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Mortuary practices in the Middle Neolithic

An archaeothanatological analysis of the burials at Ypenburg-locatie 4

and Schipluiden-Harnaschpolder

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Mortuary practices in the Middle Neolithic

An archaeothanatological analysis of the burials at Ypenburg-locatie 4

and Schipluiden-Harnaschpolder

Sander Spijkers 1796534

Thesis Tutorial BA3 1043SCR1Y-1819ARCH

Dr. Q.P.J. Bourgeois MA

Archaeology of Europe

University of Leiden, Faculty of Archaeology

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Table of contents

Title page 1

Table of contents 3

1. Introduction 5

2. The history of burial archaeology and archaeothanatology 9 3. The methodology and principles of archaeothanatology 11

3.1 Anatomical terminology 11

3.2 Death, decomposition and disarticulation 13

3.3 Archaeothanatological analysis 15

3.4 Types of funerary deposits 17

4. The sites of Ypenburg-locatie 4 and Schipluiden-Harnaschpolder 19

4.1 Landscape formation 19

4.2 Stratigraphy and dating 20

4.3 Features 20

4.4 Subsistence economy 21

5. The grave fields at Ypenburg-locatie 4 and Schipluiden-Harnaschpolder 22

5.1 Age groups 22

5.2 The grave field at Ypenburg-locatie 4 22 5.3 The grave field at Schipluiden-Harnaschpolder 23 6. Descriptive analysis of the graves at Ypenburg-locatie 4 and

Schipluiden-Harnaschpolder 25

6.1 Ypenburg-locatie 4 25

6.2 Schipluiden-Harnaschpolder 38

7. The mortuary practices at Ypenburg-locatie 4 and

Schipluiden-Harnaschpolder 42

7.1 The tightly flexed burials and other mortuary practices 42

7.2 Grave goods 46

7.3 Demographics and the mortuary practices 47

8. The mortuary practices in a wider context 48

8.1 Mortuary practices of the Swifterbant and Michelsberg cultures 48 8.2 The migration of artefacts and ideas? 50

9. Conclusions 52

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4 Internet pages 56 Bibliography 57 List of tables 63 List of appendices 64 Appendices 65

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5 1. Introduction

Since the dawn of humanity, death has in the minds of people been both fascinating and fearsome. It is both the inevitability and the mystery of death that puzzles us

(Abramovitch 2015, 870); what happens when you die is a frequently asked question that we cannot answer. Despite this seemingly futile attempt to understand death, our approaches to understanding it have helped in being able to reconcile with death and the loss of a relative. Death on its own is a tragic, arbitrary and meaningless event (or process; this discussion will be accounted for later) but it is us, humans, that put the emotions and meanings into it (May 2009, 4).

Death could possibly be the most important aspect of our lives as it is one of the very few things in our lives that we are certain of and it overrides all other aspects of our lives, no matter the importance (May 2009, 4-5). By many it is, however, also believed that death is not the end. In Tibetan Buddhism, lamas are able to exert a critical social presence, yet lack a finite, separate living body. They can live on as corpses, appearances in dreams, rematerialisations such as rainbows and even in the bodies of ‘others’

(Zivkovic 2014, 1-2). The Berawan of Borneo conceive a living human being as the conjunction of a body (usaa) and a spiritual component (telanak). While the body decays after death, it is the spiritual component or ‘soul’ that undergoes a transformation for the telanak is not eternal. The soul changes into a bílì’ leta’, a spirit of the dead. It is only at the moment that the telanak changes into a bílì’ leta’ and enters the land of the dead, that an individual is truly dead. A soul that is not able to find the land of the dead turns malicious and forms a danger for the surviving population. Only by keeping a vigil on the corpse of the deceased and showing the vengeful soul, through mourning, that their beloved ones are hurt by their death, they might keep the soul from hurting anyone (Metcalf and Huntington 1991, 85-97). In contrast to the general notion of agency (Dornan 2002, 303-304), these examples thus show that the deceased, who cannot act intentionally anymore, are still believed to exert influence on the surviving population. Only through specific ritual, the surviving population could still get a hold on the deceased.

Drawing closer to Europe, death ritual has been equally important in archaeology as in anthropology. Since the eighteenth century, mounds, pits, tombs and their contents have been a central avenue of archaeological research (Levy 1989, 155). In the

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6 the dead. These people did not leave any monumental structures behind such as the hunebedden, but their mortuary practices might shed more light on both life and death between circa 3800-3400 BC. The sites of Ypenburg-locatie 4 and

Schipluiden-Harnaschpolder near the coast in the western Netherlands are two important sites for the Hazendonk group. Together with settlements at Rijswijk, Wateringen 4 and Wateringse Veld, they tell the story of how these prehistoric peoples lived at the coast (Louwe Kooijmans 2005, 258; Jongste and Louwe Kooijmans 2006, 3). At the sites of Ypenburg and Schipluiden, in contrast to the other sites mentioned, human remains have been found. Several of these individuals have been found inside graves with their limbs drawn towards the torso, a so-called fetal position, while other positions are also present to a lesser extent. Furthermore, it has been noted by the excavators that skeletons seem to have been intentionally displaced and manipulated. Other interesting mortuary practices such as secondary deposits in pre-existing graves, double burials and the scattering of skeletal elements in settlement contexts deserve more merit (Baetsen 2008; Smits and Louwe Kooijmans 2006).

It has been suggested that this fetal position is difficult to achieve anatomically when an individual has only recently died (Knüsel 2014, 42). Therefore it is possible that

prehistoric peoples might have tried to preserve, manipulate or wrap the bodies of the deceased, thereby allowing them to position the bodies in such a way while maintaining the anatomical articulations that would have been lost if the flesh had already decayed. This hypothesis is interesting for it may show that prehistoric peoples treated the corpse in much more complex ways than simply depositing it in a grave. It might even suggest that prehistoric peoples kept the dead close to them for extended periods before burying them into the ground. Together with the other evidence of the manipulation of the body, Ypenburg and Schipluiden can enhance our views on how people dealt with death in the Middle Neolithic.

The common occurrence of the fetal position at Ypenburg and Schipluiden is in contrast to the partially contemporaneous Swifterbant culture present in the central Netherlands in which individuals were more often buried stretched on their backs. Other mortuary practices found at Ypenburg and Schipluiden such as double burials are, however, also present at the Swifterbant burial sites. It is said that these traditions point to the Mesolithic origin of the Swifterbant culture (D’Hollosy and Baetsen 2001; Louwe Kooijmans 2005, 264; Meiklejohn and Constandse-Westermann 1978; Ten Anscher 2012). Also in the same period, the Michelsberg-culture is present in France, Belgium,

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7 Germany and the southern Netherlands. In this culture, the fetal position is the most common positioning of individuals in burials (Beau et al. 2017; Kreuz et al. 2014, 73). Ypenburg and Schipluiden thus share similarities with both the Swifterbant and

Michelsberg cultures in terms of mortuary practices; this is perhaps of no surprise as the Hazendonk culture is situated at the crossroads where these two cultures meet. Perhaps these similarities are a reflection of the Middle Neolithic more generally. This is namely a transitionary period in which fully agriculturalist and semi-agriculturalist societies meet. The process of neolithisation is fully making its way in the Netherlands and sites such as Ypenburg and Schipluiden are prime examples of how certain ‘Neolithic

traditions’ have and have not been adopted (Amkreutz 2013b). Again, comparisons can be drawn with the Swifterbant and Michelsberg cultures. While the Swifterbant sites still display a large commitment towards hunting and gathering, the Michelsberg culture already displays a more widespread reliance on agriculture; Ypenburg and Schipluiden seem to be situated right in the middle of this development (Amkreutz 2013b; Koot et al. 2008, 457-466; Kreuz et al. 2014; Louwe Kooijmans 2006).

The mortuary practices of Ypenburg and Schipluiden will be studied through the scope of archaeothanatology, the archaeological study of the biological and social components of death. Archaeothanatology tries to “reconstruct the attitudes of ancient populations towards death by focussing on the study of the human skeleton and analysing the acts linked to the management and treatment of the corpse” (Duday 2009, 3-6).

Archaeothanatology stresses the absence or presence of certain articulations between skeletal elements and the position of these bones to infer more about the rituals

associated with death and burial. In archaeothanatology, the decomposition of the body from corpse to skeleton to, possibly, a disarticulated heap of bones is essential. The body, namely, undergoes a complex process of decomposition consisting of different stages to which different rituals or mortuary practices might be linked. Archaeologists tend to usually only see the final stage in this process; a skeletonized human.

Archaeothanatology, however, enables the archaeologist to infer more about what happened to the deceased before it skeletonized and also what happened when the flesh had already decayed (Duday 2009; Nilsson Stutz 2003).

Through archaeothanatological and descriptive analysis of the graves at Ypenburg-locatie 4 and Schipluiden-Harnaschpolder, more information on the mortuary practices of the Middle Neolithic in the western Netherlands will be provided. Since

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8 detailed archaeological observations, the complete process of human decomposition and its effects on the archaeological record should be analysed. Furthermore, natural and non-natural cultural processes should be discerned from one another. Since these observations can only be based upon photographs, drawings and interpretations by others, they will be restricted by the amount of data that has been gathered on the graves. Ultimately, the goal is to be able to tell more about the diverse ways in which people from Ypenburg-locatie 4 and Schipluiden-Harnaschpolder dealt with death and loss. It would be interesting to research to what extent the treatment of the dead at Ypenburg-locatie 4 and Schipluiden-Harnaschpolder is different from the treatment of the dead at other contemporaneous sites within the Netherlands. Especially within the light of the Middle Neolithic, a hectic period in which new technologies are introduced and people gradually adapt themselves to a completely different lifestyle.

Essentially, the main research question will be: what are the mortuary practices at the sites of Ypenburg-locatie 4 and Schipluiden-Harnaschpolder? How do these two sites compare to each other in regards to the mortuary practices? To what extent can archaeothanatological analysis be used to shed more light on the mortuary practices at these sites? Is it able to explain the occurrence of the anatomically impossible fetal position? Finally, how do the mortuary practices at Ypenburg and Schipluiden compare to the mortuary practices of the contemporaneous Swifterbant and Michelsberg cultures? Could the development in mortuary practices be part of the larger trend of neolithisation?

After a short introduction to the theoretical principles of burial archaeology and archaeothanatology, the methodology of archaeothanatology and the important biological processes associated with it will be discussed. This will be followed by a discussion of the sites of Ypenburg-locatie 4 and Schipluiden-Harnaschpolder in general and the grave fields at both sites in more detail. The archaeothanatological analysis of all the graves at Ypenburg and Schipluiden will hopefully then lead to a better

understanding of mortuary practices in the Middle Neolithic in comparison to the mortuary practices of contemporaneous cultures.

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9 2. The history of burial archaeology and archaeothanatology

The investigation of burials and their associated corpses is known under many different names in archaeology: funerary archaeology, mortuary archaeology, burial archaeology, archaeology of the dead and archaeothanatology. The focus of this research will be set on archaeothanatology, formerly also known as l’anthropologie du terrain in France (Duday 2009, 3). The other theoretical frameworks have, however, all made an impact on archaeothanatology as we know it today; therefore they will also be put under consideration.

First, it should be mentioned that burial archaeology has so far been focussed on what the dead can tell us about the living, rather than focussing on issues of death itself. It is the field of burial archaeology that poses questions relating to the diet, social identity and social rank of the deceased and therefore also of the living. Archaeology of the dead is set apart from this as it specifically deals with death in topics such as mortuary rituals, religion and concepts of afterlife. This scholarly gap is in itself dangerous as making inferences about the living world archaeologists seek to reconstruct, does require linking this living world to the archaeological sources used (Nilsson Stutz 2016, 14).

Furthermore, within these frameworks a clear distinction is seen between the social sciences and humanities in the form of the studies of social identities and religion on the one hand, and the natural sciences in the form of bioarchaeology on the other (Nilsson Stutz 2016, 14-15). It is as if the study of the deceased in the social sciences and

humanities does not incorporate the most direct evidence of the deceased, namely their bones and flesh.

Initially, burial archaeology was established in the 19th century as a means of providing

the closed contexts with which archaeologists can establish chronologies based on seriation. It was recognised that burials would allow archaeologists to connect specific human beings from the past to the material remains of their culture. In this way, one would be able to discern different cultures from one another and find out where these cultures actually resided (Nilsson Stutz 2003, 108; Nilsson Stutz 2016, 16).

Later, during the time of processual or New Archaeology, Binford (1971) formulated the main aim of burial archaeology to be the evaluation of the degree of social complexity of a given society through observation of this society’s mortuary practices. Binford

believed that the patterning of mortuary practices was determined by social

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10 complex the funerary practices would be; this would provide more information about the dead person’s persona and its relationships. It was realised during this time that mortuary treatment is much more varied than hitherto expected, and that the archaeological reality imposes limits on the archaeologists’ ability to observe this variability (Binford 1971; Nilsson Stutz 2003, 110-113).

It was only at the time of post-processual archaeology that this attitude towards burial archaeology changed. The religious or ritual aspects of mortuary practices had been largely ignored in New Archaeology for they were deemed not to be rational and therefore not measurable either. Furthermore, it was not discussed whether mortuary practices might not only reflect society but can also distort, mask, manipulate and idealise the reality of social relations (Pader 1982 in Nilsson Stutz 2003, 113-119). In post-processual archaeology, it was realised that material can be read in multiple, possibly contradicting, ways. This ties in with the general approach of post-processual archaeology to read, interpret, re-write and experience the past through a focus on culture, ideology and structure. Mortuary practices started to be seen through different lenses such as gender archaeology, the archaeology of religion and the emotional aspects of death. Since the start of post-processual archaeology, the natural sciences have however still been present in archaeology in the form of laboratory approaches and methodological developments such as archaeothanatology (Hodder and Hutson 2003; Nilsson Stutz 2003, 119-129).

Archaeothanatology itself came into being as an archaeological discipline under the name of l’anthropologie du terrain in France in the 1970’s and 80’s. Archaeothanatology combines biological knowledge about the processes that take place in the human body after death with taphonomical knowledge and detailed documentation to arrive at interpretations that might provide more insight into mortuary practices (Duday 2009, 3-13). Taphonomy, or the laws of burial, is in archaeology the study of how the

archaeological record formed. It is very much relevant to the study of

archaeothanatology as taphonomy enables archaeologists to make the distinction between natural and anthropomorphic deposits. Taphonomy can be explained through the epistemological framework of actualism in which present processes are assumed to have been similar in the past (Duday 2009; Martin 1999 in Nilsson Stutz 2003, 131-133).

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11 3. The methodology and principles of archaeothanatology

3.1 Anatomical terminology

In this thesis, appropriate terminology, used also by anatomists (tab. 1), is necessary. Therefore, in terms of the movements of the body, a bent leg or arm is impossible as the body bends at the joints. A bent leg will therefore be referred to as a bent knee; a bent arm will be referred to as a bent elbow. The body is described in relation to its normal anatomical position, “i.e. upright and looking towards the horizon, heels together, arms along the trunk, elbows turned outwards, the upper limbs parallel to the axis of the body, the palms of the hands turned outwards and the thumbs pointing outwards. In relation to the horizontal plane of the human body, above is ‘upper’, and below is ‘lower’. In relation to the frontal plane of the human body, front is ‘anterior’, and back is ‘posterior’. In relation to the sagittal plane of the human body, outward is ‘lateral’, and inward is ‘medial’ ”(Duday 2009, 16). In relation to the axial skeleton, ‘proximal’ is nearest to the axial skeleton, while ‘distal’ is furthest from the axial skeleton (White and Folkens 2005, 68). In describing the layout of the grave goods and the orientation of the skeletons, the cardinal points will be used as a reference.

Table 1: Skeletal elements in anatomical terminology and Standard English (after Duday 2009, 156)

Body part Anatomical term English term Cephalic skeleton

Skull (entire bony framework of the head)

Skull

Mandible Lower jaw

Cranium (skull, excluding the mandible)

Cranium

Hyoid Lingual bone/tongue-bone

Vertebral column

Cervical vertebrae (7, including atlas (C1) and axis (C2))

Cervical vertebrae

Thoracic vertebrae (12) Thoracic vertebrae Lumbar vertebrae (5) Lumbar vertebrae

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12

Sacrum Sacrum

Coccyx Tailbone

Rib cage

Ribs (24, usually) Ribs

Sternum Breastbone

Upper limbs

Scapula Shoulder bone

Humerus Humerus/upper arm bone

Radius Radius/one of the forearm

bones

Ulna Ulna/one of the forearm

bones Carpals (scaphoid, lunate,

triquetral, pisiform, trapezium, trapezoid, capitate and hamate)

Carpal bones/wrist bones

Metacarpals Metacarpal bones Phalanges (proximal,

medial and distal)

Phalanges

Lower limbs

Os coxae Hip bone

Femur Thigh bone

Patella Kneecap

Tibia Shin bone

Fibula Calf bone

Tarsals (calcaneus, talus, navicular, cuneiforms, cuboid bone)

Tarsal bones

Metatarsals Metatarsal bones Phalanges (proximal,

medial and distal)

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13 3.2 Death, decomposition and disarticulation

Key to knowing more about the post-depositional movement of skeletal remains within burials is an understanding of soft tissue decomposition, the sequence of disarticulation of the joints and the contribution of other taphonomic processes to the in-situ

displacement. These are referred to as necrodynamics and include the effects of gravity and biological agents on bones (Duday 2009; Mickleburgh and Wescot 2018, 158-159). However, to be able to determine the effects of these processes we first ought to know the ways in which the body decomposes and disarticulates. Duday (2009, 7-13)

illustrates this very well using a nineteenth century Japanese watercolour as an

example. This watercolour shows that even though, in the Western world, death is seen as an event (as can be seen in legal or forensic documents that speak of the ‘time of death’) (Abramovitch 2015, 871; Madea 2016); it might better be seen as a complex process that starts with deteriorating health and ends with a skeletonized human being. While death, or the permanent cessation of the biological functions of the body, is generally considered a defining moment in a person’s life; in archaeology this phase is obscured by the treatment that the deceased individual undergoes before and after death. The Japanese watercolour shows the treatment a woman receives before and after death; from the clothing that she wears, the position that she rests in, to the ways in which her body is displaced due to decomposition, scavenging and bioturbation. Eventually a commemorative monument is built on the location where she decomposed. If the remains of this woman were to be excavated, this would show a completely different image from the initial deposit. Therefore, funerary archaeologists work backwards through the transformations undergone by the body to eventually arrive at this initial deposit. Knowledge of the stages of decomposition and taphonomy is essential for this reason (Duday 2009, 7-13).

Decomposition is defined as the mobilisation of nutrients once bound to living organisms into the surrounding ecosystem so that they will be recycled as biomass (Swift et al. 1979 in Damann and Carter 2013, 37). Human decomposition is no

exception to this and consists of several stages of increased and decreased taphonomic activity (Damann and Carter 2013, 37). Generally, after an individual has passed away the body will immediately start decomposing. Since the circulatory system has stopped, cells are not provided with the oxygen they need. This leads to the autolysis of cells; a process in which cells swell and rupture initiating the rupture of other cellular

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14 Algor mortis refers to the cooling of the body. Ligor mortis or lividity is the process where low-lying body tissues develop a reddish-purple appearance under the effects of gravity. Rigor mortis occurs when a decrease in adenosine triphosphate and pH, and the presence of calcium ions, leads to the binding of the contractile units of muscles. This gives the muscles a rigid and hard appearance. Autolysis also initiates the process of putrefaction, which is marked by the breakdown, destruction and liquefaction of soft tissues caused by microorganisms. These microorganisms migrate from the intestinal system to other soft tissues, spreading decomposition. Eventually, the skin changes colour and the body starts to bloat as carbon dioxide remains trapped in the body. In this transition to late-stage decomposition, orifices might form where oxygen enters the body. This replenishes the system of decomposition and eventually leads to the final skeletonization. Scavenging and activities by bacteria and small animals outside the corpse may accelerate these processes (Damann and Carter 2013, 37-42).

After decomposition, the muscles, ligaments and soft tissue that keep the skeletal elements in articulation, will have disappeared. This leads to the disarticulation of the body, which usually happens over a longer period. Articulations can namely be persistent (durable) or labile (non-durable). Persistent articulations include the bones that play a major role in the weight bearing and locomotion of the body such as the pelvic girdle, the knees and the humero-ulnar (elbow) joint. Labile articulations include, among others, the hands, toes and scapulothoracic (shoulder blade-thorax) joint. If in a burial the labile articulations have preserved, it is assumed that the individual was buried rapidly after death (Duday 2009; Mickleburgh and Wescott 2018, 158-159). This is the most common way of identifying a primary burial alongside a positioning of the skeletal elements according to the anatomy of the human body (Duday 2009, 25-28). However, an absence of articulated skeletal elements does not constitute the secondary character of the burial. It is perfectly normal for a burial to be primary even though natural or anthropogenic processes have later disarticulated these elements. The presence of some articulations and the absence of others even provides important information on the sequence of the disarticulation of the body (Duday 2009, 28-30). Experimental research by Mickleburgh and Wescott (2018) showed that in the case of an open pit in a warm environment, decomposition of the corpse could last over 200 days with certain articulations remaining intact after such a long time span. This study showed that climate, the position of the body in the grave or pit and the burial

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15 labile articulations persisting longer than the actual persistent ones. Some articulations even re-articulated days after they had already disarticulated from one another. Important taphonomical mechanisms identified in archaeothanatology thus include, amongst others, scavenging, water, gravity, the increased volume of wet sediments and bioturbation. A combination of these wet sediments and bioturbation, for example, leads to archaeologists misinterpreting the size of a grave. Usually the grave fill is interpreted to be a darker, softer and lumpier fill that is named ‘organic’. This darker sediment does not necessarily have to represent the size of the grave, however, but might be more related to the soaking of the sediment with decomposition fluids spread by small animals such as earthworms (Duday 2009, 54-55). Scavenging, water and gravity might disperse the skeletal elements over large areas, possibly commingling them with other bones. Weathering and burning might destroy bone, while also leaving information behind to what might have happened at a site (Pokines 2013, 4-9). The pH of the soil and the climate also have a huge impact on the preservation of the bones (Jans 2013, 25) with alkaline soils and desiccated or waterlogged conditions, for example, being more preferable for preservation. Cultural taphonomic factors are equally important though; these include processes such as organ removal, embalming, interment in a coffin or directly into the soil, or wrapping of the corpse (Damann and Carter 2013, 43).

3.3 Archaeothanatological analysis

Several important processes might occur that have an influence on how the form of the burial found in excavation is different from the original burial. First, due to

decomposition, a void will be created where the thoracic and abdominal organs were situated; this leads to the collapse of the ribs. In the case of an individual laying on its back, the ribs will fall symmetrically towards the bottom of the grave. If the body, however, lies on its side, the ribs resting on the bottom of the pit do not change position, while the ribs opposite of the bottom will fall. This is natural under the effects of gravity and will only be prevented if the void left during decomposition gradually fills or when the body has been buried in a very narrow structure with the ribs rest against this structure (Duday 2009, 16-17).

In many cases, the disarticulation of the cranium and cervical vertebrae can also lead to the rotation of the head. In the turning of our head, seven cervical vertebrae, C1-C7, are involved. Between C1 (atlas) and C2 (axis) a rotation of 60° is possible, while between

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16 vertebraes C2 and C7 only a 20° rotation is possible. A slight rotation between the atlas and the occipital bone of the cranium is also possible since the occipital condyles follow the movement of the head. In a living individual, but also in a corpse whose muscles and ligaments are still intact, the rotation of the head is thus hampered by these factors. However, when the muscles and ligaments decompose and break down, the spherical shape of the cranium might cause the cranium to fall to one side. If we find that some of the cervical vertebrae have fallen alongside the cranium, this also enriches our

information on the sequence of disarticulation of the cervical vertebrae. Moreover, the temporo-mandibular joints, i.e. the joint that links the mandible to the base of the cranium, usually decays before those of the cervical vertebrae. The position of the mandible is thus also important as it might fall to the opposite side of where the cranium eventually falls (Duday 2009, 17-19).

The clavicle also is an excellent indication of the original burial of the individual. This bone namely tends to shift to a very oblique, almost vertical, position when being compressed by a narrow coffin or a shroud. This is especially interesting considering the hypothesis that multiple individuals from Ypenburg and Schipluiden were wrapped in the tightly flexed fetal positions (Baetsen 2008; Duday 2009, 45-46; Smits and Louwe Kooijmans 2006).

If an individual is found whose skeletal elements that are associated with labile

articulations have been displaced, chances are there that the individual decomposed in a void. Obviously, skeletal elements do not move by themselves and if natural

taphonomic processes can be ruled out, the disarticulating of the labile articulations shows that at least in the early stages of decomposition this void existed. This can, for example, also be seen in the lateral rotation of the femora or the lateral displacement of the patella; these bones would not have been able to rotate or get displaced if the body was buried in sediment. In addition, when looking at putrefaction or fluctuating water tables, smaller bones could have only floated away if a void existed. (Duday 2009, 32-38). This brings us to decomposition in a filled space. Most important in recognising this type of burial is the fact that the skeletal elements have been kept in a disequilibrium, left after decomposition, that is supported by the filled space. The voids left by

decomposition of the organs can, however, fill staggered or gradually over time and this leads to different observations. In the case of delayed or staggered filling, the rib cage has lost most of its volume, the os coxae has fallen flat and the intersegmental angles (the angles created between the different segments of the limbs) are closed. This last

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17 change only occurs in tightly flexed burials. In the case of progressive filling, the rib cage has retained some of its volume, the os coxae has not flattened and many bones are in their original state of disequilibrium (Duday 2009, 52-54).

Careful documentation of the skeletal elements is also an excellent way of providing more information on the ritual aspects of a burial. This could range from the position in which the body is laid; the direction the individual faces; the positioning of grave goods to the relation between the individual and the architecture of the grave. Understanding the ritual or religious background of these actions without the necessary context and interpretation is difficult. The repeated occurrence of a certain ‘ritual’ or ‘religious’ action does, however, provide us with new insights into prehistoric societies (Duday 2009, 25).

3.4 Types of funerary deposits

Furthermore, in funerary archaeology distinctions are made between different types of burials. When an individual decomposes entirely at the place of burial, this is referred to as a primary burial. When the human remains are manipulated at two different stages, this is referred to as a secondary burial. In the case of a secondary burial, the corpse is first put in a temporary burial where decomposition takes place. After that (part of) the skeleton would be collected and transferred to the final resting place (Duday 2009, 14). Often a secondary burial is characterised by a combination of disorder of the skeletal elements and the absence of smaller bones. Primary burials can, however, be

completely disarticulated as well and poor excavation could lead to smaller bones not being found. Therefore, detailed documentation is necessary when distinguishing primary and secondary burials. Cremations are a common example of secondary burials; the bones that are left after cremation are often not buried at the pyre but at a different location (Duday 2009, 89-92).

Other forms of funerary deposits include reductions and the double burial. A reduction is the displacement of an individual in a container or structure because the structure has to accommodate the burial of a second individual. The bones of the first individual remain within the structure, but are moved aside. In this case, a distinguishment is made between the first individual who was buried, the primary deposit, and the second individual to be buried, the secondary deposit. A double burial is the simultaneous deposit of two individuals in one structure (Duday 2009, 72-76). Of course, the occurrence of more than two individuals in one structure is also a possibility. When

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18 multiple individuals were deposited in one structure staggered over time, this is referred to as a collective burial. Multiple individual having been deposited simultaneously is referred to as a ‘catastrophe’ burial; these are often associated with episodes of disease or warfare (Duday 2009, 98-104).

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19 4. The sites of Ypenburg-locatie 4 and Schipluiden-Harnaschpolder

The site of Ypenburg-locatie 4 is a Middle Neolithic site in the western Netherlands excavated in the late 1990’s (Koot and Bruning 2008, 1-13). The site is famous for the large ‘cemetery’ where at least 42 individuals were found (Baetsen 2008, 124). An exceptional number of individuals compared to the seven individuals found at the contemporaneous site of Schipluiden-Harnaschpolder (Smits and Louwe Kooijmans 2006, 91). Both these sites and their associated graves will be assessed to gain more knowledge on the mortuary practices of the Middle Neolithic in specifically the western Netherlands.

4.1 Landscape formation

Nowadays the western Netherlands is a densely populated area, lying mostly beneath sea level, but before the Medieval and modern period it used to be an area extensively covered in peat and water. This landscape has a long history that has had a large impact on the prehistoric peoples living at both Ypenburg and Schipluiden. Both sites are situated in the Holland basin that has been subject to sea level rise and fall,

sedimentation and peat formation for centuries. Long before both sites were settled, circa 4800 BC, as the sea level was rising, this area was subject to river depositions of clay and sand. As the sea level, however, continued to rise, the coast started degrading and the land was partially submerged beneath the sea. Tiday gulleys formed because of this (Mol 2006; Van der Spek 2008, 17-21). Around 4000 BC, the sea level rise came to a halt and the gulleys on the beach plain started silting up. The beach ridge of Rijswijk-Voorburg formed that partially separated the hinterland from the sea and allowed the winds to form dunes when the tides were low. The large dunes that eventually formed between 4000 and 3700 BC at Ypenburg and between 4000 and 3550 BC at Schipluiden became the focus of occupation at both sites (Mol 2006; Van der Spek 2008, 22-24). Ypenburg was, however, not continuously inhabited throughout this period. On the basis of the house plans, two habitation periods have been identified circa 4000 and 3700 BC (Koot et al. 2008, 480-481). At Schipluiden, habitation seems to have been most intensive between circa 3550-3400 BC; before and after this period habitation was present to a lesser extent (Hamburg and Louwe Kooijmans 2006, 64). Ironically, the formation of the beach ridge also turned out to be the downfall of human occupation in this area as around 3000 BC the gradual formation of this beach ridge led to a

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20 the area became too wet for human occupation and people moved to live on the beach ridge itself (Van der Spek 2008, 24).

4.2 Stratigraphy and dating

The stratigraphy of Ypenburg-locatie 4 is complex for many different sediment layers have been found that have not been documented in a uniform manner. The analysis of the site has however led to a temporal division into phases 1 to 13 and A to N found in different parts of the settlement (Bruning and Houkes 2008, 31-44). Calibrated

radiocarbon dates using the calibration curve from Oxcal-3 have dated the site between circa 3860 and 3435 BC. The ranges of dates from the site are, however, very extensive as the calibration curve shows several pronounced wiggles at the time of occupation (Bruning and Houkes 2008, 44-48). The stratigraphy of Schipluiden has been divided into three main stages, A to C, corresponding to the periods before, during and after

occupation. Stage B has then been further subdivided into phases 1, 2 and 3 (Mol et al. 2006, 19-29). Phase 1 dates to 3630-3550 BC, phase 2 dates 3550-3490 BC and phase 3 dates to 3490-3380 BC. Again, taking into account the wiggles of the calibration curve (Mol et al. 2006, 29-37). Both sites thus fall almost perfectly within the ranges of the Hazendonk cultural group to which they have been assigned and which lasted from circa 3800 to 3400 BC (Mol et al. 2006, 35).

4.3 Features

At Ypenburg, 2303 anthropogenic features have been found which have been

categorised under postholes, hearth pits, graves, etc. Almost half of these features, at a number of 1044, have been interpreted as probable postholes that have been assigned to 6 main clusters. Some of these postholes belong to the relatively small amount of house plans found in the Netherlands dating to the Middle Neolithic. Houses were often two-aisled during this period; a phenomenon also visible in the houseplans of

Schipluiden. One of the houses, HS 3, has been found directly to the south of the southwestern cluster of graves. Other structures such as granaries were also found, while many structures could not be given a specific function (Houkes and Bruning 2008, 79-90).

At Schipluiden, 4609 anthropogenic features were found that have been interpreted according to the quite crude classification of: large features such as pits; large features with a special function such as burials; ditches and trenches and small features such as postholes. Since post-depositional processes at the site had disturbed the top 30 cm of

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21 sediment, many of the features seem to be much shallower and smaller than they probably would have been originally (Hamburg and Louwe Kooijmans 2006, 39-41). At the site, 148 wells were found that seem to have been hardly maintained; suggesting a sufficient supply of freshwater in the landscape (Hamburg and Louwe Kooijmans 2006, 42-43). 2086 of the features were interpreted as post moulds; these differ from

postholes as they have a more regular outline and are smaller on average. A number of these postholes and post moulds have been interpreted as being part of fences that might have enclosed parts of the dune (Hamburg and Louwe Kooijmans 2006, 52-56). Several houses have also been identified (Hamburg and Louwe Kooijmans 2006, 60-62). 4.4 Subsistence economy

At both Ypenburg and Schipluiden agriculture was practiced. Cereals were grown on the flank of the dunes and cattle and pigs were mostly kept as livestock. Evidence of

gathering is more difficult to see in the archaeological record, as the preservation of seeds, for example, was not perfect. At both sites, however, vegetables, fruits and medicinal plants found in the surroundings of the sites were gathered. Animals such as deer, boar, fish and birds were hunted at both sites. Cranes were especially hunted extensively at Ypenburg in contrast to other sites in this period. In the earlier habitation period of Ypenburg hunting and fishing seem to have been more prominent in the consumption of meat than the breeding of cattle. At Schipluiden marine fish seem to have been especially important in the earlier stages. For the later habitation periods, conclusions are more difficult to draw but at Ypenburg it seems that the importance of cattle grew, while at Schipluiden this importance decreased due to deteriorating climatic conditions. Both sites are thus typical for the so-called ‘extended broad spectrum economy’ (Koot et al. 2008, 457-465; Louwe Kooijmans 2006, 502-504).

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22 5. The grave fields at Ypenburg-locatie 4 and Schipluiden-Harnaschpolder

5.1 Age groups

Since many of the individuals at Ypenburg and Schipluiden have been given an estimated age, this paper will use a division of age groups since ages cannot be estimated to a single year. This division includes: fetus (less than 40 weeks in utero); perinate (around the time of birth); infant (1 month after birth to 2 years); child (3 to 6 years); juvenile (7 to 12 years); adolescent (13 to 17 years); early young adult (18 to 25 years); late young adult (26 to 35 years); middle adult (36 to 49 years) and old adult (older than 50 years) (Schats 2018a; Schats 2018b).

5.2 The grave field at Ypenburg-locatie 4

At the grave field of Ypenburg, 43 concentrations of skeletal material have been found of which 31 can be interpreted as graves with certainty. These graves can be found towards the east of the site on the southern flank of the dune (Bruning and Houkes 2008, 97). All the graves have been found in trench 2 but because of location, these have been divided into two clusters, a northern one and a southwestern one. These two clusters are 15 m apart but might have been part of one larger cemetery as the space in-between is known to have been disturbed in recent times. The cluster in the southwest of trench 2 consists of 14 graves interred with 16 individuals in total. The northern cluster consists of 16 graves, and one concentration of bones bringing the total number of individuals in this cluster to 25. Grave S2-21 does not necessarily belong to any of the clusters even though it is in closer proximity to the northern cluster (Bruning and Houkes 2008, 99). 24 of the graves have been interred with one individual, six with two

individuals and one with three individuals. Grave S2-8 and S2-44 overlap each other, resulting in the commingling of skeletal elements from grave S2-44 into grave S2-8. Features S2-29 and S2-45 are skeletal concentrations that were disturbed by more recently dug ditches; these features have also become very fragmented for this reason. Feature S2-35 was found in layer 90 that had surfaced over time and was therefore very fragmented. S2-29 and S2-35 were too fragmented to be documented in detail. Next to the 43 concentrations of skeletal material in trench 2, 126 grams of fragmented skeletal material has been found in trenches 8, 11, 13 and 14 towards the western part of the site. The graves are generally oval-shaped ranging from dimensions of circa 55x50 cm to 225x150 cm. The graves must have originally been much deeper than the recorded depths ranging from 3 to 36 cm (Baetsen 2008, 122; Bruning and Houkes 2008, 97).

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23 Seven of the graves intersect with other features; 5 of them are intersected by another grave and two by respectively a water hole and a pit. This might suggest that even though the general location of the graves was still known throughout the centuries of one-and-off occupation, exact locations might not have been continuously visible or known (Bruning and Houkes 2008, 99).

The graves could possibly have been used throughout the whole one-and-off occupation history of the site as dates for the graves are very inaccurate. The fact that the cemetery seemed to have remained largely intact over the period of occupation could either suggest that the cemetery only has a short-lived history or a longer one in which people could largely see or remember the locations of the graves. The proximity of house 3 to the cemetery without the two overlapping each other could suggest that the house and cemetery were contemporaneous. This does not need to suggest that the inhabitants of this house solely used the cemetery (Bruning and Houkes 2008, 99-101).

The majority of the individuals have been positioned in the so-called fetal position with their legs flexed towards the torso (Baetsen 2008, 122-125). The age-at-death of the individuals has been estimated based on multiple methods such as the development of the dentition, and the pubic symphysis on the os coxae. The sex of the individuals has been largely estimated using the os coxae and skull with the methods described by Acsádi and Nemeskéri (1970) and the Workshop of European Archaeologists (WEA 1980) (Baetsen 2008, 120-121). This shows that 20 individuals had died before reaching

adulthood with most of these dying before the age of 7 (16 individuals). Adolescents and early young adults are remarkably absent, while most adults (15 out of 22 individuals) died as a middle adult. Of 18 out of the 22 adult individuals the sex could be estimated as well; 8 are male and 10 are female (Baetsen 2008, 126-130). Twelve of these individuals were interred with 23 grave goods. These mostly consist of amber and jet beads or pendants found close to the skull, neck or os coxae. They were found with seven non-adult and four adult individuals (Baetsen 2008, 136).

5.2 Schipluiden-Harnaschpolder

The grave field at Schipluiden consists of 6 burials, one being a double grave. Seven individuals have been found. Burials are mostly oval in outline with burial 4 not having been visible as a pit at first hand. The dimensions of the pits were considerably larger than required for the burials with depths ranging from 60 to 95 cm. Four of the burials were found in a cluster on the western part of the dune with the other two having been

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24 found in isolated positions on the top of the dune and at the foot of the southeastern slope. The burials could not be accurately dated but their stratigraphy suggests that one was dug throughout phases 1-2a, one in phase 2a, three in phase 2 and one in phase 3. The graves dating to the earliest and latest period are also the ones not associated with the small cemetery. Small numbers of individuals thus seem to have been buried at the periphery of the settlement throughout the entire period of occupation (Hamburg and Louwe Kooijmans 2006, 48-49; Smits and Louwe Kooijmans 2006, 93). Apart from the seven individuals found, 36 human bones, representing at least 8 individuals, were found scattered among settlement refuse (Smits and Louwe Kooijmans 2006, 91). The age and sex of the individuals was estimated using the same methods as at Ypenburg. This shows that out of the seven individuals found, 5 were male while the other two are indeterminate non-adults. The scattered human remains could possibly belong to two males, one likely male, one likely female and the other four are

indeterminate. The individuals associated with the graves are one infant, one juvenile, one late young adult male, three middle adult males and one old adult male. The scattered remains are estimated to belong to one foetus, one juvenile, two early young adults, one late young adult and three undetermined adults. The middle adult male in grave 2 is associated with a lump of pyrite and a strike-a-light set, and the infant in grave 6 is associated with two bird bone beads (Smits and Louwe Kooijmans 2006, 92-93).

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25 6. Descriptive analysis of the graves at Ypenburg-locatie 4 and

Schipluiden-Harnaschpolder

For the analysis of the mortuary practices at Ypenburg-locatie 4 and Schipluiden-Harnaschpolder, every individual grave or skeletal concentration will be described and discussed in detail. These descriptions will be based upon the information provided by Baetsen (2008) for Ypenburg and Smits and Louwe Kooijmans (2006) for Schipluiden. Whilst Baetsen (2008) has included both drawings and pictures for most of the graves, Smits and Louwe Kooijmans (2006) have slightly less detailed documentation of the graves. Attention will not only be given to the archaeothanatological analysis of the individuals, but also the archaeological and osteoarchaeological analysis already performed in the literature.

6.1 Ypenburg-locatie 4 Grave S2-1

Grave S2-1 is part of the southwest cluster of graves at the site. The grave is oriented west to east and has been interred with two individuals. One, individual 1 on the right-hand side of the grave, has been identified as a middle adult male and the other, individual 2 on the left, as a child (Baetsen 2008, 152-153).

Individual 1 has been interred on its right side with the legs and arms drawn towards the torso. Its head points west, its feet point east and the face faces the south. The

interment of this individual lying on its side with both the legs and the arms drawn towards the torso is the characteristic fetal position. This individual has preserved quite well overall with both large and small skeletal elements such as the tarsals, femora and vertebras having been found. Since the small skeletal elements of the feet have been found in anatomical position, it is likely to suggest that this is the primary burial of an individual. The thoracic vertebrae are slightly displaced; this suggests that the skeleton has been under the effect of forces that exercise double torsion. This might be an indication that the individual decomposed in a void; in this case, however, it is unclear whether this could have also been caused by the addition of a secondary deposit. One amber bead has been associated with this individual (Baetsen 2008, 152-153; Duday 2014, 239).

Since many of the skeletal elements of individual 2 have not been preserved and are also not in anatomical position, it is impossible to see in what position this individual

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26 might have been interred. It seems likely that individual 2 was interred slightly later than individual 1 since the hands of individual 1 have been disturbed. Perhaps a biological or social link exists between the two individuals (Baetsen 2008, 152-153).

Grave S2-2

Grave S2-2 is situated in the southwest cluster of the site and is oriented

northnortheast-southsouthwest. It contains one individual that has been identified as a juvenile. The individual lies on its left side with both arms and legs tightly flexed at respectively the elbows and knees. The head points to the northeast, while the feet point southwest and the face looks southeast. This individual is in anatomical position and has been preserved very well. The photograph of this grave shows a very clear distinction between the sediments directly surrounding the skeleton and the sediment inside the cranial vault. The colour of the latter is very similar to the sediment found outside the grave, while the former is much browner. This is an indication that the cranium only collapsed sometime after decomposition. The anatomical positioning of the skeleton and the observation that the os coxae and the rib cage seem not to have fully fallen flat suggests a primary burial interred in a filled space that has gradually filled over time. Verticalisation of the clavicles suggests interment in a constricted manner, possibly a wrapping of the corpse (Baetsen 2008, 154).

Grave S2-3

Grave S2-3 is also part of the southwest cluster of graves. One child has been interred in it. The grave and the individual are both oriented northwest southeast with the

individual having been positioned on its left side with its arms and legs raised towards the trunk. The head is situated to the northwest; the feet to the southeast and the face looks eastward. The individual has preserved quite poorly with many fragmented skeletal elements. Part of the reason for that could be the young age of the individual, since many skeletal elements only fuse at a later age. The parallel positions of the right ribs and the proximity of the left humerus to the left radius does suggest that this grave was a primary burial. Two beads, one made from amber and the other from jet, have been associated with this grave (Baetsen 2008, 155).

Grave S2-4

Grave S2-4 is part of the southwest cluster of graves and contains one middle adult male. The grave is oriented northwest southeast, while the individual is oriented

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27 southwest northeast and is buried on its right side with arms and legs drawn towards the torso in a tightly flexed position. The head is situated to the west and the feet to the east. The individual has preserved quite well and is mostly in anatomical position. This is an indication of it being a primary burial. This grave is interesting for the skull is not in anatomical position. As with some of the other skeletons it can be seen that the cavity left by the decomposition of the brain and the corresponding collapse of the cranial vault has left a cavity behind filled with a differently coloured sediment from the rest of the skeleton. It seems as if the skull is resting on its inferior aspect rather than the right side as the rest of the body lies upon. Even considering the disarticulation of the skull to the cervical vertebrae, such a movement would not be anatomically possible. It

therefore seems likely that the skull was intentionally placed like this after the ligaments had been removed or after they had decayed, or that post-depositional digging activities caused the skull to fall on its interior aspect. Since the documentation of the grave is unclear about the location of the cervical vertebrae of this individual, it would be difficult to say when the displacement of the skull could have taken place after death (Baetsen 2008, 156).

Grave S2-5

Grave S2-5 is a double inhumation of two young individuals in the southwest cluster. The grave and the individuals are oriented northwest southeast. Individual 1 is positioned on its right side and individual 2 on its left side and are thus facing each facing each other. Both individuals have their arms and legs drawn towards the torso in a flexed position. Individual 1, on the right, is positioned with the skull to the northwest, the feet to the east and the face to the south. Individual 2, on the left, is positioned with the skull to the northwest, the feet to the southeast and the face to the northeast. This individual is associated with an amber bead. Both individuals have preserved well with both larger and smaller bones still being intact and in anatomical position. The two individuals seem to have been buried at the same time with individual 2 possibly having been interred before individual 1 as the left tibia of individual 1 overlays the right tibia of individual 2. If the two individuals were not to have been interred at a similar

moment in time, one would expect individual 2 to have been disturbed more due to the interment of a second individual. Since the rib cage has lost most of its volume, this is most likely a primary burial that filled staggered over time (Baetsen 2008, 157).

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28 Grave S2-6

Grave S2-6 is part of the southwest cluster and contains one individual. The grave is oriented westsouthwest-eastnortheast. The individual itself is most likely an adult positioned on its left side, having been oriented southwest northeast inside the grave. The skeleton is, however, remarkably incomplete as only some vertebrae and ribs have been found. The area in which the grave is situated has not been subject to recent disturbances even though there seems to be a very sharp contrast between the sediment in which the grave is situated and the sediments immediately to the north of the grave. The odd, semi-circular shape of the grave suggests that the grave had already been heavily disturbed in less recent times. This probably happened before

skeletonization had finished as the few skeletal elements that have been found are partially in anatomical position (Baetsen 2008, 158).

Grave S2-7

Grave S2-7 is part of the northern cluster and contains one individual that has been estimated to be an early young adult female. Both the grave and the individual are oriented north south. The individual lies on its back, the knees are bent with the legs drawn upwards and to the right, whilst the left arm is flexed at the elbow and placed on top of the abdominal cavity and the right arm is stretched. The head is positioned towards the north and the feet towards the south. The individual has preserved well and is in anatomical position. The rib cage has retained some of its original volume and the vertebral column is slightly displaced, this suggests interment in a filled space that gradually filled over time. The displacement of the vertebral column could be related to a taphonomic process such as bioturbation. Interesting about this grave is the fact that the skull is slightly leaning on its inferior aspect. It seems to be the case that something supported the cranium allowing it to remain in such a position. This could be something organic that has slowly decayed over time, allowing the sediments to fill the newly created gap. It could however also be the case that the grave was dug with a slight elevation in the area where the cranium was to be placed (Baetsen 2008, 159). Grave S2-8

In grave S2-8, four individuals have been found. This grave and individual 1 inside it are oriented west east. Individual 1 to the south is most likely a middle adult male who has been positioned on its back with stretched legs and slightly flexed arms. The skull of this individual points to the westnorthwest, the feet to the eastsoutheast and the face

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29 points up. This individual has preserved well and is in anatomical position (Baetsen 2008, 160-161).

The other three individuals, however, are not. The other individual, individual 2, who was also primarily buried in this grave is most likely a middle adult female whose skeletal elements have gotten mixed up with the skeletal elements of the other two individuals. Grave S2-8 is namely situated on the same location as another grave, S2-44. It seems likely that at the time of the construction of grave S2-8, grave S2-44 was either accidentally or purposefully disturbed. The two individuals who had already been interred at this location were then moved aside to create space for the two new interments (a reduction). Since several skeletal elements such as a femur overlap the body of individual 1, it becomes clear that some of the skeletal elements from the older individuals were removed from the grave and only placed back after individual 1 had been interred. These seem to have been thrown or placed in the grave quite

haphazardly. Perhaps a social or biological relationship existed between the people interred in this grave, or one had forgotten about the location of the older grave and accidentally stumbled upon it. This second explanation, however, seems unlikely, as the graves at Ypenburg have been found in quite proximity to one another, while this seems to be the only grave that got heavily disturbed by the digging of a new grave (Baetsen 2008, 160-161).

Grave S2-9

Grave S2-9 is part of the southwest cluster and contains one infant. The grave is

oriented north south while the individual is oriented northeast southwest. The individual is positioned on its right side with both the arms and legs slightly drawn towards the torso. The cranium points to the northeast, the feet to the southwest and the face looks west. The individual is relatively well preserved considering the estimated age of 6 to 12 months, even the smaller hand and foot bones have preserved and are in anatomical position. This indicates that it is a primary burial (Baetsen 2008, 162).

Grave S2-10

Grave S2-10 is situated in the southwest cluster and contains one individual that is estimated to be a middle adult male. The grave is oriented northwest southeast and the individual itself is oriented north south. The individual is positioned partially on its left side and partially on its anterior aspect with the arms and legs having been very tightly flexed towards the trunk. The right foot rests on top of the left foot. The head points

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30 north, the feet south and the face southeast. The individual has preserved very well and is in anatomical position. Since the labile articulations are also still intact, this is

definitely a primary burial. The compact nature of the individual and the slight verticalisation of the clavicles could be an indication that this individual has been wrapped in a cloth or something organic which has since decayed (Baetsen 2008, 163). Grave S2-12

Grave S2-12 is part of the southwest cluster and contains one individual who is estimated to be a middle adult female. The grave and the individual are oriented northeast southwest. The individual itself is positioned on its left side with the arms and legs tightly drawn towards the torso. The head points northeast while the feet point southwards and the individual itself faces southeast. This individual has preserved relatively well and is in anatomical position. Some of the labile articulations are intact, suggesting that this is a primary burial. The extremely tightly flexed position could again suggest the existence of a wrapping of the body; in this case, however, the individual is not visible well enough on the photograph to be certain of that (Baetsen 2008, 164). Grave S2-13

Grave S2-13 is part of the southwest cluster and contains one middle adult female. The grave and the individual are both oriented west east. The individual lies on its left side with the legs and arms drawn towards the trunk. The head points to the west, the feet to the east and the face northeast. The individual has preserved well and is in

anatomical position. If one looks closely at the left foot of this individual, it becomes obvious that this foot is heavily curved downwards. No specific pathology has been noted by the osteoarchaeologist that could suggest that this is due to a medical

condition (Duday 2009, 78-82). Therefore, this could possibly be a deliberate placement of the foot when the foot was still covered in flesh. The perfect anatomical position of the talus, calcaneus, metatarsals and phalanges at least seems to suggest that the foot was positioned in such a manner when the ligaments and tissues still kept the bones somewhat in place. Perhaps this could be a symbolic gesture of some sort. The tightly flexed nature of the individual and the right clavicle that has very much verticalised might be an indication of the wrapping of the body (Baetsen 2008, 165).

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31 Grave S2-14

Grave S2-14 is part of the southwest cluster and contains one individual that has been estimated to be a middle adult male. The grave is oriented west east, while the

individual is oriented northwest southeast. The individual is positioned on its right side with the arms and legs flexed towards the rest of the body. The skull points to the northwest, while the feet point east and the individual most likely faces southwards. This is, however, difficult to say since the cranium has preserved very poorly. The preservation of the individual is decent and the skeletal elements lie in anatomical position. This suggests that it is a primary burial, though the skeleton was disturbed as can be seen from the skeletal element that lies in front of the left tibia (Baetsen 2008, 166).

Grave S2-21

Grave S-21 is not part of any of the two clusters, even though it is closer to the northern cluster. This grave contains one middle adult female. The grave and the individual are both oriented north south. The individual lies on its back with the legs and the right lower arm flexed horizontally. The knees point to the left. The left elbow is bent towards the scapula with the hand resting partially on top of a rib. The head points to the north, the feet point to the south and the face looks to the southeast. The individual has preserved well and is in anatomical position. This grave stands out as it is the only grave that has been associated with a cover of organic material having rested on top of the body. Part of this organic cover, possibly tree bark, has preserved and is still clearly visible to the left of the individual. If one looks closely, a rectangular slightly discoloured outline can be seen surrounding the skeleton; it seems to have covered almost the entire skeleton. Since the labile articulations are intact, this is a primary burial. The clavicles have slightly verticalised, suggesting that the individual was buried in a constricted manner. Perhaps the organic cover originally looked more like a modern coffin; this would explain why the legs are placed in such a peculiar fashion as otherwise they would not have fitted under the tree bark. Three amber beads are associated with the individual (Baetsen 2008, 167).

Grave S2-22

Grave S2-22 is part of the northern cluster and contains two individuals. The grave is oriented northwest southeast. Individual 1 on the left is estimated to be a middle adult male; individual 2 on the right is estimated to be an infant based on the size and fusion

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32 of the skeletal elements. The grave is, however, heavily disturbed as a recent ditch or other feature ran right through this grave. Preservation of the bones is decent, but large parts of both skeletons are missing. It is therefore very difficult to determine what mortuary practices these individuals might have been subject to (Baetsen 2008, 168). Grave S2-24

Grave S2-24 is part of the northern cluster and contains one individual that is estimated to be an early young adult female. The grave and the individual are oriented northeast southwest. The individual has been positioned on its right side with the arms and legs drawn towards the torso in a flexed position. The head points towards the southwest, the feet northeast and the face looks southeast. The individual has preserved very well and is in perfect anatomical position. Since the labile articulations are still intact, this is a primary burial (Baetsen 2008, 169). The fact that the left patella still articulates with both the left femur and tibia, also suggests that the grave progressively filled up with sediment as the body was decomposing. The overall intactness of the cranium and the parallel positioning of the ribs in a state of disequilibrium also suggest this. One would expect that if the body would have been decomposing at a more rapid speed than the cavities left by decomposition being filled up, these skeletal elements would have collapsed. The patella would in that case have fallen on its posterior surface. The rib cage would have flattened more, instead of partly retaining its original volume (Baetsen 2008, 169; Duday et al. 2014, 240-245).

Grave S2-25

Grave S2-25 is part of the northern cluster and contains two individuals. Both the grave and the two individuals are oriented west east. Individual 1 lies to the south and is estimated to be a middle adult female. This individual lies on its left side in a fetal position. The upper body has been positioned slightly more on the stomach than the lower body. The skull is positioned to the west while the feet point east and the individual itself looks north. The individual has preserved well and is largely in

anatomical position. The right fibula, however, only articulates with the right tibia at its proximal end and not at its dorsal end. Instead, the dorsal end of the right fibula lies next to the proximal end of the right femur. Furthermore, the bones of both feet are not in anatomical position and lie at a large distance from another. One possibility could be that the fibula and foot bones were disturbed at the time of the addition of the second individual to the grave; the articulations at the knees or elbows have, however, not been

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33 disturbed at all. Perhaps it is therefore more likely that bioturbation is the cause for this; it is well known that animals are attracted to humid, organic-rich soils such as the ones near decomposing bodies (Duday et al. 2014, 240). This might also explain the

occurrence of several, unidentifiable skeletal elements to the west of this individual (Baetsen 2008, 170).

Individual 2 has been estimated to be an infant. Since the individual has not been preserved well and is not in anatomical position, it is difficult to make any conclusions about the individual. The picture and drawing both seem to suggest that this individual was interred in a space enclosed by individual 1. The photograph of individual 2 is, however, very unclear as it suggests that the remaining skeletal elements have been positioned in a circular fashion. It is unclear whether this is the cranium of individual 2; whether this was a deliberate positioning, or at the time the picture was taken the individual was simply not excavated completely. Individual 1 is a primary burial that had been interred in a gradually filling space as the rib cage retained its volume and the sacrum has not fallen flat. Individual 2 was possibly interred somewhat later (Baetsen 2008, 170).

Grave S2-26

Grave S2-26 is part of the northern cluster and contains one individual. Both the grave and the individual are oriented northwest southeast. The individual is estimated to be a child based on the size and fusion of the skeletal elements. The individual has not preserved well and is not in anatomical position. This grave has been dug close to grave S2-36; it is possible that this grave was disturbed at the time grave S2-36 was dug. The grave also ends very abruptly towards its northern edge. Positioning cannot be determined due to the poor preservation (Baetsen 2008, 171).

Grave S2-27

Grave S2-27 is part of the northern cluster and contains three individuals, including a foetus. The grave is oriented northwest southeast. Individual 1 to the northeast is estimated to be a child. This individual is oriented west east. The individual is positioned on its right side with bent knees and the arms stretched in front of the torso. The head points west, the feet point east and the individual looks to the southeast. The individual has preserved well and is in anatomical position. Therefore, this individual likely

decomposed in a filled space; the filling was staggered over time as the ribs and os coxae have fallen rather flat. It is definitely a primary burial, but not a primary deposit.

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222 clearly derive from a flint blade, no such tools were found at the site. Few antler tools were made into finished tools, with the exception of a few broken antler axes. All

The exposure and / or excarna- tion of corpses and manipulation of selected skeletal parts, resulting in scattered human remains at settlement sites, seem – at least in some

Alleen voor het opgegraven grafveld kunnen we vrij zeker zijn dat geen voorwerpen van git en barnsteen over het hoofd zijn gezien en dat we beschildcen over een redelijke

Returning to the two ceramic groups found at Schipluiden (and Ypenburg) does the inclusion of the entire Hazendonk group assist us in determining whether their existence is

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