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Universiteit Van Amsterdam
The Anxiety of Modernity:
Exploring the Complexity of Inclusive Tourism
Development in South Lombok from a Multiple
Stake-Holder Perspective
Source: Martina Fajarudin
Msc Thesis
International Development Studies
Graduate School of Social Sciences
University of Amsterdam
Supervisor: Gerben Nooteboom
Second Reader: Esther Miedema
August 2019
Written By: Caitlin Hartnett
12048054
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Abstract:In 2018, the Government of Indonesia launched the Indonesia Tourism Development Priority Program to accelerate tourism development in the country. This program seeks to develop designated tourism destinations in Indonesia to attract private investment, strengthen the relationship between the local economy and tourism, and improve tourism-relevant
infrastructure and services. In 2016, the Indonesia Development Tourism Cooperation (IDTC) started the planning and implementation of the Mandalika Project in South Lombok, which aims to be the next world-class tourism destination, with a focus on "ecotourism" and "green space." This research uses a variety of theories to highlight the anxieties that arise from globalization and modernization of the South Lombok community. These theories include Butler's (1980) Life Cycle of Tourism; Multiple Stakeholder Theory; Environmental Politics; Displacement Theory. Interviews provided by both local and foreign actors within the community of South Lombok sought to gain insight on their positive and negative perceptions of the economic, educational, cultural, social, and environmental dimensions of tourism development. Findings concur that tourism development in South Lombok has resulted in heightened anxiety and conflict among stakeholders due to land grabbing, inadequate compensation for locals displaced by the ITDC, cultural and environmental degradation, and uncertainty about the future of stakeholder's
economic livelihoods. Amongst stakeholders involved in the decision-making process, there is a lack of collaboration, transparency, and communication and local voices are
underrepresented. However, the recent development has positively impacted and increased investment, infrastructure, job opportunities, educational training, and awareness on issues such as cultural preservation and environmental sustainability policies. Although limited in its scope, this research provides fresh insight on alternative methods to encompass a more inclusive stakeholder tourism management strategy in planning and implementation in the development process, which previous literature fails to mention.
Key Words: Government of Indonesia, Indonesia Development Tourism Corporation, South Lombok, Mandalika Project, stakeholders, land grabbing, displacement, anxiety, tourism development, sustainability.
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Acknowledgements:
I would like first to thank all my professors, particularly my supervisor, Gerben Nooteboom, for giving me constant feedback, loving support, and positive encouragement throughout this master’s program. Despite all my self-doubt and tears, you always believed in me and put things in perspective. Without you, I would have never fully understood the true art of thinking critically.
Second, thank you to all the generous and kindhearted research participants in Lombok, Indonesia. My research would never have been possible without your knowledge and willingness to contribute. The warm welcome and acceptance I received from members of the Lombok community remains close to my heart and will never be forgotten.
To Sallie Mae, the private education loan company, who provided me with the financial means to fund my rent and tuition. However, I cannot promise I will be able to pay it back...sorry in advance.
To my family and close friends, thank you for your endless support, steadfast loyalty, and unconditional love throughout this year. You continue to remind me of how grateful and lucky I am for all the “cheerleaders” continually surrounding me, here in Amsterdam and across the world. Without you, I may have never finished this master or be where I am today. Special shoutout in particular to my parents, the Lit Squad, Alex Ward, Kelsey Zalimeni, Sydney Chestnut, Megan Langridge and Laura Freeman. You know why ;)
Last, to myself, for the discipline and mental strength, I embodied to overcome my constant self-doubt, anxiety, and depression I experienced throughout this masters. As Charlie Chaplin once said, “you have to believe in yourself; that’s the secret.” Hopefully, upon finishing this degree, I will use the knowledge gained to continue pursuing a subject and field of work, which sets my soul on fire.
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Table of Contents:
Abstract………...2 Acknowledgements………..3 List of Figures………5 List of Abbreviations………5 1. Introduction………6 1.1 Relevance………112. Lombok Anxieties of Development………14
3. Methodology………18
3.1 Research Question and Sub-Questions……….18
3.2 Location………18
3.3 Sampling………..18
3.4 Semi Structured In-Depth Interviews………...19
3.5 Participation Observation………..20
3.6 Pictorial Narrative Mapping………...22
3.7 Assessing the Quality of Research………..23
3.8 Ethical Reflections and Limitations………..24
3.9 Conceptual Scheme………..….25 4. Theoretical Framework……….27 4.1 Anxiety ……….27 4.2 Lifecycle of Tourism………29 4.3 Multiple-Stakeholder Theory……….32 4.4 Environmental Politics………34 4.5 Displacement Theory……….36
5. Economic Well-Being of South Lombok Residents...………39
5.1 Land Acquisition………..39 5.2 Employment ………46 6. Education ……….50 6.1 Language……….50 6.2 Schools ………53 7. Culture ………..58
7.1 Perceptions of the Kuta Beachfront Development……….59
7.2 Islam and Halal Tourism ………66
8. Social Aspects of Community Relations ……….70
9. Environmental Sustainability ……….76 10. Analysis ……….80 11. Conclusion……….85 11.1 Main Findings………85 11.2 Recommendations………...86 References………88 Appendixes 1. Stakeholders Decisions
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List of Figures:
Figure 1: Graph………7
Figure 2: Map of Lombok………..8
Figure 3:
ITDC Planning and Design of Mandalika Destination Area………9Figure 4: View of the Special Economic Zone………..10
Figure 5: A Sasak farmer tending to his herd of cows……….16
Figure 6 & 7: Ten New Bali’s………17
Figure 8: Master Plan for the Mandalika Project ...………18
Figure 9: Local Family………...22
Figure 10: Participant’s Map………23
Figure 11: Multiple Participant’s Maps...………..24
Figure 12: Butler’s Tourism Lifecycle ……….….29
Figure 13: Butler Stages of Tourism……….32
Figure 14: Abdul’s Map of ITDC claimed land...……….41
Figure 15: Kuta fishing village ...………42
Figure 16: Map of Mandalika Area ………...……….43
Figure 17: Land Inquiry Sign ………..46
Figure 18: School Survey ………56
Figure 19: Traditional Sasak Architecture ……….59
Figure 20 & 21: Pictorial Mapping Activity………61-62
Figure 22: New Kuta Mandalika Beach Sign………..63
Figure 23: SEZ Development Area………67
Figure 24: Social Well-Being………..71
Figure 25: Tona & Friends………..73
Figure 26: New Bin in Ujung Village………77
Figure 27: Natasha outside her shop ………..8
List of Abbreviations:
CPR----Common Pool Resources GDP---- Gross Domestic Product GOI---- Government of Indonesia Jokowi---- Joko Widodo
IPDP---- Indigenous Peoples Development Plan ITDC---- Indonesia Tourism Development Corporation SEZ----Special Economic Zone
SMK----Sekolah Menengah Kejuruan
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Chapter One:
Introduction
Over recent decades, tourism has transitioned from the preserve of the wealthy, into a diverse industry, and one of the largest economic sectors in the world. According to the World Travel and Tourism Council, the tourism sector grew 3.9% in 2018 alone, contributing 10.4% to the world Gross Domestic Product (GDP) and creating one-tenth of jobs globally (World Travel and Tourism Council, 2019:1). By 2030, the United Nations World Tourism Organization (UNWTO) predicts that international travel will increase to 1.8 billion arrivals per year (UNWTO, 2018:4). Tourism now plays a fundamental role in international commerce and has become a vital source of income for people in many developing countries. Promotion, branding, development, and effective management amongst various stakeholders are becoming increasingly essential to keep destinations competitive, and ostensibly, to bring capital and development onshore (Indonesia, Investments, 2016:1). However, how this process of development manifests itself, and the impacts that such development can have on local populations is less well thought out. This thesis explores these economical, educational, cultural, social, and environmental impacts in South Lombok while the region attempts to make their holiday destinations stand out in the face of rapid and often unsustainable modernity. These five factors provide the frameworks of the discussion presented in this thesis.
Indonesia has one of the most diverse bio habitats in the world and is known for its rich culture and abundance of nature (Indonesia, Investments, 2016:1). Furthermore, it is now the fastest-growing economy in Southeast Asia, known for its "innovation" and "business sophistication" (Dutta et al., 2017: 17). The World Economic Forum for Tourism and Travel Competitiveness ranked Indonesia #14 for natural resource proliferation and #23 for cultural resources and business travel out of 136 countries (World Bank Report, 2018:9). Additionally, Indonesia is known for its far-reaching infrastructure, safety, security, and environmental sustainability policies – for which the country ranks #131 globally (World Bank Report, 2018:9). Despite this recent boom and heartily adopted tourism industry slogan "Wonderful Indonesia," the country still lags behind many other Southeast Asian countries such as Thailand, Malaysia, and Singapore in terms of international visitors (Indonesia Investments, 2017:1).
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Figure:1These factors are by no means a uniquely Indonesian phenomenon. The tourism industry will continue to globalize (along with much of the world economy), resulting in an increase in labor, capital and investment, information and technology along with a diverse multicultural local and foreign population of people (Gretzel et al., 2009:263). Globalization is a worldwide phenomenon that has had a sweeping and often complex impact on traditional culture, local economies, and societies (Castells, 2010:20). However, the new, homogeneous global society has not superseded nationality, religion, and traditional cultures. Instead, a complex and interdependent relationship has developed. Increasingly, the commodification of exotic cultures and unspoiled, crowd-free nature has become a crucial tourist draw. Historically, people local to internationally funded tourism developments participated in the tourism industry by commodifying resources that defined their cultural and social identity (Shepard, 2002:185), such as religious sculptures, food, and architecture. The manifestation of globalization within contemporary societies has threatened the continued preservation of these local and national historical identities. Therefore, this new period of high modernity with its increasingly homogenous global culture has fostered anxiety amongst people unprepared to adapt as the exploitation of their heritage has increased (Fieldman, 2011:160). This exploitation is a pressing issue for locals whose livelihoods are being threatened or made dependent upon the tourism industry, particularly in developing countries (Kotz, 2000:16). The discourse surrounding this complex and often exploitative relationship as it manifests itself on the island of Lombok forms the heart of this thesis, illuminating the pervasive anxiety of impending modernity in the region.
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In May 2018, The Government of Indonesia (GOI), launched the Indonesia Tourism Development Priority Program to accelerate tourism development in the country (IPDP, 2018:1-1). This program aimed to develop designated tourism destinations in Indonesia to attract private investment, strengthen the relationship between the local economy and tourism, and increase the quality of, and access to, tourism-relevant necessary infrastructure and services (The World Bank Report, 2018:8). For Lombok, the recent decline on the neighboring island of Bali brings fresh opportunities. For much of the past few decades, Bali was perceived as the "paradise island," widely renowned as one of the top tourist destinations in the world (Wall, 1996:123). However, many Indonesians and foreigners alike believe that Bali has been "ruined by tourism" and has lost all authenticity due to environmental and cultural appropriation and degradation (Sutawa, 2012:413).Lombok commonly referred to as "Bali's sister island," is now the key focus of the tourism development priority program. The GOI selected Mandalika in Southern Lombok as a Special Economic Zone (SEZ), hoping to attract lucrative foreign development and investment. Ostensibly, the Indonesian government's vision is to make Mandalika a new tourism destination focused on "sustainable energy" and "green technology" while protecting its local culture and picturesque natural environment (IPDP, 2018:1-1). Vital infrastructure for Mandalika tourism development will be designed and constructed in two phases: Phase-I (2019-23) and Phase-II (2024-26) (IPDP, 2018). The GOI appointed the Indonesia Tourism Development Corporation (ITDC) a state-run enterprise, to control and lead the development.
Figure 2:
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Despite government promises to protect local societies, the Mandalika SEZ is expected to impact the native Sasak communities near the site. The most at risk include four villages in the Pujut District with an estimated total of 32,857 Sasak people, constituting about 11,050 households on approximately 6,412 hectares of land (25 square miles) (IPDP, 2018:3-11). In August 2018, the Indonesia Development Tourism Corporation acquired 1,164 hectares (equaling 92% of the Mandalika Project construction site). The remaining 8% still belong to individuals or remains tied up in litigation (Friedberg & Hilderbrand, 2017:27). The ITDC is still working to purchase land from the current owners, although the construction of tourism developments has already begun (Friedberg & Hilderbrand, 2017:27).Figure 3: ITDC Planning and Design of Mandalika Destination Area Source: Panorama Destination
Tourism development has a multitude of positive and negative consequences for the people living in the community where it occurs. The new shift in tourism development in South Lombok is a classic example of "land grabbing" in which large-scale infrastructure projects result in a struggle for power, control and exclusion of ownership or access to land and natural resources for traditional users (Van der Muur, 2018:162). The Mandalika Project resembles cases in the literature which refer to "land grabbing" or more specifically, "green grabbing," in which the environmental promotion of ecotourism land justifies the clash for land use. According to Han et al. (2011), land grabbing and tourism development may positively boost the economy, raise the education levels of natives and provide locals with new job opportunities, which community members previously did not have (Han et al., 2011: 347). However, the process of tourism
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development and land grabbing is inherently political and often used by governments seeking profit-maximizing opportunities that disregard or violate any transparency and accountability (Han et al., 2011: 347). When developing a tourism destination, it is imperative to have "collective networks and partnerships for integrated destination management" (Jamal & Stronza, 2009:170). More often than not, there is a lack of collaboration, awareness, and communication among the various stakeholders involved in the decision-making process, and local voices are entirely underrepresented.Figure 4: View of Special Economic Zone in Kuta, Lombok Source: Panorama Destination
Poor destination development tends to result in vulnerable local communities unable to adapt and participate in the new development, which results in negative economic, ecological, and socio-cultural wellbeing (Hampton, 2015:483). Vulnerable community members may see disruptions to their livelihoods of having their lands and businesses displaced (Cottyn, 2018:3521). This thesis explores the literature on the tourism development life cycle and land acquisition for tourism, which teaches us that local people's interests are often not taken into consideration. These residents are often at risk of displacement and theorists’ debate, whether this is avoidable or an inevitable part of modern development. A multiple stakeholder analysis of the sustainable tourism development in Lombok is given to understand whether these stakeholders act in their own selfish interests or to better those around them. The thesis unravels and analyzes stakeholder's anxieties, strategies, and outcomes of the economic, educational, cultural, social, and
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environmental changes taking place in Lombok to understand the ongoing complexity of tourism development.1.1 Relevance:
While limited in its scope, this study is relevant because it contributes to an emerging body of academic, social, and political research. The research discusses the implications of modernity for Lombok, both short and long term, brought on by the influx of developments designed to accommodate and increase tourist attendance in the region. The United Nations World Tourism Organization (UNWTO) defines sustainable tourism as "tourism that takes full account of its
current and future economic, social and environmental impacts, addressing the needs of visitors, the industry, the environment and host communities (ILO, 2012)." In 2012, The Ministry of Tourism
and Creative Economy of the Republic of Indonesia partnered up with the International Labour Organization to develop a comprehensive strategic plan known as "Sustainable Tourism and
Green Jobs for Indonesia" (ILO, 2012:1). The strategic plan argues that sustainable tourism is
imperative to Indonesia's future because up until now, only a small portion of the population has enjoyed the benefits of tourism due to economic, cultural and political restraints.
Moreover, the plan lists Indonesia's leading tourism weaknesses as "lack in decent work, environmental and cultural degradation, and destination planning control" (ILO, 2012). Despite evidence of the exploitation and degradation of societies in which tourism development is occurring, current academic theories have proven somewhat inadequate in understanding contemporary impacts. Much existing literature and the dominant discourse surrounding tourism development, looked at from a multiple stakeholder approach, mostly focuses on the needs and requirements of visitors. However, such understandings have proven inadequate as stakeholder discourse stems from a top-down structure that excludes local voices, missing a vital actor in contemporary tourism development. The perspective of tourism development typically encompasses a "business philosophy" or "rational manageable strategy" linked directly to one single governing entity (Rosell et al., 2012:3). Although studies mention this limitation, a select few have devised an alternative method to encompass a more inclusive stakeholder tourism management strategy in planning and implementation that also involves local people in the development process. This research aims to explore the complexity of inclusive tourism development in South Lombok and the socio-economic consequences of the Mandalika Project by not only considering its business implications but broader, more sociological impacts.
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By adopting a qualitative socio-anthropological approach, this thesis can share in and integrate the personal narratives of multiple stakeholders involved in the tourism development in South Lombok, both local people and development actors. These narratives give insight into perspectives on social, economic, cultural, educational, and environmental aspects within the tourism industry, which will prove crucial factors in Indonesia's future governance and policymaking as suggested in the concluding recommendations section. There are always undoubtedly "winners and losers" within governance practices despite Ostrom's theory suggesting that societies build trusting relationships by caring for shared resources (Ostrom, 2010: 642). Combining several discourses within the theoretical framework of this research enhances one's understanding of power dynamics and conflicts between stakeholders. There is limited research on the impact of tourism development and notably the Mandalika Project. Past publications are outdated and fall short of presenting multiple stakeholder perspectives. This research offers a fresh and original perspective encompassing a unique positionality. Rather than interview ITDC members managing the project, this research highlights the perspective of a diverse group of actors: young, old, male, female, foreign, and locals all working in the tourism industry.This thesis will be structured as follows. Firstly, it is essential to contextualize the study by exploring Lombok's history of tourism development. Secondly, research questions and methodology are explained, and limitations discussed. Following this, an establishment of a theoretical framework utilizing multiple stakeholder theory, environmental politics, and displacement theory. These frameworks will be used to explore and discuss the economic, educational, cultural, social, and environmental implications of Lombok's tourism development. It will be concluded that the unsustainable development of Lombok has brought significant adverse impacts to local Sasak people; opportunities exist to pursue a developmental strategy inclusive of local political, social, and economic interests.
The focus and goal of this study is to provide a comprehensive understanding of the role of tourism in Lombok- historically, presently, and future implications- and its impact upon all stakeholders' livelihoods (local and non-local). The exponential growth of this industry, although promising in potential, has brought an unprecedented amount of anxiety with it for the sheer amount of change it guarantees. This study strives to convey the numerous complexities of inclusive tourism, through combining and comparing narratives gathered from inhabitant interviews across South Lombok. The academic relevance of this study lies within the scope of its resources. The majority
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of academic discourse on this topic to date neglects to interview a varied sample size within Lombok's population - and furthermore has only focused primarily upon visitor (tourist) experience as a resource for narrative data. This study contributes new data points by considering the perspective of not only the local stakeholders but the non-local foreign stakeholders. Although not much is presently known about Lombok, this study aims to connect its pattern of tourism development thus far with Butler's (1980) Lifecycle of Tourism Development. This study provides enough evidence to suggest that Butler's Life Cycle will play out in its entirety for South Lombok and encourages a pragmatist approach to solution-finding for all stakeholders involved. The social relevance of this study lies within the variety of perspectives considered and included in the research gathering stage. Interviews were conducted with local workers, local business owners, non-local investors, non-local workers, and non-local business owners to provide a 360-degree view of the climate in terms of stakeholder optimism, anxiety, and agenda. Politically, this study endorses a paradigm shift toward pragmatism among policymakers, investors, and inhabitants of South Lombok alike. An increase of highly trained, culturally aware intermediaries deployed to this environment would dramatically alter the course of events and the ultimate destination of the tourism industry in South Lombok - for the better.14
Chapter Two:
Lombok: Anxieties of Development
Before contemporary issues are discussed, it is vital to understand the importance of Lombok's historical context and how historical land issues, resistance, and the livelihood of Indonesians continue to play a critical role in understanding Indonesia today. In the early 1900s, the struggle for land was epitomized by the popular phrase, "land for the people" (Lucas & Warren, 2003:89). Historically, the Indonesian government has always regulated formal land titles for privately owned land and natural resources. Over the past decades, land prices have continuously risen due to increased global demand, providing new incentives and simple justification for the Indonesian government to willingly grant licenses to companies to occupy hundreds, thousands or even millions of hectares of land (Chandran, 2018:1). These land selloffs push millions of agricultural workers and indigenous Indonesians off their ancestral land (Chandran, 2018:1). The concept of eminent domain is applied by the Indonesian government to justif y these land take-overs, mandatory evictions, and forced resettlement of local communities (Bridger, 2017:4). These issues continue to affect Sasak people in Lombok today.
By the 1970s, international advocacy organizations led a transnational movement for indigenous communities, fighting to considerably strengthen their land rights (Van der Muur, 2018:162). However, there remains no legal framework to provide transparency on land recognition or the implementation of customary rights within Indonesian law (Anggraini & Lathifa, 2017:513). The Basic Agrarian Law of 1960 includes, "the recognition of the existence of collective rights based on custom (Hak Ulayat) but treats these rights as usufructs on state land that must give way to national development" (Anggraini & Lathifa, 2017:513). Furthermore, Article 67 of the Indonesian Forest Law of 1999 states, "the Indigenous Law Community shall be entitled to collect the forest product, manage the forest according to the prevailing indigenous law, but not in contravention with the law (of the State) and it should be stipulated by virtue of government regulation" (Lucas & Warren, 2003:95). Therefore, the Indonesian government has consistently affirmed its ultimate control over the allocation of land and natural resources. If indigenous locals have no documentation or evidence of their land ownership, they often face eviction (Lucas & Warren, 2003:90), either through an agreement with the government or more coercive tactics (Fallon, 2001:484).
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Figure 5: A Sasak farmer tending to his herd of cowsSource: Martina Fajarudin
In 2005, a massive protest broke out between locally displaced Indonesians and the state government over the construction of a new airport. Private European investors funded the new airport and designed it to cater to foreign tourists, not local industrial development. The development resulted in the confiscation of the Tanah Awuk community's land, effectively displacing 2,631 people with little to no economic compensation or social security despite their loss of profitable agricultural land (Bridger, 2017:4). During protests, the police unexpectedly attacked the demonstrators, which led to arrests and gun violence, injuring thirty-three protesters. A decade later, a multitude of displaced locals have not received proper compensation for land in exchange for the airport (Bridger, 2017:5). It is events such as these, and the very similar structures that incited them, that threaten tourism development in Indonesia today. Given the increasing lack of diversity in Lombok's economy, these issues are becoming particularly pertinent.
Nonetheless, during those five years, the agricultural sector in Lombok dropped 3% (26.60 to 23.11%) while the tourism industry rose 1.5% (23.44 to 24.95%) (Akmad, 2013:8). In 2014, Joko Widodo (Jokowi) became Prime Minister of Indonesia, and by 2016, he achieved political stability, and his public approval rates surged to almost 70% (Warburton, 2017: 297). This newfound stability provided a platform in which Jokowi laid out an ambitious infrastructure agenda geared towards boosting the economy and making the tourism industry a vital part of the country's future prosperity. Jokowi's plan envisions the creation of "Ten New Bali's" in rural areas of Indonesia, including Mandalika, Lombok (Situmorang et al., 2019:22). Research conducted on the proposed Mandalika project in Lombok found that local interviewees were unclear of what it entailed and
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had formulated fearful opinions on how the development would impact their livelihoods (Saufi et al., 2014). Government representatives from various levels expressed frustration with the ITDC and their lack of coordination and communication with the community and local government. The representatives went on to state that the ITDC only had a positive relationship with Indonesia's central government (Friedberg & Hilderbrand, 2017:28)Figure 6:
Source: Future Directions International
Figure 7:
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Figure 8: Master Plan for the Mandalika ProjectSource: Indonesia Tourism Investment
If stakeholders involved in the Mandalika Project do not adjust this trajectory and methodology of tourism development, there is a risk that history will repeat itself and locals will continue to lose out on the positive benefits that tourism development can bring. This thesis aims to suggest ways in which development stakeholders, local, government, and international, can work together to ensure sustainable and durable development. The following section will present the methodology through which these issues will be approached.
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Chapter Three:
Methodology
This chapter describes the research questions and methodology used to conduct the fieldwork data between January 27-March 26. Semi-structured in-depth interviews, participatory observation, and pictorial mapping were used as the three main data collection methods.
3.1 Research Questions and Sub Questions
The thesis will seek to address the following broad research question; How do we understand the anxieties of change in the context of tourism development in Lombok. This question will be broken down into the following sub-questions; a) what anxieties do stakeholders have due to tourism development in Lombok, b) How do these various stakeholders perceive the economic, educational, cultural, social and environmental impact of tourism development, and c) how can stakeholders overcome the risk of future tourism development. The ways in which these questions were addressed forms the basis of the following chapter.
3.2 Location
This study was conducted in Lombok, Indonesia. The main area of focus was the SEZ which stretches from Kuta along the coastline toward the Grupuk village of Central Lombok Regency. The Mandalika Project covers 1,175 hectares along the coast of Pujut District, Central Lombok Regency, West Nusa Tenggara Province, and intersects four villages (IPDP, 2018). The data collection targeted central Kuta as well as areas of South Lombok that stretched along the SEZ. Firstly, interviews were conducted with Sasak locals, both included and excluded from the tourism industry, as well as western business owners operating in the South Lombok area. The final two interviews took place outside the SEZ in order to gain a deeper understanding of foreign investment in Lombok, community outreach projects, and the mindset of western business owners.
3.3 Sampling
This research will attempt to represent a visual ethnographic case study of the community members living in Lombok. The case study will be attempted by, as suggested by Berg, following
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a snowball sampling methodology as this is most suitable for semi-structured interview research (Berg, 1988:19). Participant selection throughout the field research was achieved utilizing pre-existing family, friends, and kinship networks in which participants identified and suggested future subjects. Participants were selected based on their age, village, education, gender, citizenship, and area of employment and a number of other variables. Once a prospective subject was identified, interviews were arranged via Whatsapp or email beforehand to provide information about what the study entailed. Initially, interviews intended to focus solely on those Sasak community members displaced or resettled by the Mandalika Project. However, this was expanded to include a broader range of local community members removed from their land, still fighting for their land, or maintaining a business that supports the tourism industry. Furthermore, expats living in the community, such as business owners, real estate investors, and vocational schoolteachers were also interviewed to offer insight into the complexity of inclusive development. However, due to the busy schedule of all stakeholders involved in tourism development, a small number of those contacted were not interviewed (n=2). Nonetheless, a satisfactory sample of respondents (n=31), including a multitude of stakeholders, both local and foreign, was achieved.3.4 Semi-Structured in-depth interviews:
This thesis is primarily based on qualitative primary source data drawn from semi-structured interviews. Through this approach, this thesis is was able to adopt a more personal, micro-level understanding of how each individual stakeholder had experienced or perceived the impact of large tourism development projects in South Lombok. These methods provided a detailed understanding of vital contextual information and allowed this thesis to capture the experience of individuals, especially locals, so often lost in larger, more macro-level studies on social and economic impact. These data captures are contextualized through the use of pictorial mapping, participant observation, and data published by a range of Indonesian government sources. A full exploration of these methodologies is provided here.
Semi-structured interviews allow for a rapport to be built between interviewees and the interviewer, and the development of personal, informal conversations (Adams, 2010:365). As suggested by Raymond (1987), by employing semi-structured interviews it is possible to develop more dynamic, in-depth, and responsive conversations, allowing the researcher to pursue relevant lines of inquiry as and when they emerge (Raymond,1987:48). As a result, semi-structured interviews are often seen as more appropriate when researching more sensitive issues, where structured interviews can feel formulaic and intimidating, especially when discussing the
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interviewees' personal lived experience of a problem. This problem can result in the interviewee being subjected to social desirability bias (Corbin, & Morse, 2003:335) whereby the interviewee reports what they think will more closely reflect themes developed through other interviews. By creating a more equal, personal relationship, the interviewer is afforded a more unique, personal account, reducing the possibility of social desirability bias emerging. This relationship is especially important when personal context, opinion, and lived experience are the subject of research. Spradley (1979), summarizes this by suggesting that “I want to know, what you know, in the way that you know it” (Spradley, 1979:34).Interviews were conducted with a focus broadly on the same topics but did not follow a pre-set list of questions or themes, allowing the researcher the freedom to follow various important lines of inquiry-based on responses given. Conversation topics for most interviewees not only encompassed inquiry into their interpretations of tourism development and how it impacts their community but also discussed the role of various actors in the problems faced and the perceived differences between locals and foreigners. Interviews started with general questions but quickly pursued conversations regarding participants' particular knowledge and experience.
Interviews were recorded using a Dictaphone and transcribed. All records of interviews, especially those including personal identifying details, will be deleted. Moreover, due to the sensitivity of the subject, anonymization will ensure that names, addresses, locations, and other identifying information are encoded. The cipher is known only to the researcher and will be deleted upon the finalization of this research. Names presented hereafter are therefore fictional and selected at random.
3.5 Participant Observation:
Participant observation is a typical data collection method used in sociological and ethnographic research (see Glaser &Strauss, 1967; Morse & Field, 1996), especially where the data is being collected in the natural setting in which the subjects live, work, or otherwise exist (see Adler & Adler, 1994; Minichiello et al.,1990). It involves observing the participants as they interact with the world around them, assessing their behavior, attitudes, and other traits. As such, a trusting relationship must be developed between subjects and researchers (Bonner & Tolhurst, 2002:7). The researcher was able to conduct participant observation research at two homestays with different local families through building this trust network.
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This research followed Howell’s participant observation phases to build trust (Howell,1972). Firstly, a rapport was developed, allowing the researcher to become friendly with and accepted into the social situations of interest. Secondly, the researcher attempted to show the connection with the subjects and their friends and family, mostly trying to ‘fit in’ through language moderation and participation in private and social life (De Walt et al., 2011). Moreover, the researcher was consistently open about the conducting of research and spent considerable time and effort to build a friendly and open environment for study.Figure 9: Local family and guests and I frequently ate dinner with
However, it is also essential to maintain a balance between the researcher and their subject to make sense of the observations objectively (see Atkinson & Hammersley, 1994; Spradley, 1990). This balance required the researcher to build a friendly relationship without becoming emotionally connected, in any meaningful way, to the subjects. This relationship was maintained by the researcher politely resisting a more personal relationship with each other. An attempt was made to verify all observations by referring to details provided in other data collection to confirm or invalidate observations collected. According to Guba and Lincoln (1985), this data collection method can be an effective way to ensure that all observations collected are free from subjective or incredible analysis, thus increasing analytical reliability, transferability, and generalisability across broader populations. As such, the researcher is confident that a respectful distance was maintained, allowing for a more objective analysis. Further exploration of data quality assurance is provided later in this chapter.
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Observations were collected through field notes and reflexivity journals (Ambert et al.,1995), recording impressions of subject attitudes and behaviors by looking, listening, and asking (Lofland et al., 2006:63). Particular note was taken of surroundings, behavior, attitudes, personal relationship networks, and other factors relevant to the research questions. A similar approach was adopted when meeting interviewees for their interviews with note taken to surroundings, behavior, mannerisms, and other critical contextual observations.3.6 Pictorial Narrative mapping
Pictorial Narrative Mapping can be defined as “a way to visually and temporally represent the unfolding of events by incorporating text, image, and map” (Lapum et al., 2015:1). This qualitative technique adds a descriptive and creative element to the extraction, interpretation analysis, and representation of study data, allowing participants to utilize their imaginations (Lapum et al., 2015). While often complex and digitally produced, given the limited resources available to the researcher, this thesis presents a more straightforward, but perhaps a more personal, collection of narrative maps.
Figure 10: A participant’s map of how Kuta Beach used to look
Each participant was given a sheet of paper and asked to draw a pictorial map of how the Kuta beachfront looked before the ITDC came five years ago and bulldozed all their warungs (family-owned businesses) in order to build their pictorial maps. The practice of drawing and artistic representation as a qualitative methodology can help elicit emotion, provide a more succinct presentation of participant experience, can combat researcher bias, and is useful in examining
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the emotional impact of change (Kearney & Hyle, 2004). Once their drawings were complete, each participant presented their drawing and explained what they drew and why. This process was recorded using video which was then transcribed, anonymized, and deleted after screenshots were taken of their pictorial narrative maps. However, while the maps themselves will not be analyzed, the conversations and responses inspired by this activity were vital in building an in-depth picture of the impact of tourism development.Figure 11: Multiple Participant’s Pictorial Maps of how Kuta Beach used to look
3.7 Assessing the Quality of Research
Ensuring the quality of research is a fundamental objective throughout the entire process of designing, conducting, and presenting this material. This thesis combined Bryman (2012) and Lincoln and Guba's (1994) standards for assessment. These suggest all-inclusive criteria for assessing mixed research methods. Bryman (2012) focuses on reliability and validity of data, whereas Lincoln and Guba (1994), focus on trustworthiness and authenticity. Joppe (2000), defines reliability as "the extent to which results are consistent over time and an accurate representation of the total population under study” (Joppe, 2000:1). A reliable study instrument is one that reproduces almost identical results when a methodology is repeated.
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This research reflects a variety of interpretations conceptualizing tourism development in Lombok and the impact on the community – depending on the stakeholder. Most respondents were local stakeholders who showed a high degree of consistency in their responses reflecting similar positions as one another. The majority of interviews focused on local and foreign small business owners. However, several interviews conducted with influential representatives of village heads, investors, and educational bodies known to the community provided a broader perception of the subject. The variety of stakeholders used for the study reflects multiple perspectives obtained from the interviews. These interviews cannot be fact-checked, so other methods must be applied. Therefore, triangulation is applied between different types of data collection methods to strengthen the validity of the research.Validity determines whether the research truly measures what it intends to measure or how accurate the research results are (Joppe, 2000). There is a multitude of interpretations of tourism development, depending on the stakeholder interviewed. Hence, in terms of internal validity, the collection of different accounts from stakeholders confirms the theoretical notion that the design and implementation of the increased tourism development in Lombok lack adequate communication among the multiple stakeholders. In order to strengthen the internal validity beyond interviews, spatial data mapping methods were employed to give a visual indicator of information stakeholders spoke about in their interviews. This mapping technique accompanied by photos and videos enhances both the trustworthiness and authenticity of the data. In regard to external validity, Lombok has a distinctive geopolitical and social setting compared to other islands in Indonesia. The findings and recommendations formulated through this framework may be applicable across a variety of social and political settings, particularly as a tourism study for the whole of Indonesia and other tourist islands across the world as well. Therefore, there is a high level of external reliability, and authenticity is associated with the research as it fairly represents a multitude of viewpoints across the community.
3.8 Ethical Reflection and Limitations:
Throughout the data collection, maintaining respectful, ethical standards of voluntary participation, informed consent, participation safety, confidentiality, and trust was of utmost importance. Every person interviewed gave verbal consent, and freely and eagerly spoke about their personal stories regarding how tourism development has impacted their lives. Participants connected to the GOI or ITDC are guaranteed anonymity. All interviews were conducted in English without using a translator. A lack of fluent English may have affected the respondent’s
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comprehension of the questions and limited the ability to verify the answers of the respondents. Therefore, if respondents were dishonest, hyperbolic, or incorrect in their answers, this proved difficult to verify.The scope of this research presents another limitation to study. While all steps were taken to ensure a broad representation of stakeholder opinions was achieved, given the nature of this research, access to the opinions of all those involved in the Kuta project proved difficult. Therefore, it must be noted that this thesis may not provide an entirely representative view of the project from all the various stakeholders. However, it does, as accurately as possible, portray the issues faced by all those who participated in the research project.
Another limitation is the positionality of the researcher in the population being studied. In humanitarian research, positionality or the “researcher’s worldview” is imperative to understanding the standpoint they adopt concerning the research. A researcher is either an insider or outsider, and there are advantages and disadvantages to both (Foote & Bartell, 2011:45). An inside researcher has advantageous background information on groups and issues being studied and may be perceived by the participants as “one of us.” An outsider may not obtain the same exclusive access to information as the insider because they are deemed untrustworthy or may not understand many of the social nuances that make up human interaction. On the other hand, an outsider may also be given more information than an insider because they are assumed to be “naïve” and non-threatening to the participants. They can detach themselves from all bias to conduct objective interviews (Merton, 1972:10). As such, the researcher experienced both the possibilities and limitations of the outsider position.
3.9 Conceptual Scheme
This conceptual scheme represents a very simplified, broken-down version of the tourism development complexity. Local and foreign stakeholders are at the core of the decision-making process within South Lombok’s tourism development. Each stakeholder has their own anxieties within the economic, educational, cultural, social environmental dimensions of tourism. The way in which each stake holder overcomes these risks is dependent upon their own behavior and motivations. Stakeholders strategies result in either making self-interested, (agency theory), decisions or decisions which benefit the business/organization (stewardship theory), over
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themselves. However, stakeholders may also weigh the tradeoffs between personal self-interest vs. business/organization benefits and choose a mix of both (expected utility/decision theory).27
Chapter Four:
Theoretical Framework:
This chapter will outline and analyze a theoretical framework that allows us to approach various discourses applicable to tourism development and pertinent to the research questions in this thesis. Given the intricacy of the issues faced, it is unsurprising that this framework is necessarily complex, absorbing a range of established theories in the fields of development and tourism studies. Firstly, this thesis is primarily concerned with contemporary anxiety regarding the impact of overdevelopment. As such, a definition of anxiety will be developed and connected to the phenomenon of land grabbing and displacement, two of the most pertinent issues with modern tourism development. Following this, the five stages of Butler's (1980) tourism development cycle are explored. Butler's theory aims to place this study into context within an evolutionary cycle of tourism development, exploring how the stages relate to heightened levels of anxiety in Lombok. Much of this anxiety revolves around issues of land grabbing and displacement. A balance will be drawn between the reformist approach, presenting displacement as natural, while the radical movement proposes solutions. In order to begin to assess these solutions, the stakeholder theory will be utilized to comprehend the complexity of social, economic, educational, cultural, and environmental actors and worldviews present in modern tourism development. This comparison will allow for areas of similarity of interest to be identified, allowing common ground and progress to be made.
4.1 Anxiety
Anxiety stems from reactions to stressful, hazardous, or foreign situations in the human mind and body and may occur before a significant event. A healthy level of anxiety is a survival mechanism that keeps humans sharp and aware (Clack, 2017:10). Anxiety caused by modernity is categorized as structural, attributed to social factors within a specific context rather than psychological (Jiang, 2018:1). This modernity is defined as a "cultural tragedy resulting from social differentiation and a monetary economy leading to the loss of cultural and traditional values, and a crazy or indifferent atmosphere of social development and thus depression" (Jiang, 2018:1). Trust and security vanish as rapid modernity results in individualized societies losing their sense of cohesion, which was once rooted in their self-identity (Bendle, 2002:3). Not only are people's meta-physical lives uprooted, but they are often physically uprooted from their homes, communities, and livelihoods.
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Previous studies indicate that new investment projects modernizing a community are often implemented in a top-down manner which disregards the host community. As a result, displaced persons who have lost their land, and livelihood may suffer from mental health symptoms such as anxiety (Baird, 2013:269). It is the content of these anxieties and the reasons behind them that form the research questions presented above. According to the IPDP, there is no "formal grievance redress mechanism" for affected people and communities experiencing anxiety related to the consequences of the Mandalika Project and accelerated tourism development in South Lombok (IPDP, 2012: 8-1). How these anxieties develop are helpfully framed by Butler's (1980) five evolutionary stages of tourism development.Figure 12:
Source: Butler, R.W. (1980). The concept of a tourist area cycle of evolution: implications for management of resources. Canadian Geographer, 24(1), 5-12.
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4.2 Life Cycle of Tourism
According to Butler (1980), there are five stages within the tourist life cycle linked to the rise and decline of mass tourism at a particular holiday destination. Butler's cycle predicates changes in the fortune of a tourist area due to downward fluctuations in visitor numbers, and the possible deterioration of the cultural and natural environment. The first stage, the exploration stage, tends to be characterized by a small number of adventure-seeking tourists. In the case of Indonesia, the first tourists to visit in large numbers were hippies and backpackers arriving in Lombok in the 1980s in search of "authenticity" and "untouched nature" after Bali became overtaken by mass tourism (Hampton,1998:639). During the exploration stage, social, economic and cultural interaction between locals and guests is positive, and the social and economic impact on the local community is minimal, if not improved, resulting in little to no anxiety. During the second stage, the involvement stage, local communities begin selling goods and services to visitors and the relationship and interdependence between locals and foreigners deepens. The social behaviors of locals may change to cater to the tourists' needs. For example, in 1991, Lombok had 56,000 visitors, of which 80% were foreign tourists. Consequently, locals began turning their homes into "homestays," in which visitors could come and live with a family and share meals (Hampton,1998:640). Furthermore, the involvement stage is when the government and various other stakeholders start getting involved in the development. This involvement often comes in the form of financial investment, both foreign and domestic, in tourism and associated infrastructures. Some members of the local community members can benefit from this tourist industry development, utilizing the region's natural and cultural diversity to their advantage. However, some in the community may experience increased anxiety as more and more land, livelihoods, and societies are impacted by tourism development.
The development stage is the third stage. At this point, the destination has an established tourism industry through clever marketing of the regions natural and cultural attractions drawing various domestic and foreign actors invested in the area. Consequently, the involvement of the local community begins to decline, and "modern" accommodation and restaurants may supersede locally owned businesses. Locals may also be displaced from jobs as labor is imported to cater to the changing tourism market. This displacement can range from required languages to levels of service and luxury not available at a local level. Lombok is arguably in the development stage at this time due to the high influx of tourists in recent years, which subsequently has increased foreign-owned business as well as the GOI forcibly removing locals from their land where they
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live or own a business. The demand for labor has increased and attracted workers from other islands such as Bali and Java, where the tourist industry is more established, to fill management roles that locals do not have the training or education to perform. High levels of anxiety results from who have lost their livelihoods, and those who are waiting to be displaced themselves. How the symptoms of the fourth and fifth stages of Butler's tourism cycle manifest themselves and the impact that they have on local societies and economies will form the basis of this thesis. Literature abounds on how unsustainable tourism can damage local economies, and livelihoods as discussed below.The fourth stage, the consolidation stage, is experienced through a decline in visitor numbers. Perhaps counterintuitively, it is during this stage that economies become utterly reliant on tourism. Several studies have found that while tourism can bring economic advances, unsustainable and mismanaged tourism can seriously damage local economic systems and the livelihoods of local people. According to (Yahya et al., 2005:33), the Maldives experienced significant economic disruption, underdevelopment of other sectors of the economy, and extensive ecological damage as a result of quickly planned and unsustainable tourism practices. These findings reflect across a range of countries and contexts such as Turkey (Tosun, 1998:595), Ethiopia (Beza, 2017:1), Columbia (Ocampo-Penuela & Winton, 2017:1) and many more. This thesis will assess the ways that these impacts are beginning to affect the people of South Lombok, contributing to this body of literature.
This economic imbalance can result in conflict between international tourists, local government officials and foreign investors whose economic plans rely on the tourist trade, and local people who feel disenfranchised from the economic future of their areas. This fifth stage is known as the stagnation stage. The destination will encounter social, economic, and environmental conflicts amongst the different stakeholders. The number of visitors will have reached its peak and tourism is no longer seen as a positive influence on society and economics. In India (Sekhar, 2003:339), Nepal (Brown et al.,1997:316), Papua New Guinea (Basu, 2000:907) and many other countries, tourism has resulted in heightened social tensions as a result of economic stratification and the stagnation of other economic sectors. Even on the island of Bali, tourism has resulted in rifts between local communities, tourists, and the government authorities (Iverson, 2010:299). Many residents in Lombok fear the Mandalika Project will destroy the culture, environment, and social networks, of South Lombok turning their island into another Bali.
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Figure 13: Condensed version of Butler’s TheoryScholars believe Butler's tourism life cycle approach stems from business literature of the 1950s and 1960s based on a product's life cycle (PLC). Critics such as Gardner argues that the PLC looks for "rather simplistic and uni-dimensional answers when, in fact, marketing phenomena are complex, multidimensional, and non-deterministic" (Gardner, 1987:241). Furthermore, within the tourism sphere, Bianchi proposes that previous theoretical models lack an integrated approach that considers the hierarchical structure and social dynamics within specific historical and geographical contexts (Bianchi, 2003:13). Bianchi agrees with Mouzeli's (1995) sociological theory that concludes hierarchies within tourism require exploration through networks that connect actors to a variety of capitals, forms of governance, and strategies at various institutional levels (Bianchi, 2003:15). Therefore, more theories are necessary to unravel and explain the layers of
Exploration:
Hippies and backpackers arrive in Lombok in 1980’s. High interaction between locals and travelers. Low social and economic impact on locals. Involvement:
Goods and services sold to travelers by locals. Cater to tourists needs by creating homestays.
Indonesian government and other stakeholders get involved.
Development: (Lombok’s Current Stage)
Strong marketing of Lombok’s natural and cultural attractions. Local involvement declines.
Modern accommodation and restaurants supersede local ones. Land and/or job displacement for locals.
Type of guest changes from traveler to commercial tourists. Consolidation Number of visitors decline.
Economy completely dependent on tourism. Volume of visitors outweighs permanent residents. Locals may protest and resist tourism.
Stagnation:
Social, environmental, and economic consequences. Number of visitors reaches peak.
Disfavored reputation.
Artificial experiences and superficial encounters. Decline or Rejuvenation Stage:
Lost popularity and market value. Locals reclaim property as price decreases.
New nonfunctioning tourist area or dilapidated and impoverished. Rejuvenation if new innovation of unexploited natural resources occurs.
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increasing complexity within tourism development. The next subsection on multiple stakeholder theory explains the rationale behind stake-holder’s motivations, behaviors and decision-making strategies within tourism development.4.3 Multiple Stake-holder Theory
Freeman (1984), defines a stakeholder as "any group or individual who can affect or is affected by the achievement of an organization's objectives" (Fontaine et al.,2006:10). Agency, stewardship, and expected utility/decision theory are three vital theories linked to multiple stakeholder decisions with respect to tourism development. Agency theory argues that humans primarily chose to act in their self-interest. In the business sphere, self-interest decisions occur due to factors such as monetary gains, prestige, and power (Jensen & Meckling, 1976:312). However, many researchers, philosophers, psychologists, and economists have debated the validity of this version of agency theory. For example, ecologist Hardin argues that "humans are relatively short-sighted, non-communicative and profit-maximizing beings" (Hardin, 1968: 1243). However, when humans act against their own selfish interests, it creates anxiety for them (Hardin, 1968:1247). Therefore, Hardin concludes that humans acting against their own interests are destined to end up miserable, which is the tragedy of the commons (Hardin, 1968: 1243). Butler (2006), argues that the tourism industry has traditionally been dominated by stakeholders that embody a business-oriented, short-sighted perspective, which focuses on the quickest way to maximize profits without consideration of the long-term impacts on the destination. This business-oriented mindset is exemplified by the case study conducted in Bali which concluded that Balinese people went from being "hospitable, well mannered, and helpful to becoming individualistic and careless, caused by unequal development with unclear or broken regulations" (ILO, 2012: 109). Several authors also suggest further development of the agency theory through a behavioral agency model assesses the agent's motivation, performance, and ability to weigh benefits vs. losses (Panda & Leepsa, 2017:74).
This thesis incorporates characteristics of the behavioral agency model by mentioning the threats, strategies, and anticipated outcomes that incentivize each stakeholder's thoughts and actions. The stewardship theory counter-argues the self-interest agency theory by claiming employees, especially managers, act selflessly by prioritizing the organization's interests over themselves. Organization incentives will prompt employees to remain devoted to the organization as long as they can rationalize; they will not put them in harm's way (Donaldson et Davis, 1991:50). This line of reasoning has a parallel with political economist Elinor Ostrom's challenge to Hardin's "Tragedy
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of the Commons." In her theory on "Governing the Commons," she introduces the notion of "common-pool resources" (CPRs): collective resources that nobody has monopoly or control over. If multiple stakeholders' livelihoods depended on these resources, Ostrom theorizes they would ultimately reach an agreement on how to govern the use of them. Governing CPRS would, in turn, restrict individual profits in favor of more sustainable use of CPRs through collective-choice rules. Such self-organization influences local, regional, and national politics, institutional settings, and macro-developments concerning the value of the CPR in question.The two theories above (stewardship and Ostrom's CPRs) inherently connect with governing resources in the tourism industry. When a host community perceives tourism as an entrepreneurial opportunity that will benefit their economy, they are willing to share their resources. Furthermore, if the community believes incentives motivated by tourism, such as enhancements in public services and infrastructure as well as the promotion of natural and cultural conservation outweigh the losses, then they will view tourism as a necessity (Gursoy & Rutherford, 2004:495).
Ostrom's theory can is directly associated with the expected utility/decision theory, which combines aspects of both agency and stewardship theories. Expected utility/decision theory predicates that employees act in the interests of their organization, yet each determines their tradeoffs between personal self-interest vs. organizational benefits. The tradeoffs employees weigh can be correlated with Dogan's theory that within the tourism industry host communities react to increased interests and stakeholders in several different ways. The host community either 1) resists tourism; 2) becomes indifferent to tourism impacts; 3) distance themselves from tourism; 4) views it as a chance to develop their culture; 5) fully engages with the culture that tourist brings them (Dogan, 1989:216). Further, Ostrom et al. (1999) argue that through increasing global interconnectedness, more stakeholders and interests become involved in governing CPRs. This increase poses further challenges due to increasing numbers of stakeholders and their interests, anxieties, perceptions, and beliefs, which Adams et al. (2003) defined as the cognitive dimension in governing CPRs. Although multiple stakeholder theory explains various motivations behind stake-holder’s behaviors, scholars such as Ostrom do not address the notion that there are undoubtedly winners and losers as a result of governing CPRs. For this reason, the next section on environmental politics is included to understand the web of power struggles that exists between stakeholders and the historically top-down power structure commonly implemented in societies. Such structures further complicate the ability to come up with a "universal one size fits all solution."
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4.4 Environmental Politics
The conflict of land grabbing or property rights directly intertwines with the theory surrounding environmental politics. The relationship between human wellbeing and ecosystem processes is complex and often misunderstood. Power struggles in environmental politics can exemplify the impact of this discourse. Hajer and Versteeg (2005:175) argue that knowledge appropriation is a network of forced relations of power governed by individuals rather than exclusively through a top-down structure monitored by the state. Knowledge exchanged through communication shapes the social construction of reality. This reality is continuously invented and reinvented and is based up symbols and experiences which govern people's thoughts and actions within a historical, cultural, or political context (Hajer & Versteeg, 2005:176). One platform the ITDC chooses to communicate information on the Mandalika Project is through the creation of the IPDP. The plan outlines how the project aims to benefit a more comprehensive set of communities in Lombok through inclusive and sustainable development (IPDP, 2012: 2-2). However, this knowledge provided by the ITDC is not necessarily truthful or definitive of reality. A multitude of locals displaced by the project or excluded from the tourism industry have chosen to protest against the ITDC, believing that their power could form a different reality. Although this web of power relations exists, Kooiman argues that "states are still the most central and omnipresent societal governor" (Kooiman, 2016:29). They are the ones in control of operations between local and international levels, as well as public and private sector, in a multitude of complex ways. Therefore, the national government plays a critical role in mediating arguments and solutions proposed. Without government approval, nothing will be accomplished among various stakeholders (Kooiman, 2016:30).
Effective implementation of order and regulation over a common good requires collaborative action through global governance. Global governance demands an institutional framework that encompasses shared values at the international, transitional, and regional levels through the public and private sectors (Benedict, 2001). However, Hall and Lew (2009), claim that shared values are subjective to each stakeholder. One actor may perceive an outcome as a negative consequence of tourism while another actor may believe the impact is positive. Therefore, effective governance in the tourism industry demands to educate all actors involved not merely on just their area of expertise, but also the fundamental core values, purpose, and beliefs of all human beings in our ecosystem in order to achieve any form of cooperative coexistence with nature (Benedict, 2001).
