharan Africa (Wolfe, 2014).

Political constraints

Connell (2009) mentions that the state can be seen as central to wider structures of gendered power relations since the state makes the policies concerning gender issues. Arnot & Fennell (2008) argue that equality reforms that seriously challenge gender power relations need to be implemented by a strong national government, often with the help of NGOs and private sector agencies, which leads to effective implementation through locally administered gender equality programmes. However, these assumptions are difficult to maintain in contexts were states have weak central power and are facing regional and national conflicts and fiscal crises. Besides that, the political will and recognition of the importance of attaining education for all is often lacking. Governments do not always acknowledge

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the need for girls¶ education and there is sometimes a low commitment to finance universal primary education. Even governments that have a strong commitment to gender equality policies in education sometimes find it difficult to achieve actual change, because the gender attitudes and norms in society do not appear to shift substantially (Unterhalter, 2011).

It is hard to improve gender equality in contexts where discriminatory laws and regulations exist, for example about women¶s access to the labour market, marriage and ownership of land. Changes in both institutional practices as in social relations are needed to achieve gender equality in education (Nekatibeb, 2002). In addition, cultural practices and rituals that influence girls¶ education or confirm their secondary position in society need to be targeted for intervention too. Lastly, the limited participation and representation of women in politics may also have a negative impact on girls¶ education.

Economic constraints

Hunt (2008) describes that children from better off, urban, households are more likely to attend and remain in school than to those who are from poorer, rural, families. One of the main reasons for parents for not educating their children are the schooling costs, such as registration fees, exercise books, pens, transportation costs and the necessary clothing for school (Nekatibeb, 2002). When parents face financial difficulties, for example prior to the harvest in rural areas, they give preference to the education of their sons. Boysǯ education is considered a better investment, because gender discrimination in the labour market reduces the average earnings of women relative to men. Many jobs are both formally and informally reserved for males in many societies which lead to limited employment opportunities for females. When families learn that the economic returns of girls are low and that women are often excluded from the labour market and there above earn less than men, girls will be kept at home (Colclough et al., 2000; Rose & Al-Samarrai, 2001).

In addition, many parents perceive schooling for girls as unnecessary since they are expected to marry and take care of their households (Duflo, 2012). To fulfil these roles, girls need to learn how to cook, clean and farm, which are skills that are by most parents not viewed as learned best at school. When girls marry, they leave home and move into the husband¶s household, thus bringing the benefits of education to the husband¶s family rather than to her own family. This also restricts the perceived need for the continuation of schooling (Hunt, 2008).

Rose & Al-Samarrai (2001) argue that parents¶ investment decision is also based on birth order and the number of children they have. Older girls are less likely to be enrolled than younger girls because of the higher demands for their labour. When families rely on their children as a source of labour, they lose the benefits of the labour when they send them to school. Women and girls often have to perform household chores and they take on the bulk of domestic work, which includes the care of younger brothers and sisters, food production, fetching water and collecting fuel wood. The

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demands on their time are greater than on boysǯ time, which has an effect on their school attendance and the ability to undertake extra-curricular activities (Nekatibeb, 2002).

Cultural constraints

Cultural practices that play a significant role in decisions to withdraw girls from school in countries such as Ethiopia are initiation ceremonies. Initiation ceremonies, or rites de passages, are ceremonies that mark the transition from childhood to adulthood. The preparations and the actual ceremony may overlap with the school calendar, which can increase absenteeism and potential dropout from school. The start of menstruation is another reason for girls to become dropouts (Hunt, 2008).

In poorer countries distance to school has been another deterrent for girls¶ education. The fear of parents for sexual harassment and abduction of their daughter on the way to or at school are reasons why parents refuse to send their daughters to school or why girls are forced to leave school when they reach adolescence. These girls will be at risk to become pregnant and in many societies the pregnancy of unmarried girls is considered as culturally shameful (Colclough et al., 2000). Parents do not see the benefits brought to the household compared to the sacrifices needed and to the safety concerns to their children (Boyle et al., 2002; EFA Gobal Monitoring Report, 2015).

In societies were few females are educated, girls do not have role models to look up to and parents do not always understand that educational success in school involves more than only attending class. Hunt (2008) argues that in particular uneducated parents often have little or no understanding of the benefits of education. Parents have lower expectations for girls than for boys, which can actively discourage girls¶ educational aspirations. Nekatibeb (2002) emphasises that the wider norms and beliefs in society concerning the secondary position of women and socialization process in which women are constantly presented as subservient wife and mother can also affect the performance, self-image and future aspirations of girls.

School constraints

Despite increased enrolment and success for girls in many countries since the last decade, girls encounter gender discrimination from their families, communities and within school. Girls may face other treatments than boys by teachers and administrators. Abuse, violence and sexual harassment from teachers or male students are often the rule instead of the exception (Thompson, 2003). Teacher attitudes and practices play an important role in the success and persistence of girls in school. Besides being sexually threatened, male teachers may not provide girls sufficient support which makes the school environment more helpful for the attendance and performance of boys than girls (Colclough et al., 2000). Teachers may even publicly humiliate girls in class, they often have lower expectations of their female students and most teachers believe that girls are academically weaker than their male peers. Nekatibeb (2002) notes that in many countries there are indications that teachers pay more

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attention to boys than girls in the classroom, which makes girls invisible and voiceless. The presence of female teachers has been recommended as a strategy to increase the demand for girls¶ schooling and the schooling quality for female students. In addition, female teachers can serve as role models and can provide counselling on issues related to puberty (Colclough et al., 2000). Schools without, or with few, female teachers are often less attractive to parents, because of fears of safety and security issues. Girl-friendly school facilities, such as separate lavatories, have a great impact on school attendance and persistence of girls, particularly when they reach puberty and start menstruating. When toilet facilities are inadequate this might be an obstacle to school attendance and girls may be absent during menstruation and/or dropout. Girls often lack prior information about menstruation and they experience feelings of fear and shame during menarche (Tegegne & Sisay, 2014).

Inadequate learning environments can also present a barrier. Many countries with low levels of development and poverty are facing lack of schools, learning materials, classrooms and a shortage of trained teachers. The relevance of the curricula, textbook and learning materials also play a role in girl dropouts. Gender bias is not only visible in the subject choices, but also in the negative, inaccurate and sometimes nearly invisible presentation of female images in textbooks (Nekatibeb, 2002). Extra-curricular activities for girls, such as clubs, which can have a positive effect on making school environments more gender sensitive, will enhance feelings of worth, awareness and self-esteem, are usually absent (Stromquist & Fischman, 2009).

2.3 Rituals vs. harmful traditional practices

Every society has its own cultural practices and beliefs which distinguish members from outsiders and create a representation of its unity and a sense of identity to its members. This can be expressed in both physically or social acts and it can be best described as all the behaviours that are learned, shared by a group and transmitted from generation to generation (Assefa et al., 2005). Societies often have many useful and promotional rituals that guide its members how they should behave or live, but some practices can be harmful and directly offensive to the dignity of individual members of the society.

Rituals

This study builds on Rappaport¶s (1978) work on rituals. Rappaport argues that there are two obvious aspects of a ritual. First, they consist of traditional acts or expressions that are not necessarily created by the individuals who takes part in the ritual but to which they have to conform. Second, to actually be involved in a ritual, participants need to perform the act or utterance (Rappaport, 1978 in Watanabe & Smuts, 1999). So rituals are not just abstract ideas but they actually demands for action and they have an effect on society (Coppet, 1992). The performance of a ritual sometimes happens against the will of individual participants involved in the ceremony. However, commonly agreed-upon standards in a society and thus public acceptance of the presentation of rituals as compulsory can enforce people

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to take part in them. Non-performance in collective rituals is generally seen as dangerous for individuals according to Lienard & Boyer (2006).

Geertz (1957) acknowledges the social function that rituals have and the way they reinforce traditional social ties between individuals within a community. In addition, rituals emphasize the way in which the social structure of a group is strengthened. So besides being a pattern of meanings, rituals are also a form of social interaction. Kottak (2011) also emphasises the social function that rituals have. By taking part in rituals, people show that they accept a common moral code which goes beyond their status as individuals. Useful information is shared between the participants which creates permanent or temporary solidarity between them. Rituals are often characterized by their repetition, rigidity and lack of rational motivation (Lienard & Boyer, 2006; Roberts, 2011). Generally they have a specific overall purpose and focus on a restricted range of themes, such as the purification of the body or the healing of a particular person (Lienard & Boyer, 2006).

Harmful traditional practices

Wadesango et al. (2011) describe that a number of cultural practices are harmful to the physical integrity of the individual or lead to socially humiliating and degrading treatment. Especially women and girls are affected by what might be defined as µharmful traditional practices¶, because the causes often lie in deeply rooted gender inequalities and power relations throughout society. The Gender and Development Network (GADN) (2013) describes that there is no universally agreed definition of HTPs. However, literature shows that harmful practices can be seen as a form of discrimination and violence, especially against women and girls (GADN, 2013; Wadesango et al., 2011; Winter et al., 2010).

There is some contestation in the literature about the inclusion of µtraditional¶ in the term HTPs (GADN, 2013). Although the inclusion of tradition acknowledges that HTPs come from a long-standing traditional background, I will use the term harmful social practices and harmful physical practices throughout the analysis of this thesis, since these terms better suit this research. I have chosen to use HTPs in my theoretical framework, because this is the term used in international agreements and the majority of relevant literature.

Harmful practices are often regulated around the body that can be seen as a slate upon which the community inscribes a variety of norms and beliefs and thus as a medium of culture. It is important to note that individuals in the majority of African cultures only reach their full stature with the solidarity of the community. Their notion of the body and body ownership might contradict with our western idea of individual autonomy (Izugbara & Undie, 2008).

The societies in which HTPs occur are diverse, but the practices are often found in environments where girls and women have unequal access to health, education and employment. They emanate from the social understanding and from the norms and beliefs about the role that women are

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expected to perform in society (GADN, 2013). HTPs can cause physical, psychological and emotional pain. They reinforce the lower status attributed to girls and women in society and are often performed for male benefit. However, parents do not have the intention to do harm to their children, but they are not always fully aware of the harmful effects of their acts (Winter et al., 2010).

There are many forms of HTPs, but I have chosen to focus on four practices that are highly practiced in the research area and only affect girls and women. In the remaining part of this theoretical framework I will elaborate further on the harmful social practices early marriage and a high workload for girls and the harmful physical practices FGM and tattooing.

2.3.1 Four practices

High workload

The International Labour Office (ILO) defines child labourers as children who µare either under the minimum age for work, or above that age and engaged in work that poses a threat to their health, safety or morals, or are subjected to conditions of forced labour¶ (ILO, 2010, p. 7). However, international definitions of economic activity do often not consider domestic chores performed by women and girls as employment, but only take labour market work and subsistence work into account (Assaad et al., 2010). Many studies are focused on waged and exploitative female child labour, but studies about the domestic chores girls perform are relatively rare. Household work often goes unnoticed, receives little attention and is discounted, but this underestimates the extent of child labour worldwide since most children work for their families where they often perform unpaid domestic work. In addition, it disregards the gender aspect of child labour, because mainly girls are involved in household activities (Kis-Katos, 2012). The view that girls¶ domestic work is not considered child labour must be understood in the broader context of the gendered division of labour and the fact that women¶s work in the household is undervalued. Also parents do often view children who do not work as labourers outside of the family as economically unproductive and a burden on the household income rather than an addition (Abebe & Bessell, 2011).

Most of the work undertaken by girls is less visible than boysǯ labour, because it does not happen in a visible child labour market but rather in or around the household. The fact that domestic work takes place within the seclusion of the private home means that physical abuse or poor treatment often goes unseen and unreported (ILO, 2009). In addition to domestic work, agricultural activities can also have negative effects on girls¶ health. Many girls, and boys, start working at a young age and need to perform work that hazardous to their age. The ILO (2009) describes agricultural work as one of the three most dangerous sectors when looking at the number of ill health, accidents and work-related deaths. Girls often have to carry heavy loads over long distances which may result in muscle and skeleton damage when they get older. They often have to work for long periods at a time under high temperatures. Furthermore, the performance of repetitive tasks and malnutrition can obstruct a girl¶s

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physical development. Since children in many cases work barefoot in the fields and around livestock, they are at risk for skin disorders, cuts, bites and other injuries (ILO, 2009).

Early marriage

According to the definition of childhood as articulated in Article 1 of the Convention of the Right of the Child early marriage refers to any marriage that is carried out below the age of 18 years. Article 1 also states that any early marriage constitutes a forced marriage, even when the child gives consent, because anyone below the age of 18 is not deemed able to make a fully informed choice whether or not to marry (Assefa et al., 2005). Although the definition of early marriage also includes boys, the majority of the children who are married below the age of 18 are girls. In regions where early marriage is still common, it often exists within an environment that is marked by poverty, gender inequality, religious beliefs and certain cultural and social norms (Walker, 2012).

The drivers for parents to give their female children for early marriage can be described as a combination of cultural, social and economic factors. One common cultural reason given for early marriage is to ensure virginity and chastity. In societies where a girls¶ µpurity¶ is highly valued, people believe in early marriage to make sure that her purity cannot be threatened in any way (Assefa et al., 2005). It is also seen as a protective mechanism against premarital sex, either by choice or via sexual assault, unintended pregnancies and sexually transmitted diseases (STDs), including HIV/AIDS (Nour, 2006). Men and their families may also view younger brides as more desirable, because they have longer reproductive lives to bear children, who can be seen as an asset for the family. In addition, younger brides are seen as more subservient and more easily controlled compared with adult brides, which creates harmony in marriage according to Raj (2010).

A social argument for early marriage is that it establishes ties between tribes, clans and villages and it improves the social status of the parents when they marry their daughter to a wealthy and good family (Nour, 2009). Marriage has also economic implications. Especially in poorer areas where parents have many children, daughters can be viewed as an economic burden on the family. The only way to recover the economic investments in their daughters may be for the parents to have her married in exchange for a dowry. Parents also see it in the best interest of their daughter to marry her into a more financially stable household and to ensure her financial security (Jensen & Thornton, 2003).

Early marriage can have physical, psychological and social consequences. One of the physical health consequences might be early pregnancy and childbirth, since marriage is often the beginning of frequent and sexual activity. Children who fall pregnant before the age of 18 have an increased risk of getting complications such as obstructed labour, which is the result of a girls¶ pelvis being too small to deliver a baby. This may lead to maternal mortality, infant mortality or fistula, which results in urinary incontinence and can lead to humiliation and depression (Nour, 2006). Additionally, early

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childbearing deprives girls the opportunity to obtain education, which results in lower levels of female literacy (Walker, 2012). Erulkar (2013) emphasises that most young women who are married at an early age have never been to school.

Although parents believe that early marriage protects their daughters against HIV/AIDS, the opposite is true according to Nour (2009). Since young brides cannot abstain from sex or insist on condom use and have often partners who are older and more experienced, young girls are likely to get infected. Women who marry early are also at an increased risk to experience violence from their husband and his family.

The fact that girls are in many cases married to an older partner decreases their status, agency, autonomy and negotiating power within the household (Jensen & Thronton, 2003). In addition, early marriage frequently leads to early divorce with little chance of re-marriage as a result (Nour, 2006).

Female genital mutilation

The World Health Organization (WHO) has classified FGM into four types that, depending on the amount of tissue that is removed, indicate the various degrees of severity: from type I, clitoridectomy, to type IV which includes all other harmful procedures to the female genitalia for non-medical purposes (Shell-Duncan, 2008; Skaine, 2005; Yirga et al., 2012). There are various terms to describe the practice that all involve the cutting of female genitals. The term FGM is most widely used by the international community in the fight against the practice. A range of African countries also has adopted the term and use it at the policy level. Because the term is so widely used in existing literature and programmes aimed at eradicating the practice, I shall use the term FGM in this study. However, the term FGM has been heavily criticised by feminists and western and African scholars for being ethnocentric (Skaine, 2005). Therefore, the term female circumcision is used when dealing with affected individuals during the course of the study.

There are varying reasons for people to perform FGM, but the most heard explanation is that the practice is carried out because it is a tradition (Boyle, 2002). Communities that practice FGM often see it as a necessary step for girls to leave their childhood behind them and to transform into women. The mother or elder female relatives are in most cases the ones who decide whether a girl will undergo FGM or not (Althaus, 1997; Masho & Matthews, 2009). This rite of passage can be seen as crucial for people¶s identity and it is viewed as a way of socializing female fertility (Benett, 2011; Clarke, 2003; Tamale, 2011). Schultz & Lien (2013) noted that the ritual has changed and that it is performed with less celebration or on a younger age because of increased fear of outside intervention and of the criminalization of the practice in many countries. In addition, Skaine (2005) argues that parents want to avoid resistance from their children as they get older and they wish to reduce the trauma for them. The transition of girls into womanhood means that they become marriageable. Therefore, another reason for performing FGM is that a girl who has undergone this practice in some societies is seen as

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more µmarketable¶ (Skaine, 2005). The ritual of transition confirms her social place, it proves her readiness for marriage and thus enhances her prospects for a good future (Boyden, 2012).

Besides social and economic reasons for the practice, another, more personal explanation for FGM is that it is purification of the body. Girls who have undergone FGM are seen as clean because of the removal of the clitoris. The clitoris is perceived as hygienically and ritually unclean (Gordon, 1997). Another theory is that FGM is a way for men to control women¶s sexuality. The belief is there that women who are not circumcised are impure and have an uncontrollable sex drive because their sexual needs have not been curtailed and are µopen¶, which means that other men have already used them (Boyle, 2002; Skaine, 2005). FGM is seen as a mean to safeguard against premarital sexual activity and to prevent early initiation and female promiscuity (Yirga et al., 2012). Bagnol & Mariano (2008) mention that besides the control of women¶s sexuality another reason for the practice is sexual satisfaction of both partners. It particularly ensures more sexual pleasure for the male partner, especially when a woman is infibulated because then the opening is very small. However, FGM cannot be condemned to be man-dominated or patriarchal according to Skaine (2005), because the practice needs to be understood in its particular cultural and social context. Women are often the ones who insist on the practice and thus they are in that case the direct agents. Abusharaf (2001) even goes a step further than Skaine and argues that FGM is believed to give women self-control and power over their sexuality and to offer them the ability to determine their own needs. Clarke (2003) emphasises that religion plays a pivotal role in the continuation of the practice. However, there is no religious document that prescribes FGM and various religious groups such as Muslims and Christians practice it. Therefore, FGM can be better described as a cultural ritual than a religious one (Skaine, 2005).

Although accurate and reliable data on the practice are scarce, it is clear that FGM can lead to serious health problems for women. However, not all women experience health consequences (Masho & Matthews, 2009; Wangila, 2007). FGM is associated with both short and long-term health consequences. Some of the short-term complications include acute pain, blood loss and risks of infections such as tetanus, hepatitis and HIV/AIDS (Wangila, 2007). The risk of infection is increased by the fact that the practice is usually performed under unhygienic conditions with very limited access to medical care afterwards. Often unsterilized instruments are used. The potential transmission of HIV increases when one instrument is used for multiple operations (UNICEF, 2014; Wangila, 2007).

Long-term health complications include e.g. scarring, complications during delivery and even infertility (Skaine, 2005). Besides these physical consequences, FGM can also leave a lasting psychological mark. Undergoing the practice is often a traumatic experience for girls that can lead to poor quality of life and low self-esteem during adulthood (Berg & Denison, 2012; Yirga et al, 2012). However, the price of refusing FGM is often perceived as more destructive than the price of undergoing the practice. Girls and women who are uncircumcised might occupy a lower position in society. The risk of being socially excluded, the consideration of being less attractive for marriage and

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the denied practical and financial support can outweigh the health consequences associated with the practice (Johansen et al., 2013).

Tattooing

Goldstein (2007) defines tattooing as the marking of the skin with pigments. This definition of the word µtattoo¶ was first used in 1774. For diverse reasons various groups have already used tattoos for more than thousand years and the practice distinguishes itself from some other activities through its permanence. In many cases, tattoos play a central role in religious rituals. However, the tattoo itself is already an identifiable ritual since it is a strict episodic activity that conveys a specific meaning (Follett, 2009). Tattooing marks a bodily transformation, i.e. a change, which can be seen as a rite of passage from being in a state of being non-tattooed to being tattooed (Van Gennep, 1909 in Schildkrout, 2004).

Tattoos are not just an imprint of a drawing onto the flesh, but the body is actively used as a site where culture is inscribed and where an individual is defined and inserted in the cultural norms and beliefs of a society (Lévi-Strauss, 1963 in Schildkrout, 2004). Tattoos are often part of a broader social context that includes gender roles, hierarchy and status. Facial tattooing can be practiced as part of a puberty ceremony and gender distinction in which girls¶ femininity and maturity is highlighted. However, a tattooed skin does not only negotiate between the individual and society or between different groups, but it can also mediate the relations between persons and spirits, so it is religious (Schildkrout, 2004).

Tattoos can show religious devotion in two different ways according to Scheinfeld (2007). In the first place they reflect the painful act and permanent imprint of the tattoo into the skin and in the second place is the tattoo an alteration of a person¶s visual appearance. The purpose of religious tattoos is explained in the literature as evidence of the permanence of faith and an outward sign of religious commitment (Koch & Roberts, 2012). In addition, they can serve as a mark of beauty or as protection against illness and other misfortunes. In some Christian societies facial tattoos are also used to prevent women from being forcibly taken by Muslim men who coerce women to marry them (Lapidoth & Aharonowitz, 2004).

2.4 To sum up

This chapter described that many gender orders over the world privilege men and disadvantage women in various sections of society, including the labour market, positions of power and in social relationships. The harm of a gender order in which inequality exists is that girls and women are often discriminated which affects, among other things, their access and attainment in school. I have discussed the political, economic, cultural and school constraints that girls might face in the Sub-Saharan context related to their education. Cultural practices and rituals also influence girls¶ education,

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especially when they may be considered as harmful to the individual. Four practices that are deeply rooted in gender inequalities and power relations are, the high workload of girls, early marriage, FGM and tattooing. The next chapter will present the research methodology and methods used in the study.

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3. Research methodology and methods

After having discussed the main concepts on which this research is built and their relevance in the context of Ethiopia, this chapter presents the research questions (3.1), conceptual scheme (3.2) and operationalization table (3.3), the research site (3.4), research methodology (3.5), and chosen methods (3.6). Furthermore, the process of data analysis will be described and several quality criteria for social research (3.7). Finally, the research limitations and challenges (3.8) as well as the ethical considerations are discussed (3.9).

3.1 Research questions

Main research question

+RZ FDQ KDUPIXO SUDFWLFHV DQG \RXQJ ZRPHQ¶V HGXFDWLRQDO SDUWLFLSDWLRQEH XQGHUstood against the backdrop of the gender hierarchy in the Amhara region?

Sub-research questions

- What are the differences and similarities in the perceptions of the young women and other VWDNHKROGHUVDERXWWKHLPSRUWDQFHRIJLUOV¶HGXFDWLRQIRUJLUOVLQWheir community?

- What is the role of rituals and, from a gender perspective, what are the prevalent harmful social practices in the community?

- What role does FGM and tattooing play within the community according to the young women and the other stakeholders?

- In what ways do intra- and extra-curricular Girl Power educational activities seek to address harmful practices?

3.2 Conceptual scheme

The following conceptual scheme highlights the main concepts of this research and explains the relationships between the concepts. The gender hierarchy in Ethiopia becomes visible in various aspects of society, and relationships are constantly made and re-made through the labour market, the school and the household. The bi-directional arrows between gender hierarchy and the four societal sectors highlight that what happens in these sectors will also shape the existing gender order. Gender arrangements are the result of the views that exist within these societal sectors and which emphasize and maintain the secondary role of women. The subordination of women becomes visible in the education system and harmful practices to which girls and women are exposed. Where gender LQHTXDOLW\ H[LVWV DQG SHUFHSWLRQV DERXW JLUOV¶ SDUWLFLSDWLRQ LQ HGXFDWLRQ DUH QHJDWLYH \RXQJ ZRPHQ may face political, economic, cultural and school constraints regarding their education. If girls have the opportunity to participate actively in education, they are less likely to be subjected to harmful

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practices since these practices often exist in environments were girls have unequal access to education (GADN, 2013). In addition, girls become aware of the harm done to them when undergoing these practices. However, when the quality of their education is low, girls might be at a higher risk of becoming victim of practices such as early marriage, because their parents will not believe that education can ensure them a good future. An updated conceptual scheme that reflects the outcomes of this study is included in chapter 5 of this thesis.

Figure 1: Initial Conceptual Scheme 3.3 O perationalization

The operationalization table further breaks down the concepts of JHQGHU KLHUDUFK\ JLUOV¶ HGXFDWLRQ and rituals/harmful traditional practices, which are described in the theoretical framework. Concepts serve not only as building blocks of theory, but they also form the link between theory and empirical research. Operationalizations create a bridge from the theoretical and conceptual to the measurement level (Bergmann, 2010). Each concept discussed in the theoretical framework is divided into several dimensions, variables and indicators. The table aims to identify the information that is needed in order to answer the research questions. The indicators in the table are primarily focused on the female students who participate in this study. Some indicators are also input for questions to ask to NGO and government professionals and school personnel.

Gender Hierarchy

Society

School

Household

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- Political constrains - Economic constrains - Cultural constrains - School constrains - High workload - Early marriage - Female Genital Mutilation - Tattooing Labour Market Harmful T raditional Practices Practices

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Concept Dimensions Variables Indicators

Gender hierarchy

Gender performance

Individual Own perception about the role that girls are supposed to play in society. Social Expectations about the role that boys and girls are supposed to play in

society. Maintenance of the gender hierarchy Labour

What are the differences in labour market opportunities between boys and girls?

Do boys and girls profit equally from their labour?

+RZGRHVGRPHVWLFZRUNKDPSHUJLUOV¶SHUVSHFWLYHVRQWKHODERXU market?

Power

How is power within the household divided between males and females? How is power within the labour market divided between males and females?

Cathexis How is decision-making in families spread?

*LUOV¶ education Access/ attainment Political constraints ,QZKDWZD\VLVWKHJRYHUQPHQWFRPPLWWHGWRVXSSRUWJLUOV¶HGXFDWLRQ" How is the government equipped to IXOILOWKHSURPLVHVRQJLUOV¶ education?

Are there sufficient financial assets to guaranty quality of and quantity in education?

:KDWUROHGRHGXFDWLRQDOFRVWVSOD\LQSDUHQWDOGHFLVLRQVWRJLUOV¶DFFHVV and attainment in school?

What are the opportunity costs for families of sending girls to school? +RZGRKRXVHKROGDFWLYLWLHVDQGDJULFXOWXUDOZRUNUHVWULFWJLUOV¶DFFHVV and attainment in education?

:KDWLQIOXHQFHGRHVWKHIDPLO\FRPSRVLWLRQKDYHRQJLUOV¶DFFHVVDQG attainment in education? Cultural constraints :KDWLVWKHSHUFHSWLRQRISDUHQWVDERXWJLUOV¶HGXFDWLRQ" :KDWLVWKHLQIOXHQFHRIKDUPIXOSUDFWLFHVRQJLUOV¶HGXFDWLRQ" +RZGRH[WHUQDOGDQJHUVDQGWKUHDWVLQIOXHQFHSDUHQWV¶GHFLVLRQVDERXW girls¶DFFHVVDQGDWWDLQPHQWLQVFKRRO" :KDWIXQFWLRQGRIHPDOHUROHPRGHOVKDYHIRUJLUOV¶HGXFDWLRQ" Quality Political constraints

Do gender issues get political priority?

:KDWLVWKHLQIOXHQFHRIZRPHQ¶VYRLFHVRQJLUOV¶HGXFDWLRQ"

What labour market perspectives do girls have after finishing their education?

Are there qualified teachers available?

What is the difference in quality of education between rural and urban areas? Performance Cultural constraints How do KDUPIXOSUDFWLFHVLQIOXHQFHJLUOV¶SHUIRUPDQFHLQHGXFDWLRQ" :KDWLVWKHLPSDFWRIFRPPXQLW\SHUFHSWLRQVRQJLUOV¶SHUIRUPDQFHLQ education? School constraints

What relationship do boys and girls have in school? How do teachers treat girls compared to boys in school?

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Figure 2: Operationalization table

What is the role of female teachers in school?

Are there gender-sensitive school facilities available?

+RZGRHVWKHVFKRRO¶VVRFLDODQGSK\VLFDOHQYLURQPHQWSOD\DUROHLQ JLUOV¶SHUIRUPDQFHLQHGXFDWLRQ" Rituals and harmful traditional practices Harmful social practices High workload in and around the home

What does this high workload at home consist of?

What are the perceptions of the family for girls to undertake work? What are the reasons behind this high workload at home?

What are the social consequences for girls? What are the physical consequences for girls? How do girls combine homework with housework?

Do extra-curricular activities play a role in awareness creation about this harmful practice?

Early marriage

How often does early marriage occur in Bahir Dar Zuria District? What are the perceptions of various stakeholders about this practice? What are the drivers of parents for early marriage?

What are the social consequences for girls? What are the physical consequences for girls? What are the psychological consequences for girls?

'RHVHDUO\PDUULDJHKDYHLPSDFWRQJLUOV¶HGXFDWLRQDODFWLYLWLHV" Do extra-curricular activities play a role in awareness creation about this harmful practice? Harmful physical practices Female genital mutilation

Is female genital mutilation prevalent in the community?

What are the perceptions of various stakeholders about this practice? What are reasons for parents to practice female genital mutilation? What are the social consequences for girls?

What are the physical consequences girls? What are the psychological consequences?

'RHVWKHSUDFWLFHKDYHDQLQIOXHQFHRQJLUOV¶SDUWLFLSDWLRQLQHGXFDWLRQ" Do extra- curricular activities play a role in awareness creation about this harmful practice?

Tattooing

What is the purpose of tattooing?

What is the social/religious reason behind the practice? What are the physical consequences for girls?

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3.4 Research site: Bahir Dar Zuria District

This research is carried out in Bahir Dar and two villages around Bahir Dar, located in Bahir Dar Zuria District during a ten-week period from January to March 2015. Bahir Dar is a city in north-western Ethiopia and the capital of the Amhara National Regional State. The Amhara region is the second largest region in the country and has an estimated population of 19 million (Erulkar & Muthengi, 2009). Bahir Dar is situated about 565 km from the capital Addis Ababa and it has a population of around 277.566 citizens. The majority of the people living in and around Bahir Dar are Orthodox Christians. The cultivation of cash crops is the main source of income in the area (Kassie, Aragaw & Belay, 2015).

Bahir Dar Zuria District is an interesting site for this study due to a number of reasons. The average age at marriage is 15 years for girls in the Amhara region which is the lowest age for girls to marry in the country. Many girls are traditionally supposed to marry before or at the stage of puberty, i.e. before first menstruation. Marriage poses a risk for HIV infection and data revealed that HIV prevalence in Ethiopia is the highest around Bahir Dar (Erulkar et al., 2004). Government campaigns to stop early marriage have been particularly prominent in the Amhara region and the age of marriage is rising as more girls are staying in school longer. The region has one of the highest divorce rates in the world with early marriage being the main cause (Erulkar & Muthengi, 2009). The fact that FGM is still practiced on 47 percent of the population in the Amhara region makes it a relevant study area as well (UNICEF, 2014).

3.5 Epistemological assumptions

This study departs from a social-constructivist perspective, which underlines that the meaning-making practices of human actors are at the centre of the research. Individuals create meaning through interaction with others and with their environment. Therefore, knowledge can be viewed as a socially constructed and thus, as a human product. Constructivism does not deny the existence of an objective reality, but emphasises that multiple realities can be experienced (McMahon, 1997). What is appealing to me in this social-constructivist epistemology is that there are no universal truths or values but that those are context and time specific and created through interpersonal interaction.

The research methodology that follows from my epistemological stance is qualitative since the aim RI WKLV VWXG\ LV WR OHDUQ SHRSOH¶V SHUFHSWLRQV PHDQLQJV DQG UHDOLWLHV LQ WKHLU VRFLDO FRQWH[W 2¶5HLOO\. %U\PDQGHVFULEHVTXDOLWDWLYHUHVHDUFKDVDUHVHDUFKVWUDWHJ\WKDW³HPERGLHVD view of social reality aVDFRQVWDQWO\VKLIWLQJHPHUJHQWSURSHUW\RILQGLYLGXDOV¶FUHDWLRQ´S6LQFH M ap 1: Bahir Dar, Ethiopia (hamlinfistulausa.org)

Rituals between tradition and globalization : A case study of harmful practices and girls' education in the Amhara region, Ethiopia

Rituals between tradition and globalization

A case study of harmfuOSUDFWLFHVDQGJLUOV¶HGXFDWLRQLQ

the Amhara region, Ethiopia

Master thesis | Jasmijn van Holsteijn

Rituals between tradition and globalization: A case study of harmful practices

DQGJLUOV¶HGXFDWLRQLQ the A mhara region, E thiopia

Acknowledgements

Abstract

Table of contents

List of figures and acronyms

1. Introduction

2. Theoretical framework

3. Research methodology and methods

Gender Hierarchy

Society

School

Household

*LUOV¶(GXFDWLRQ