Studying the Role of YouTube and 4chan in the Circulation of the Flat
Earth Conspiracy Theory
Yosef Rama Adityadarma
MA Thesis
Universiteit van Amsterdam Master of New Media and Digital Culture
Table of Contents
Table of Contents ... 2
Abstract ... 4
Introduction ... 5
1. Theory: From Mythology to Conspiracy Theory ... 10
1.1 Genealogy of the Flat Earth Model ... 10
1.2 Understanding Conspiracy Theories as a Social Phenomenon ... 15
1.3 The Role of Internet Platforms in the Circulation of Conspiracies ... 19
1.3.1 The Consequence of Platforms’ Interfaces and Affordances ... 20
2. Methodology: Grounding Online Conspiracy Through the Flat Earth Theory ... 26
2.1. Mapping: Deciphering the Conspiracy Black Box ... 26
2.2. Building a Dataset from YouTube and 4chan ... 29
2.2.1 Using YouTube Data Tools ... 29
2.2.2 Using 4cat ... 31
2.3. The Methodology of Analysis: Navigating Through Texts and Visuals ... 32
3. Operationalization: Determining Platforms’ Eole in Keeping the Earth Flat ... 34
3.1. Analysis of the Flat Earth Theory on YouTube ... 34
3.1.1 YouTube as an Actor in the Flat Earth Conspiracy Theory Network. ... 34
3.1.2 Creating an Echo Chamber: Sentiments of the Flat Earth Theory on YouTube ... 38
3.1.3 Matter of Concerns: The Biblical Genesis of YouTube’s Flat Earth Conspiracy Theory ... 45
3.2. Analysis of the Flat Earth Theory on 4chan ... 48
3.2.1 Using Frequency Histogram to Map the Flat Earth Theory Sphere on 4chan’s /pol/ Board ... 48
3.2.2 Sentiment of the Flat Earth Theory on 4chan ... 50
3.2.3 Emphasis on Conspiracy and 4chan’s Memetic Use of the Flat Earth Theory ... 52
3.3. Platform Specific Culture of the Flat Earth Community ... 56
Conclusions ... 60
Reference List ... 63
____________________________________________________________________________ This thesis references comments from various YouTube channels and posts from 4chan /pol/ archive gathered from the website archive.4plebs.org. Links to the YouTube channels and to the 4chan posts used as figures are included in the appendix section underneath the reference list. Link to higher resolution of graphs used in this thesis can also be found in the appendix section.
Acknowledgments
This thesis will not be possible without the help and support from several people. Therefore, it is only appropriate to express my gratitude towards some of the people who have helped me the most during the writing of this thesis. My gratitude to Daniel de Zeeuw for his supervision throughout the writing process and for making every meeting very productive and inspiring. Thanks to Ezra for the much-needed distractions and encouragements during every late-night study session. And lastly, Thank you to my siblings Ratih, Rara, Aga, and my wonderful parents for their endless support.
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Abstract
This thesis studies the role of social media platforms in the circulation of conspiracy theories. With rising concerns over the growth of post-truth content including disinformation, fake news, and conspiracy theories, heightened scrutiny is put towards social media platforms such as YouTube and 4chan. Conspiracy theories, in particular, have been the subject of many debates and controversies. One debate that has become the staple of modern conspiracy theories, however, is the flat earth theory. Having been around for thousands of years, the flat earth hypothesis has evolved from mythologies to a political tool, and now becoming a prominent conspiracy theory on social media platforms. Because of this long historical presence, flat earth theory presents a unique prospect to study the correlation between social media platforms and its potential role in shaping a conspiracy theory. To that end, the objective of this thesis is to answer these questions: To what extent are social media platforms such as YouTube and 4chan accommodate the existence of the flat earth theory? If so, what aspects of these platforms play a role in creating such a fertile foreground for the theory to flourish? In answering these questions, this digital methods study builds its analysis on Bruno Latour’s and Ulrich Beck’s controversy mapping techniques and treats the flat earth theory as a node within a vast network of conspiracy theories on social media platforms. In addition, the thesis also considers the role of globalization and the democratization of access to information provided by social media platforms, in accommodating conspiracy theories’ existence. Besides theories on mapping, the paper outlined works on the genealogy of the flat earth theory and underlying theories on conspiracy theories to provide context on the building blocks of the flat earth theory as a belief, as a conspiracy, and what it might reveal about the psychology of the broader society. YouTube and 4chan are chosen for this study because the two platforms represent the varying community with unique cultures and vernacular, that will help provide different contexts. This thesis found that the theorization of the flat earth belief differs from one social media platform to another. On YouTube, beliefs regarding the flat earth theory are more based on religious and mythological argumentation as opposed to 4chan where the focus of the flat earth debate is more conspiratorial, driven by skepticism towards the authority. In addition, it is found that interface design and affordances on both platforms induce an echo chambering effect that yields polarization of different point of views related to the theory. Lastly, by democratizing access to information, social media platforms change the balance of knowledge production that was previously monopolized by established power structures. While these platforms may not be the sole determinant for a conspiracy theory to spread, these findings suggest that platform specific affordances allow for the flat earth theory to form its specific community and culture, therefore amplifying their existence across different contexts.
Introduction
In around the year 547 to 549, an Eastern-Greek merchant named Cosmas Indicopleustes became the center of heated debates with Greek progressivists over one topic, determining the shape of the earth. While some had theorized that the earth has a spherical shape, Cosmas disputed their hypothesis and said that the claim was unsupported by concrete evidence. He later outlined his alternate explanation of why the earth was instead shaped flat. For instance, He argued that the spherical shape of the planet earth did not cause for night and day, instead, it was caused by a huge mountain blocking the ray of the sun (Thomson). Cosmas, whose strong Christian belief drove his skepticism towards the spherical earth theory was not alone. Another strong Christian follower Lactantius (245-325), who was responsible for other famous Bible-based theory such as the theory that Satan and Christ were metaphorical twins, also rejected arguments of the spherical earth purported by the Greek philosophers. Lactantius refused to believe the philosophers’ arguments because their theory lacked Bible-based evidence (Russell).
Disagreements regarding the shape of the earth that happened many centuries ago can seem to be archaic, outrageous, and irrelevant by our modern standards. While modern scientists have access to telescopes and satellites to prove their theories, early thinkers have limited access to sources that could help them prove their theories. Yet, despite advancement in science and technology, disagreement regarding the shape of the earth is still around two millennia later. In fact, interest towards the flat earth theory on the internet is rising, that it forces social media sites such as YouTube to declare policies designed to discourage the circulation of such information (Wong and Levin).
The stubborn existence of the flat earth theory over the years is puzzling, considering that even during the period of Cosmas and Lactantius, the flat earth belief was disputed. In fact, in his book ‘Inventing the Flat Earth’, Jeffrey Burton Russell (1991) argued that there has been a misconception regarding the popularity of the flat earth belief. According to Russell, skepticism regarding the flat earth theory had already existed during the period of Greek philosophers and from that period onwards, it was often assumed that the earth has a spherical shape. For example, in the year 1490, the Spanish Monarchs opposed Christopher Columbus’s proposal for a voyage with concerns over the struggles that Columbus would have in sailing up the curve of the earth after sailing down from it (Russell). In the end, Russell argued that the education system overstates and exaggerates the modern assumption that the flat earth belief was popular among the older generations.
Instead of being marked as a resolve debate, the flat earth theory is maintained in the public and is considered as one of the most famous conspiracy theories (Branch; Jones). In more modern settings, discussions and debates regarding why the earth is flat combined with skepticism pointed towards authority figures accused of deceiving the public to hide the “flat truth” have turned the flat earth theory
from a philosophical disagreement into a conspiratorial debate. The flat earth theory has joined a long list of conspiracy theories ranging from the faking of the moon landing, the 9/11 attack being an inside job, and the CIA’s involvements in the assassination of US president John F. Kennedy. What is it then that makes a conspiracy theory so appealing? Especially, when a theory such as the flat earth theory could regain popularity despite being repeatedly disproven by the scientific community regarding its validity for the past few centuries if not millennia.
While it seems to be silly and outrageous, the existence of conspiracy theories can be useful in giving us insights into the politics and cultural-subcultural relationships within society (Birchall; Foucault). To understand the nature of conspiracy theories, its actors, and how these theories are being formulated within a society then, is to understand the power balance and emotional states of parties involved in the situation. On a personal level, conspiracy or what Richard Hofstadter (1964) characterizes as ‘paranoia’ can be seen as a coping mechanism against the fear of being irrelevant. This thought was also brought up by American psychoanalyst, Stephen Grosz, that uses the example of the elderly who lives alone wondering about in their own paranoia of being hurt or burgled (Aaronovitch). Similar to that concept, David Aaronovitch (2010) suggested that there are several conspiracy theories that stem from people’s unwillingness to move forward with modern ideas, or what he calls ‘those who are politically defeated’. In his book ‘Conspiracy Theories: Secrecy and Power in American Culture’, Mike Fenster (1999) attempted to understand the nature of conspiracism and answer the question of why a conspiracy theory appeal to some members of the public. In the book, Fenster discusses a series of essays written by an American historian, Richard Hofstadter, including the essay: “the paranoid style in American Politics”. This essay paid attention to the politics in the U.S. within the period of 1950s-1960s where McCarthyism was on the high and fear regarding the government being ‘infiltrated’ by Soviet agents were prominent. Hofstadter, along with other historians, argued that within this period of the American political history, there were ‘paranoia’ that manifested in the form of skepticism and denial. Driven by the fear that the ‘American value’ and their pluralistic party system was compromised by the opposition’s agenda, politicians in this era refuse to believe anything other than their own version of ‘truth’. Thus, Hofstadter saw this ‘paranoia’ phenomenon as a flaw in the society that needs to be adjusted (18). Fenster disagrees with this assumption, for him, to label this resistance and rejection towards the mainstream discourse as ‘paranoia’ is to ignore the importance of political protests in understanding the complexity of a transgressive counter-knowledge or even a conspiracy theory (21).
On the other hand, the existence of conspiracy theories is also seen as a result of ‘boundary works’ that the scientific institutions have been doing by monopolizing the production of knowledge and demarcating counter-knowledge. By having control over what knowledge is appropriate, thus having
control over what is considered as the acceptable ‘truth’, institutions of powers including scientific bodies and governmental agencies have to some extent alienate alternating views expressed by people who are labeled as a conspiracy theorist (Harambam and Aupers). Ultimately, conspiracism is an interesting phenomenon that can point to its readers the inter-groups politics within a society, the intellectual trend of the period, and the psychology of said society.
Internet platforms provide an opportunity to study this social phenomenon. One study conducted through an online survey, for example, found that the need for feeling unique drives for conspiracism to exist (Lantian et al.). On the other hand, these platforms may have presented a foreground for conspiracy theories to reach broader audiences by democratizing access to both the production and the consumption of information, hence making a bigger impact in the society. In particular, internet platforms could also complicate the circulation of conspiracy theories and our ability to understand it. For instance, a study has found that platform such as YouTube contributed to the rising belief towards a conspiracy theory such as the flat earth conspiracy theory (YouTube “Helps Convince Flat Earth Belief”). Other paper suggested that conspiracy theory is seen in the same light as scientific facts by Facebook and YouTube users (Bessi et al.), insinuating that social media platforms make the theory more appealing. Meanwhile, in trying to understand the relationship between internet platforms, in particular social media and conspiracy theories, one paper argued that the emergence of these platforms have allowed for conspiracism to grow its prominence in the public’s eye, thanks to its ubiquity and unique ability to afford a space for discussions as well as suspicion towards authority and the political mainstream (Barkun). On the contrary, another paper claimed that internet has instead slowed down the development of conspiracy theories because of its “hypercritical” nature (Clarke).
Following in the footsteps of these studies, this thesis is interested in studying the role that social media platforms play in the circulation of conspiracy theories. The study of the relationship between the two is important, as it may help us understand the extent to which social media platforms shapes or influence a conspiracy theory online. In particular, this thesis is interested in studying the relationship between YouTube and 4chan as social media platforms and the flat earth conspiracy theory using the framework of digital methods. Digital methods are frameworks of doing social and cultural research by using the available native object from digital platforms (Rogers). In doing so, the thesis seeks to understand the role of YouTube and 4chan in accommodating the existence of flat earth conspiracy theories. In particular, whether these social media platforms create a form of polarization of ideas that divide beliefs into different extremes. Identifying polarization is useful, because it may reveal the renegotiation of authority between different sets of beliefs, and shows whether there is a monopoly of ‘truth’ or controversy in determining what is the acceptable knowledge. Moreover, the thesis is also interested in the role of social
media platforms in reshaping the knowledge production process of the flat earth theory, and whether these platforms challenge the existence of established boundary works done by established power structure against the theory by democratizing access to information. Furthermore, Studying the phenomenon this way is interesting because there are few studies that paid attention and zoom in to a particular conspiracy theory and study its community specific cultures in different social media settings. This method of studying the theory in the different context of platforms may reveal different characteristics and cultures that may yield a different interpretation and application of the theory. Therefore, the choice of YouTube is made for this study, because of its unique affordances such as its clickbait culture and algorithm design that has recently been scrutinized in relation to conspiracy theories, especially the flat earth conspiracy theories (Alexander; YouTube “Helps Convince Flat Earth Belief”). Meanwhile, the choice of 4chan is made because of its unique memetic culture that prompts the existence of modern online conspiracy theories such as Pizzagate and the QAnon conspiracy (Wong; Funke). Besides, there has not been many studies that analyze the modern flat earth theory in relation to online platforms. This seems to be a missed opportunity when we consider the elongated historical presence that the theory has in our society. Paying attention to how the flat earth theory is perceived in these spaces could be useful in determining the effect that platform has towards an already established body of knowledge. To that end, this thesis will ask: To what extent are social media platforms such as YouTube and 4chan accommodate the existence of the flat earth theory? If so, what aspects of these platforms play a role in creating such a fertile foreground for the theory to flourish?
To answer these questions, Chapter one of this thesis will outline the genealogy of the flat earth theory and its evolution as a belief, from its origin as ancient Mesopotamian mythology through to its digital presence as a conspiracy theory. I will outline various versions of the theory over different periods, including its presence as a signifier of human curiosity, whereby early Egyptian and Greek thinkers discussed the theory as part of their attempt to understand their role in the universe; its use as a political tool during the middle ages through to the period of the 1800s where it becomes the center of the debate between the scientific community and the church; and in the modern era where the flat earth theory becomes intertwined with other conspiracy theories such as the faking of the moon landing.
Further on, to help us understand why conspiracy theories exist at the first place, why they are important to be studied, and what the study of conspiracy theories may reveal about the current state of the society, I will outline several works on conspiracy theories. Amongst them are the work of Richard Hofstadter who inspire studies on conspiracy theories through his essay on the American ‘paranoia’ during the 1950s; Mike Fenster who studies the modern history of American conspiracy theories; and the
work of Harambam and Aupers who studied the rationale of conspiracy theorists and their motivating factors.
On chapter two, I will explain the methodology of my analysis that is based on the framework of controversy mapping that is influenced by the work of sociologist Bruno Latour and Ulrich Beck. In particular, I will approach the analysis using the framework of the Actor-Network Theory by studying the flat earth theory both as an actor in a bigger network of conspiracy theories and its own smaller network of different debates on YouTube and 4chan. I will make analysis on these social media platforms in relation to relevant theories on platforms such as the theory of Affordances (Norman), anonymity, ephemerality (Bernstein), and trolling culture (Phillips). I will consider these theories in evaluating the platforms’ affordances, user interface, and design that might contribute to the existence of the flat earth theory.
Chapter three presents analysis on YouTube and 4chan in relation to the flat earth theory byways of studying the discourse, sentiments towards the flat earth theory, and inter-groups interaction on these platforms. Findings from this chapter suggest that as a result of their interface and affordances, these social media platforms play a role as an enabler in providing a foreground for the flat earth theory to develop its own specific community within the platform with their own unique vernacular and culture. As a result, the two social media platforms accommodate the existence of the flat earth conspiracy theory by inducing polarization that distances different ideas from each other through an echo chamber, whereby users are mainly interacting with ideas that are compatible with theirs. In addition, the thesis argues that YouTube and 4chan illustrate social media platforms’ ability to circumvent boundary works done by established power structures, hence challenging their authority of knowledge production. This is because, by democratizing access to knowledge production, social media platforms provide equal access for counter-knowledge, in this case the flat earth conspiracy theory, to reach more audience and attract attention. Thus, the thesis argues that social media platforms do accommodate and to some extent amplify the existence of a social phenomenon such as the flat earth conspiracy theory within an online context. That being said, these platforms are not the sole determinant nor is it the driver for the phenomenon to exist.
1. Theory: From Mythology to Conspiracy Theory
One of the many aspects that makes the flat earth theory a unique conspiracy theory is that it has been around for a long time. While we can perceive the theory to represent ignorance and stubbornness in more contemporary settings, the origin of the theory itself might not be as bizarre as it is now. For one, the theorization regarding the shape of the earth, one of which yields the flat earth theory, may be seen as a representative of human curiosity and the desire to understand our place in the universe (Frankfort). At least this was true a few thousand years ago, when our knowledge of the physical world around us was not advanced enough, and human had to rely on folktales and mythology in assisting their understanding of the world. It is not until the early Greek scholars experimented with various methods to measure the globe1, or until early explorers can sail the world, that consensus regarding the shape of our planet earth shifts from a flat model to a spherical model (Burkard). Yet, after years of advancements in the fields of physics and even after we sent our best astronauts to the moon, believes that the planet has a flat shape are still present. With reasoning based on ancient mythology, the Christian Bible, and now NASA conspiracies, the theory is unique in a sense that it remained attractive, able to maintain a following, and evolved in terms of its foundational values. So much so, that the theory has now cemented itself as one of the most known contemporary conspiracy theories on the internet. To understand the various aspects that allow for this theory to exist in a contemporary setting, this chapter will explore the genealogy of the flat earth theory and recap its journey from mythology to a conspiracy theory. In addition, this chapter will also discuss various concepts related to conspiracy theories and several theoretical frameworks that could help us understand the nature of a conspiracy theory. Lastly, theoretical frameworks regarding social media platforms where conspiracy theories have flourished will also be discussed to assist our understanding of the role of these platforms in the circulation of the flat earth theory.
1.1 Genealogy of the Flat Earth Model
The genealogy of discussions regarding the earth’s shape can be traced back to the ancient Mesopotamian and Egyptian mythology2 (“Ancient Greek Astronomy and Cosmology”). According to Isaac Asimov, it is believed that prior to these two ancient civilizations, there was a consensus of the flat-shaped earth, due to the limited ability of these civilizations to travel beyond their ocean’s horizon (12). In Mesopotamian mythology, the flat earth has a hollow feature that functions as a place for the ‘underworld’. Besides this idea of the earth having a hollow underworld, the Egyptians are thought to believe that the earth has four
1 One instance of the experiment done by the Greek was outlined in the article “How the ancient Greeks proved Earth was round over 2,000 years ago” (2010), whereby it told the story of Eratosthenes who proved the spherical shape of the earth using a stick that he puts in the ground.
corners and was protected by a rounded dome-like cover with high mountains at every corner (Frankfort; Kramer; Simanek). This ancient Egyptian thought has in some ways influenced the early Greek philosophers’ thoughts on astronomy. The Greek poets Homer and Hesiod, are said to have also described the earth to be flat in their works (Fleming). According to the poet Homer, the earth is shaped like a flat disc surrounded by the great river of Okeanos as its boundary (MacPherson). Another early Greek figure, Thales, who is one of the earliest Greek philosophers, was also said to have believed that the earth has a flat3 shape (Fleming; O’Grady). Though many ancient civilizations seem to share a similar concept of a flat earth, they differ in detailing their concepts. The early Norse mythology believed on flat circular earth surrounded by a sea of giant serpents, while the ancient Chinese believed that there is spherical heaven and flat squared earth (Flemming; Lindow). On the other hand, the Hindus were said to believe that the flat earth was supported by four pillars made of elephants that are standing on the shell of a giant turtle (Asimov).
3 Although there is uncertainty in whether or not Thales actually believed that the earth is flat due to the lack of evidence or
testimony (O’Grady).
Old mythologies and wonders regarding the shape of the earth, though it might seem to be archaic and outdated by our modern-day perspectives, are indicative of human curiosity. Henri Frankfort, in his book Before Philosophy, argued that we should separate the existence of mythology from legends or fairy tales. He explains that the spread of myths by the ancients is not in the interest of mere entertainment, but a pursuit of understanding their existence in the universe through observation and experience (15). It is the sense of curiosity regarding the human existence that encourages the discussions of our earth’s shape to continue, especially for Greek philosophers around the period 600 B.C. to 500 B.C. (Asimov). One of the first geographic scientists of the Greek, Hecataeus of Miletus, for example, tried to measure the size of the earth’s flat disc and estimated that the disc has around 5,000 miles of diameter. Centuries later, through recounts of oceanic voyages together with observations of the sun and the moon, Greek astronomers started to question the flat earth notion and suggested a spherical model instead. This model was first suggested by the Greek philosopher Philolaus of Tarentum at around 450 B.C. and later followed by Aristotle who reflected upon the implications of spherical earth:
“Suppose, however, we merely define ‘down’ as the direction pointing to the center of the Earth. When we say things naturally ‘fall downward’, we mean they naturally fall towards the center of the earth. [...] The earth itself cannot fall because every part of it has already fallen as much as possible and reached as closely as possible to the earth’s center. Indeed, that is why the Earth must be a sphere, for the sphere has the property that the total distance of all parts of itself to its center is less than that of any solid of the same size but of a different shape (Asimov 17).”
Aristotle’s reflection of the earth’s shape had helped established the spherical earth model because his consideration was free of paradox and contradictions even though no direct proof was made until the 18th century when explorers like Columbus and Magellan successfully sailed around the earth (Asimov).
Despite Aristotle’s and other philosophers’ revelation of a spherical earth, theorization for flat shaped earth does not disappear. Opposition towards the spherical earth model was present and was motivated by religious faith such as showed by the Greek merchant Cosmas Indicopleustes and Lactantius during the middle age. The two figures represent the unwillingness of early Christians’ to accept scientific thinking and rationale by not being able to fulfill more biblical explanations. Instead, they remain with the notion of flat earth that is consistent with the passage of the Genesis which explains that the earth is shaped like the Tabernacle of Moses (Russell).
The belief of the flat earth that these early Christians such as Cosmas and Lactantius strongly held can be seen as indicative of shifting interest from the questions about the natural world to questions about moral philosophy (“Flat Earth Myth”). That being said, even within his own circle, Cosmas’s argumentation was rejected by various figures such as the philologist John Philoponus (490-570) who wanted to find a middle ground between philosophy and theology (Russell). In fact, during the 18th century, Cosmas and Lactantius were often used as a figure who represents ignorance in the midst of the hostile relationship between science and theology. During this era, theological conservatism was on the rise, and antagonism towards scientific ideas manifest itself in the form of anti-Darwinism and also the belief towards the flat earth model (47). However, the notions that many Christians believed that the earth was flat were opposed by progressive Christians such as Andrew Dickson White (1832-1918) whose life works revolve around the effort to marry science and Christianity. In addition to defending science against the anti-Darwinists movement, White also had to battle the ‘flat earth error’4 used by scientific realists to attack Christianity (43). The misconception regarding the flat earth error was precipitated
4 The flat earth error is the wrongful and exaggerated assumptions that there was overwhelming support towards the flat earth
model, while in reality, educated people believed on a spherical shaped earth (Russel).
through the work of Washington Irving’s semi-fiction on Christopher Columbus5, which was misunderstood as a scholarly work, and the essay of Antoine-Jean Letronne whose anti-cleric views overstate the church fathers’ stubbornness towards the use of the Christian Bible’s words (Irving; Steinfels; Letronne; Russel). Ultimately, as Jeffrey Burton Russell demonstrated through his book, the correlation between Christian religiosity and the flat earth belief was exaggerated as part of the political tug of war between the scientific community and the Church in the period of late 1800s to early 1900s, caused by ideological disagreement over the theory of evolution. This exaggeration was picked up and assumed by the modern education system and scholars that preserves the flat earth error from the 20th century onwards (Steinfels; Russel).
So far, by looking at the early inception of the flat earth theorization, the flat earth model evolved from being a sign of human curiosity, into a political tool that symbolizes the hostility between the scientific community and the religious community. In a more modern setting though, the flat earth theory is best known as a conspiracy theory, discussing efforts of cover-ups that are allegedly done by governments and organizations like NASA6. Modern flat earthers Mark Sargent explained this allegation in the documentary “Behind the Curve” where he claimed that NASA and the government have made extensive efforts of conspiracies to make sure that people keep believing on a spherical earth model (Clark). Besides cover-up, modern flat earthers also believe in similar versions of the ancient flat earth theorization such as the flat disc model, ice wall borders, and a dome covering the sky or what modern flat earth believers call the firmament (Dyer). Another aspect that typifies modern flat earthers is their effort to explain their theories, sometimes even using an empirical study design. For instance, one theory tried to explain that the reasoning behind why ships do not fall off the edge of the flat planet is because of what they call the Pac-Man Effect. According to this explanation, the reason ships do not fall off the edge is that they get teleported from one side to the other like in the 1980s Pac-man video game (Bryner et al.). In a more scientific effort, flat earthers started organizations to conduct experiments designed to support their theories, such as observing lunar trajectory and using a laser to disprove curvature across a certain distance (Clark). These experiments, however, are yet to support their argumentation. In addition, denial towards the spherical earth are also often expressed using pictures and videos of a far-away city on a distant horizon with the typical caption questioning “where is the curve?” (Bryner et al.; Dyer).
5 The premise of Irving’s book was that Columbus made his infamous voyage to proof that the earth is not flat. 6The National Aeronautics and Space Administration.
1.2 Understanding Conspiracy Theories as a Social Phenomenon
To understand conspiracy as a concept, we first turn to one of the most looked up to and influential body of works that come from the American Historian Richard Hofstadter. While his essay did not exclusively look at conspiracies and conspiracy theories, his work sees the relationship between society and politics as a start and end point to what he calls a ‘paranoid state of mind’ in the psychology of American politics that yield conspiracy theories as a symptom. In studying this ‘paranoia’, he went through the genealogy of American Politics. One of his most famous essays, ‘the Paranoid Style in America’ (Hofstadter), looked at various points in American history such as the anti-masonry movement in the 1800s through to the rise of McCarthyism in the 1950s to discover patterns of societal discontents caused by frictions in the political sphere. For example, he sees the condemnation of freemasons during the 1800s, with various accusations such as masterminding the Aaron Burr Conspiracy or starting their own jurisdiction with separate laws, as a symptom of ‘paranoia’. Hofstadter, while acknowledging that some views opposing the masonry movement may be substantiated, saw that there is some degree of exaggeration and over-generalization within the anti-masons’ views to signify their standings (79). He later compared this 19th-century paranoia to the almost theatrical American right-wing politics during the period of the 1930s to 1950s. There, He observed that while the earlier form of paranoia was built upon some legitimate causes, the fear of losing control over their traditional American values rooted the right-wing paranoia in this era. Figure 1.3 - Post on 4chan with illustration that supposedly proof that the earth is flat accompanied by the question “where’s
The phenomenon manifest itself in the form of what we now call “McCarthyism” where unsubstantiated accusations were made by the Republican politicians, such as the American government being compromised by communist agents or the notions that communist agents have infiltrated the American mass media, education institutions, and religious institutions to incapacitate the mobility of “true Americans” (Hofstadter 82). In discussing the phenomenon, Hofstadter notes the role of mass media as an intermediary of these ideas and in their participation in helping the far-right creating a more lucid villain. This is because, for some part, the mass media provides an avenue for actors from both sides to be recognized and hence more noticeable (81). In fact, some argue that mainstream media nudges people to look into conspiracy theories by highlighting their presence, even if it is in the form of criticism (McGregor et al.; Woods and Hahner), and by lending them some form of credibility (Marmura). Hofstadter concluded that ‘paranoia’ in American politics was a form of psychological phenomenon, whereby only a handful member of the society will experience. Within this paranoia, these people are trapped in an almost delusional state of mind of not being able to see and understand positions outside of their viewpoints:
“Having no access to political bargaining or the making of decisions, they find their original conception that the world of power is sinister and malicious fully confirmed. They see only the consequences of power-and this through distorting lenses- and have no chance to observe its actual machinery. [...] It is precisely this kind of awareness that the paranoid fails to develop (Hofstadter, 86).”
Hofstadter’s essay showed how theorizations of conspiracy can be a product and a cause of paranoia in a political sphere. That being said, his approach did not pay much attention to the bigger network around the actors that may cause this ‘paranoia’ to exist in the first place. For one, the limited access over political bargaining and decision making that was mentioned as the cause for ‘paranoia’ may be the consequence of the two-party system that demarcates certain group from having a bigger control over power. Moreover, by focusing on a particular actor, Hofstadter also ignored the bigger implication that this ‘paranoia’ might have in relation to broader society. This is the concern that Mike Fenster raised in his book ‘Conspiracy theory: secrecy and power in American culture’ (Fenster). For one, Fenster argued that Hofstadter’s characterization of the ‘paranoid’ undermines the importance of understanding the convoluted and transgressive nature of conspiratorial theorization. Fenster saw conspiracy theory as a carnivalesque subcultural transgressive movement that challenges the dominant political power. For him, conspiracy theories can help us understand the socio-political relationship within society. This point of view is in line with Michel Foucault’s view of the outcast where he argued that it is worth studying these alternative views, as they can be useful in revealing the societies’ power-knowledge relationship
(Foucault). However, Fenster acknowledged the thin line on which his defense on conspiracy is standing on. For one, he considers John Fiske’s book on popular culture as an extreme example whereby a conspiracy theory can be indefensible by considering the extreme white supremacist and the African-Americans conspiracy of genocide through HIV/AIDS (Fiske). In weighing the two sides of different extremes, instead of labeling it as a conspiracy theory, Fiske considers the African-American theorization of genocide as a counter-knowledge that symbolizes resistance towards a dominant political power. He argued that this form of counter-knowledge is essential and needs to be championed (192). To that end, Fenster expanded Fiske’s notion on counter-knowledge and argues that through the same logical lenses, conspiracy theory should also be taken in the same light as a counter-knowledge. This is because, from this point of view, we can also see conspiracy as a form of resistance towards the dominant political power. In the end, while Fenster admits that the existent of conspiracy theories is a necessary organic form of critique towards the social order, its functionality in helping us solve the complex socio-political friction is futile:
“Beyond its shortcomings as a universal theory of power and an approach to historical and political research, however, conspiracy theory ultimately fails as a political and cultural practice. It not only fails to inform us how to move from the end of the uncovered plot to the beginning of a political movement; it is also unable to locate a material position at which we can begin to organize people in a world divided by complex divisions based on class, race, gender, sexuality, and other social antagonisms (Fenster 226).”
Another important aspect that shapes the way conspiracy theories circulate and maintained are the conspiracy theorist themselves. While some people might despise their thoughts and theorization as irrelevant, many social scientists argue that their resistance towards mainstream ideas is an important object of study. A paper by Harambam and Aupers, for example, examines the tension between scientific communities and conspiracy theorist through a series of empirical interviews. They found that through an established power structure within the scientific community, opinions voiced by conspiracy theorist are disregarded through what they call ‘boundary work’ (468). From a scientific communities’ point of view, a conspiracy theorist is seen as those who are willing to ignore complicated concepts and prefer simple conclusions (Barkun), cherry picks evidence (Pipes), and ignore facts that oppose their beliefs (Sunstein and Vermeule). On the flip side, conspiracy theorists, who see themselves as a believer in the scientific methods, see the ‘boundary work’ and the stigma of ‘bad scientist’ being attached to them as a lack of free spirit and skepticism on the scientific communities’ part (Harambam and Aupers). Moreover, conspiracy theorists voice their concerns regarding the monopoly of truth that are being upheld by institutions in the modern scientific community and argued that their interest is being driven by politics
and economic interests (474). In other words, modern conspiracy theorist are not themselves opposed to ideas gathered through the scientific methods, but towards the authority of scientific institutions:
“More than merely mimicking modern science in order to augment epistemic authority, conspiracy theorists wish to purify it and re-install its free spirit of inquiry. Their critique is targeted at the dogmatic nature of scientific assumptions, the authority of scientific institutions, and, indeed, the epistemic and social boundary work performed by scientists to sustain this authority. Science, we may say, is at once sacralized for its intentions but demonized for its manifestations. (Harambam and Aupers 477)."
What is clear from both the scientific and the conspiratorial points of views are then, the unwillingness to confront each other and to find solutions to (what seems to be) the opposed sets of beliefs. Conspiracy theorist then has seemed to remain in their cave filled with their own sets of beliefs supported by communities of people who are willing to conform and agree with their ideas. Meanwhile, the scientific communities remain in the driving seat of knowledge production through institutions that are accepted as the legitimate authority of knowledge. This was true, at least, when flows of information are still demarcated by these legitimate institutions.
In the context of communication and media studies, media organizations can be seen as an agent that maintains the status quo of mainstream knowledge, thus becoming a part of the power structure. In the book 'manufacturing consent' (1994), Herman & Chomsky argued that the American mass media are biased against alternative ideas as a result of what they call the propaganda model. According to the propaganda model, there are five filters that guide mass media to produce information or knowledge that favor established institutions. The five filters include the limited access to ownership and profit orientation of the mass media, the advertising model that nudges media to produce content that adhere to the mass, limited sourcing by journalist and news media that limit categorization of 'legitimate sources'7, Flak in the form of criticism towards certain content by using lawsuit, petition, or even bills before Congress, and finally anti-communism rhetoric (Ch. 1). By outlining these five filters, Herman and Chomsky argued that the US mass media operate as a tool for the government to maintain their control over news and hence knowledge production, be it unintentionally by prioritizing revenue and organizational stability, or intentionally. The propaganda model that results on this type of knowledge production can also be seen as a form of boundary work, and become an instance of how media
7 according to Herman and Chomsky, American news media are biased towards sources that have a governmental background,
institutional background, or individual characterized as ex-radical who came from countries with opposing principal with the US such as the Soviet (25).
organization can play a key role in this negotiation of boundaries between alternative knowledge and mainstream knowledge.
The propaganda model, however, may no longer be relevant in relation to digital media. For one, digital media in particular social media, democratizes access for knowledge production, allowing any user to produce and consume information as they desire. If anything, due to globalization and the democratization of information, the production of knowledge may no longer be monopolized by established institutions, hence undoing the boundary work and demarcation. Therefore, a study on social media in relation to the production of counter-knowledge such as conspiracy theories can be beneficial in understanding the impact of democratization on the balance of knowledge production. Before that can be done however, it is important to understand the theoretical frameworks surrounding the platforms that will be studied.
1.3 The Role of Internet Platforms in the Circulation of Conspiracies
Demarcation of conspiracy theories through boundary works by scientific institutions has to some extent delegitimize these “bad scientist” and their relevance in society. Yet, conspiracy theories are still circulating, with some of them might have even grown more following over the past few years. In fact, concerns over the rise of conspiracism and misinformation have often been expressed in relation to the rising role of platforms in the everyday life of ordinary citizens (Del Vicario et al.; Mortimer; Wakabayashi). One might argue, that modern internet platforms have to some extent circumvented the boundary works by scientific institutions and disrupt the relationship balance between the power structure and conspiracy theorist. Some researchers have found that internet platforms have allowed for conspiracy theories to find audiences and to even be regarded in the same way as a scientific theory. For instance, a paper by Bessi et al. (9) found that interaction patterns of Facebook users with conspiracy theories are similar to those of scientific news, suggesting that the two forms of knowledge are being perceived in the same light. Other studies on YouTube found similar results, concluding that YouTube affords for conspiracy theories to spread through their platform (Bessi, Zollo, et al.; YouTube “Helps Convince Flat Earth Belief”). By democratizing access to not only the consumption, but also the production of information, social media platforms like YouTube and 4chan have in a way undo the boundary works done by the established power structure, and have allowed for the renegotiation of the ‘acceptable knowledge’. To some extent, access to knowledge production is no longer monopolized by established power structure partly due to this liberation of access to knowledge production. As a result, the clear authority over ‘acceptable knowledge’ previously held by the power structure is challenged by counter-knowledge that are now able to gain equal access to the general audiences’ attention. In the context of the
flat earth conspiracy theory for instance, prior to the social media era, knowledge regarding the shape of the earth are distributed through school textbooks, scientific programs, or news where counter-knowledge are often alienated or even ridiculed as part of the demarcation and boundary work. However, with the existence of social media platforms such as YouTube and 4chan, distribution of information is no longer monopolized by these agencies, and producer of counter-knowledge such as conspiracy theorists are now presented with equal access to reach audiences. Thus, belief regarding certain theory may now be less dependent on who produce the knowledge, but more to which knowledge appeal or attract the most attention. This relationship between internet platforms and conspiracy theories might then prompt us to question the features of modern internet platforms that afford for these theories to be more attractive.
1.3.1 The Consequence of Platforms’ Interfaces and Affordances
Several aspects that are underlined as the catalyst for conspiracy theories and platforms to grow together includes the various affordances and interface that mediates for a certain behavior to manifest in these platforms. These affordances and behavior can differ from one social media platform to another. Therefore, it is important to narrow the scope of this thesis into specific social media platforms in order to maintain focus. This thesis chooses two different platforms that have distinct platform specific community and cultures. First, the flat earth debate on the video sharing platform YouTube will be mapped and analyzed. YouTube is important to be studied for this research because the platform has been reported as one of the most fertile platforms for the flat earth community to grow (YouTube “Helps Convince Flat Earth Belief”). In addition, YouTube is interesting for this research because even though they are a video sharing platform, its interface also has a strong emphasis on textual and visual content in the form of comments, video titles, and thumbnails that create its own unique platform specific cultures. Moving on, the thesis will also scrutinize the message board 4chan that is often seen as the ‘meme factory’ of the internet. 4chan is especially interesting for this research, because not only that it is a different platform compared to YouTube in terms of functionality and interface, its memetic cultures of satire, parody, and trolling, could also provide a unique point of view with its own specific cultures and affordances. 4chan is an especially interesting platform for this research because of its popularity as the birthplace for modern conspiracy theories such as the QAnon conspiracy or Pizzagate (Wong; Funke). In relation to the flat earth theory, even though 4chan is not the most prominent platform on which the theory flourish, the platform is still seen as one of the most productive platforms that produce flat earth related memes (Tiffany). To that end, the thesis seeks to understand the role that the two social media platforms play in maintaining the prominence of the flat earth conspiracy theory and whether these platforms accommodate the existence of the theory through its specific culture, affordances, and interface. For example, on YouTube, platform-specific features may yield an echo chambering effect that polarizes
extreme views of opposing beliefs. Meanwhile, on 4chan, the sense of anonymity, ephemerality, and ubiquity may allow for certain troll-ish behavior and memetic culture to develop (Barkun). The effect of these platforms’ interfaces and designs are reminiscent of the theory of affordance, popularized by Donald Norman who appropriated the term from psychologist James J. Gibson. According to Norman, design affordances are cues that suggest to its users how the property of designs should be utilized (39). Using this framework can be useful to help us see the features of platforms design that might shape the way users interact with them (Soegaard). Since this thesis is looking in particular at YouTube and 4chan, this section will outline the theoretical frameworks for the two platforms.
YouTube’s Clickbait and the sense of Ubiquity
YouTube develops its own specific user practices unique to the platform because of its interface design and affordances. One aspect is the design interface of their homepage, whereby users are presented with only with thumbnails and titles of video without additional context. The interface encourages content creators to present inviting or even misleading titles and thumbnails, or what is generally known as clickbait, to temp users to watch their video (Knight; Alexander). The practice allows for a creator to reach beyond their community and reach new users that are otherwise might not be interested in the premise of their content. In relation to the flat earth conspiracy theory, a user that is otherwise not interested in the flat earth debate might be tempted to watch a video with the title “Strongest Flat Earth Proof 2018 (NEW)_Debunk This Evidence if You Can!” (2018), because of the ‘proof’ element that the video seemingly presented.
Besides the clickbait culture, YouTube’s interface design that allows for users to make comments combined with the platform’s ubiquity could also increase engagement that encourages discussions. The
ability for users to make comments and give sentiment (clicking like or dislike), hence interacting with content and other users, may encourage discussion of a certain topic to be maintained. Meanwhile, support for a mobile browser or even dedicated mobile apps allows for users to use their service whenever they want and wherever they are, allowing them to be ubiquitous in their users' life (Barkun). This ubiquity might create a sense of urgency for users to not only pay more attention towards contents (Knuttila) but also to be involved in discussions, allowing them to jump in and join right away.
Anonymity and ephemerality on 4chan
On 4chan, the ability to remain anonymous8 is one of the biggest drivers for troll-ish behavior that allow for more transgressive behavior to develop and find followings (Bernstein; Suler). The consequence of this A-culture is best illustrated by the ‘attack’ that 4chan users exhibited towards an 11-year-old Jessi Slaughter back in 2008, whereby her personal contact information was shared to 4chan users, prompting hateful emails, prank calls, and death threats from anonymous users (Coleman). By affording anonymity, it can be argued that 4chan eliminate users’ inhibition to share ideas they otherwise would feel insecure about when their identity is exposed, allowing for a more open discussion (Bernstein). Moreover, because there is no way of knowing the real identity of a user, accountability becomes less important in a platform such as 4chan, allowing a user to make claims without having to back it up, or even to perform personal attacks such as cyberbullying. In relation to the existence of conspiracy theories, the sense of anonymity not only allow a user to feel less insecure about discussing, supporting, or even posting about a theory that is otherwise perceived as unpopular, but a user can also make claims without having to prove its credibility or even their own credibility. For example, in the case of the flat earth debate, a user can make claim on 4chan that they have access to NASA and that they can confirm that there is conspiracy behind the flat earth belief without having to prove their claim (Figure 1.4). This is because, by being anonymized, other users could not verify the credibility of the user’s claim. Because the claim could not be confirmed nor denied, trust towards the claim becomes dependent on another user’s perception off it9.
8 Also commonly referred to as the A-culture
9 It is also hard to understand whether posters are being serious or not in relation to this sort of comment. Further discussion
related to the theory of ‘Poe’s Law’ can be found on page 24.
In addition to anonymity, the policy of not archiving user posts may result on less active contents to be buried, hence allowing the platform to develop a sense of ephemerality that shapes the way their user base behave. For one, users are encouraged to partake in discussions with the content they are interested in, to ensure that the post remains on the page. Another is that because of the high numbers of posts and the quick circulation of posts, users might not pay much attention to the ramifications of the content of their post with the assumptions that people will not pay attention to it (Knuttila). Lastly, the threading design on 4chan could also encourage users to be more engaged in a discussion because it allows them to interact with other users. Not only on 4chan but also on other platforms such as Reddit, Facebook, and Instagram, the threading interface design is seen as a more effective way of presenting content to the user because it increases readability and allows for different sub-conversation to occur, hence encouraging a higher level of engagements (Constine).
Social Media Echo Chamber and the Role of Algorithm
Other aspects of modern internet platforms that afford for the existence of conspiracy theories is its ability to create an echo chamber, partly due to the platform’s interface design and algorithm. An echo chamber is a phenomenon whereby users’ desire to seek opinions that confirms their belief nudges them to engage with opinions or ideologies similar to them (Garrett). This phenomenon might cause the polarization of views (including the belief regarding the flat earth theory) into more extreme positions (Sunstein; Bessi et al.; Colleoni et al.). In the case of platforms such as YouTube and 4chan, their threading and comment design interface provide a space for engagement that may nudge users to interact with content similar to their beliefs. In addition, YouTube’s algorithmic design prioritizes engagement as an indicator for posts to remain on a top position or even being suggested to other users. Platforms such as YouTube and Facebook use an algorithm to match the content that they are recommending to a user with content that other users often interact with. For instance, if a user watches a lot of movie reviews on YouTube, the platform’s algorithm would pick up on this behavior and suggest more movie reviews for the user (Hosanagar; Kaiser and Rauchfleisch). As a result, instead of having an unfiltered catalog of contents, algorithm feeds user with content that is in line with their interests (Chaslot et al.). In fact, researchers at Princeton University found that algorithmic recommendations ‘homogenizes user behavior without creating utility’ (Chaney et al.).
Consequently, it can be argued that the utilization of the algorithm could further the echo chamber effect. As mentioned, even if users are presented with an array of different content, there are the tendency of users to interact with content that is in line with their beliefs (Garrett). Thus, introducing a narrower set of content to a user that is designed by an algorithm to fulfill users’ preference of content may create a feedback loop that further the echo chamber effect on a user (Sadagopan). In fact, this
algorithm mediated feedback loop on social media such as YouTube and Facebook have been scrutinized as one of the driving factors for the radicalization of the far-right movement in U.S. politics (Hosanagar; Grimes; Kaiser and Rauchfleisch).
However, it is important to note that the responsibility of this algorithmic assisted echo chamber does not solely fall on the platforms. While platforms do have control over what content their algorithm could suggest (Sadagopan), the creation of personalized feedback loop also depend on the type of content that users are interacting with. Thus, it can be argued that in order to avoid personalized feedback loop and hence the echo chambering effect, a user should be more active in interacting with less partisan content and should expose themselves with viewpoints that are not in line with theirs (Hosanagar; Auerbach).
Memetic Language and Platform Specific Culture
Apart from the algorithm, social media platforms also have the unique affordance of allowing for a specific culture and vernacular to grow. In particular, the use of memetic language that cause for the culture of trolling, satire, parody, and irony. Whilst the use of memetic language might not be intended as support towards conspiracies, the use of these platform-specific cultures and vernacular might encourage a higher level of engagements on more polarizing topics, similar to the feedback loop effect created by algorithms. Whitney Phillips explains this phenomenon as ‘trolling for filter bubble’, where actual meaning and the intention of the people behind posts becomes a “grotesque caricature” that are “reduced to fictionalized things” in favor of amusement (345). One consequence of this ‘filter bubble’ and these cultures of satire and irony is the echo chamber effect it might yield. In relation to irony and satire, intentions that the posters exhibit may become less relevant to its users that wanted to believe their own version of ‘truth’. This could lead to posts in the form of ironic support, toxic comments or blatant ridicule, towards a polarizing content to be visible to more users (Massanari). Furthermore, the memetic culture of trolling, satire, parody, and irony on these platforms could also be associated with the concept of “Poe's law”. “Poe’s Law” is the difficulty to understand the intentionality of a post due to the unclear motive and limited knowledge regarding a poster’s identity. The term “Poe's law” originates from a post in a 2005 creationist forum, where a user with the pseudonym ‘Nathan Poe’ posted a reaction to a heated debate regarding the theory of evolution (Ellis). On platforms such as 4chan and YouTube, the “Poe's law” effect might contribute to audience perceiving satire seriously or serious claim as a joke. In a way, “Poe's law” creates a sense of ambiguity for a context to be understood, allowing the perception of a social phenomenon such as a conspiracy to develop into an established body of knowledge even though the reality of it may be different. Similar to the memetic language, the “Poe's law” effect may also produce echo chambers that polarize existing views. In fact, several papers argued that “Poe's law” can be
seen as a factor that could induce further polarization between two opposing stances of beliefs. As the confrontation between conflicting beliefs occurs, one’s view might become more extreme, creating the sense of ‘us against them’ that could strengthen the basis of their ideology instead of mediating discussions (Aikin; Sunstein).
In addition, in understanding the existence of conspiracy theories on online spaces such as social media, memetic cultures can be seen in the same light as counter-knowledge discussed by Fiske in the previous section of this chapter. In this context, memetic cultures allow for transgressive behavior to form in these digital media. Using the ‘politics of irony’ online can be seen as a manifestation of the “carnivalesque” concept, introduced by Mikhail Bakhtin, in exploring the culture of transgression against hegemony in the medieval age. This concept explains a way of challenging dominance by using comic reactions or ridicules instead of open political activism (Bakhtin; Stallybrass and White). To take the concept into perspectives, on the platform 4chan for example, Nagle connects the conceptualization of carnivalesque with the transgressive nature of the platform’s user and draw similarities between 4chan trolls with the carnivalesque:
“This is very much how 4chan has long self-described and how it was described by its early ‘progressive’ boosters, except that the dominant ideology in the time of 4chan has been cultural liberalism, and the ‘low’ therefore meant un-PC poor taste, rudeness, shock, offense and trolling. The carnivalesque was also theorized by Bakhtin, whose ideologically flexible and ambivalent definition sounds like much like some of the self-descriptions of trolls on what trolling is doing (Nagle 39).”
Thus, memetic cultures can be seen as an online manifestation of counter-knowledge that yields the production of conspiracy theories. Instead of blatant activism against the mainstream, users on these social media platform resort to memetic cultures of trolling, satire, parody, and irony to express their transgressions against the mainstream. While providing space for these carnivalesque behavior does not hint at the platform’s accountability in causing online conspiracy theories to surface, the production of these memetic cultures specific to platforms illustrate the platforms’ ability to provide space for these behaviors and cultures to not only formulate but also amplified.
2. Methodology: Grounding Online Conspiracy Through the Flat Earth Theory
To formulate the understanding of whether social media platforms accommodate the existence of conspiracy theories, the flat earth theory is chosen as a case study for this thesis. However, this goal brings about further questions to be answered: For one, do online platforms host conspiracy theory such as the flat earth conspiracy theory in the first place? And if so which platforms and what particular features of these platforms can help us understand this phenomenon? Thus, this second chapter will discuss the methodology that was used as a part of the process to help answer these questions. First, the thesis will answer these questions by looking at mapping theories such as Bruno Latour’s social cartography and Ulrich Beck’s risk cartography (Rogers et al.). Further on, the research introduces the methodology to operationalize these mapping theories by producing network maps of the flat earth theory within the chosen platform of YouTube and 4chan. On the other hand, the second part of the chapter explains the data collection portion including the choice of tools and visualization methods for the empirical part of the research. Lastly, this chapter discusses the methodology of analysis, especially in the approach to understanding the textual and visual part of the dataset. This includes the outlining of the criteria used for labeling particular post as pro flat earth, against flat earth, neutral, or controversial.
2.1. Mapping: Deciphering the Conspiracy Black Box
In understanding a disruptive social phenomenon, a debate, or an issue such as conspiracy theory, one could first turn to the sociologist Bruno Latour, whose work on social controversy mapping and actor-network theory (ANT) has been influential in deciphering the social order of an issue (Rogers et al.). One key point from Latour that is influential in the practice of controversy mapping is the reinterpretation of social as a movement instead of a structured entity. Deriving explanation from ANT that sees actors as nodes and social entity as a network, Latour introduces a way of looking at the social assemblage as a structured entity by using the phrase black box. For Latour, a black box is an accepted entity or facts that have been made opaque by its own success, thus easy to be taken for granted and may be hard to understand (Latour). In other words, a black box is a normalized state of a societal entity. Controversy mapping then, according to Latour, is an act of opening this black box and to decipher not only the nodes involved in the network of social assemblage but also to unravel the destabilizing components of the assemblage that created the controversy at the first place. Tommaso Venturini explained this opening of the black box as a renegotiation of the social nodes in the network that is being constantly reshaped (264). In other words, instead of having a set of established groups with definite participants, membership to these groups becomes fluid, while meaning and borders are constantly being re-established. Furthermore, Venturini interpreted Latour’s concept into four general rules of mapping: Avoid cold controversies, avoid
past controversies, avoid boundless controversies, and avoid underground controversies. While the first two principles are similar, avoiding boundless controversies amounts to being specific in the scope of the inquiry, while avoiding underground controversies suggests the avoidance of conspiracy (Rogers et al.). Although Venturini’s fourth point is to demarcate boundless controversies, hence urging social cartographers to not pay much attention to a conspiratorial phenomenon, this thesis would still treat conspiracy theory as an important aspect for the society. As argued by Fenster10, the existence of conspiracy theories is essential in highlighting the socio-cultural relationship within a society (Ch.1). In a Latourian point of view, perhaps we could also consider a conspiracy theory as a microcosm of ANT. In a wider societal setting, conspiracy theories not only can be seen as a black box themselves but could also play a role in establishing a black box from within broader networks of assemblage or even prompting the opening of one.
Latour’s view on mapping can be a good framework on which this thesis is built. This is because, his exercise of mapping forces its cartographer to not analyze social phenomena in isolation, but rather to consider it as part of a bigger network that is intertwined with other aspects of society. Instead of looking at an issue from a specific and isolated point of view, this framework forces us to consider every node in the debate as an equally relevant subject matter (Rogers).
Different from Latour, the German sociologist Ulrich Beck sees mapping as a pathway to understanding risk. Beck’s mapping technique is influenced by his view on globalization and the various consequences it brought, whereby space has in a way become obliterated by communication (Rogers et al.). In a way, Beck’s mapping technique is his response to the globalized society and the constant renegotiation of spaces because of it. Before we move on further into Beck’s mapping technique however, it is important to review the relevant globalization theories. According to Rogers (2019), there are several key theories that are essential for understanding globalization. First, compression and distanciation of space-time as a result of communications technologies (Harvey; Giddens). Second, the de-territorialization of spaces that are no longer dependent on territories (Scholte). Third, spaceless space (glocalization) whereby the boundaries between what’s global and local are blurred. Fourth, timeless time that de-associate the when from the where creating a sense of 24 hours economy (Castells). And finally, the unification of timeless time with globalization through five scapes namely Technoscape, Ethnoscape, Financescape, Mediascape, and Ideoscape that organizes life and flow in globalization (Appadurai). In general, these theories on globalization explains how communication flow within a society changes and becomes more fluid as communications technologies develop. Caused by the increasing penetration of internet, the rising popularity of digital platforms, as well as increasing mobility of people and goods, the interaction
