MAKING WORK OF
REFUGEES
An Analysis of the Integration of Refugees in the
Labour Force of Developing States
Jort van Gennep
Dhr. Sebastian Krapohl
Bachelor thesis Political Science
University of Amsterdam
January 28, 2018
Abstract
85 percent of the refugees in the world are located in developing countries. The refugees pose a threat to the economic and political stability in these countries. Therefore, the standard approach is to segregate them from the rest of the country. The refugees are placed in camps far away from the major cities. Refugees have limited rights and cannot move or work freely. Some countries have chosen a different approach and gave more liberties to the refugees. The refugees in these countries can work freely and are less dependent on state assistance. This thesis analyses the circumstances under which refugees are integrated in the work force of a developing country. The main finding is that refugees are integrated when the refugee situation is perceived to be an opportunity for development. By introducing tolerant policies, countries attract international organisations and aid. Refugee policy becomes an instrument to attract development aid.
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Content
1. Introduction 2
2. Theories and method 4
3. Uganda: the road to inclusion 9
4. Jordan: refugees’ needs and the international community’s wants 13
5. Iran: rights in retreat 17
6. Conclusion and recommendations 20
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1. Introduction
In 2015, there was a record number of 21.3 million refugees worldwide (UNHCR 2015). Further, a total of 65.3 million people was forcibly displaced. Most of the displaced people remained in their country of origin, but 21,3 million of the displaced crossed the border and fled to another country. More than a million refugees crossed the Mediterranean see and arrived in Europe. The European asylum system came under pressure. As a response, the European Union and the member states tried to discourage refugees to come to Europe (Hansen and Randeria 2016).
While most media and academic attention focusses on refugees in Europe, the vast majority of refugees are in the global south (Glick Schiller and Faist 2010; Betts and Collier 2017). 85% of the refugees worldwide are located in developing countries (Hansen and Randeria 2016; Betts and Collier 2017). Refugees are traditionally perceived to be a threat to the economic and political stability and therefore they face hostile policies. The influx of large groups of refugees puts an enormous burden on their already weak economic and political systems.
Betts and Collier (2017) characterize the way how refugees are typically sheltered. Because the refugees are perceived to be a threat, they are placed in camps far away from major cities in a country. They are not allowed to leave the camp and their rights and entitlements in the camps are limited. The camps are originally set up as a humanitarian silo, aimed at providing quick
humanitarian assistance, like food and shelter. However, since the average life in exile is 19 years, this is not an enduring solution. Because the life in the camp is harsh and hopeless, a lot of refugees leave the camp. By leaving the camp, they chose to live a life in illegality. They have no entitlements to humanitarian and medical assistance. Further, they are often located in inappropriate housing locations.
Some countries in the developing world are more tolerant towards refugees. In Uganda, refugees can move freely throughout the country and they have labour rights (World Bank 2017; World Economic Forum 2017). It is argued that by integrating refugees in the labour force, a country can boost its development process (Betts and Collier 2015; Betts and Collier 2017; OECD 2017a). Refugees are no longer an economic burden, because they can provide for their own subsistence. Unfortunately, only a minority of the developing countries give refugees access to the labour market. The policy of encampment is still dominant (Betts and Collier 2017). This thesis will examine under which circumstances a developing country opens its labour market for refugees. To answer the research question, three countries that opened their labour market will be analysed and
compared. The three countries that are central in this paper are Uganda, Jordan and Iran. In the next chapter, the theoretical and methodological foundation of this thesis will be discussed. Chapter 3, 4 and 5 will discuss the circumstances that led to the integration of the refugees in the three
countries. Chapter 6 will synthesise and discuss the findings of the case studies.
The main finding is that refugees are integrated in the labour market when the refugee situation is perceived to be a development opportunity, instead of a humanitarian situation. When the insight emerges that the newcomers can have a positive effect on the economy they are integrated in the labour market. The presence of international organisations and developmental aid is an important
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factor for countries to make this normative leap. The international community was intensively involved in the refugee situation in Uganda and Jordan (OECD 2017a). By integrating the refugees in the labour market, they increased the involvement of these organisations and attracted more aid. Iran has been in relative isolation from the international community since 1979 (Rajaee 2000). Therefore, they were not able to mobilize the international community (Koepke 2013). The other countries changed their policy from restrictive to tolerant, but in Iran the policy became more restrictive (Rajaee 2000; Human Right Watch 2013). The explanation for this trajectory is the
absence of international organisations and development aid and the huge economic burden that the country had to carry by sheltering the refugees (Ashrafi and Moghissi 2002). Since the international community did not provide significant assistance, the policy goal changed to repatriation to the land of origin (Koepke 2013; UNHCR 2014).
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2. Theories and method
Betts (2011) argues that different migration policies are influenced by a range of formal and informal institutions, operating at different levels in society. Mapping the different institutions that influence the migration system is difficult, due to a variety of these intuitions, such as international treaties, domestic political, legal and economic systems and the public perception. Betts (2011) argues that research about the institutional framework matters because “it affects individuals’ and communities’ access to human rights, human development, and security (ibid).”
This paper will build upon this theoretical insight and agrees with Betts (2011) that the institutional characteristics of a country will produce certain outcomes. Lowndes and Roberts (2013) present a broad definition of institutions. According to them institutions are a multi facet term that
encompasses law, custom and practice that occur at different levels in society. Further, institutions, and their political implications, are enduring structures (ibid). Institutions shape political outcomes when the institutions are present, but their effect is also enduring (Theobald 1982). When
institutions are removed or amended, the effect of the original institutions will remain for some time.
To investigate which circumstances influence whether refugees get labour rights in developing countries, the effect of different institutions will be analysed. In this chapter a theoretical framework will be developed which serves as a starting point for the analysis. However, as will be explained in more detail later, a qualitative and holistic approach will be taken, which makes it possible to investigate alternative explanations. Every case will be assessed individually and every case can have its own explanations. This does not mean that this research will adopt a purely inductive research design, in which a conclusion will come from a bottom-up approach. In this research some frequently quoted theories will be used as an analytical starting point for the analyses. Some hypotheses will be deduced from these theories and their effect will be analysed in the different cases.
Within the field of development studies, little research has been done about the circumstances under which refugees get labour rights in developing states. Most research on migration and labour is focused on regular labour migration and remittances (for example Castles et al. 2014: 240-262). Therefore, the theories that will be used do not only come from political scientists, but also from historians, sociologists and economists. The theories and hypotheses in this essay can be divided in three categories, namely theories that focus on state-level institutions, civic institutions and external influences.
2.1 State-level institutions for development
In an analysis about institutions and development, Acemoglu’s and Robinson’s (2010; 2012)
institutional view on development should be discussed. They claim that the institutional composition of a country explains its development.
“Each society functions with a set of economic and political rules created and enforced by the state and the citizens collectively. Economic institutions shape economic incentives: the incentives to become educated, to save and invest, to innovate and adopt new technologies,
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and so on. It is the political process that determines what economic institutions people live under, and it is the political institutions that determine how this process works. For example, it is the political institutions of a nation that determine the ability of citizens to control politicians and influence how they behave. This in turn determines whether politicians are agents of the citizens, albeit imperfect, or are able to abuse the power entrusted to them, or that they have usurped, to amass their own fortunes and to pursue their own agendas, ones detrimental to those of the citizens (Acemoglu and Robinson 2012).”
According to Acemoglu and Robinson (2012) a developed state has an inclusive political and economic system, that defends property rights and respects the rule of law. They argue that the backwardness of underdeveloped countries can be explained by the absence of these institutions (Acemoglu and Robinson 2010). The absence of these institutions can be explained by different historical explanations, of which colonialism is one. During the colonial rule, institutions were created that inhibit a country to create inclusive institutions. The colonial era resulted amongst others in the creation of dual economies.
According to Lewis (1954), the characteristic of underdeveloped countries is the dual structure of the economy, where there is a division between a modern sector and a traditional sector. The modern sector is the developed part of the country and is associated with modern industries, technological innovation and urban life. The modern sector is relatively marginal in the underdeveloped countries. The traditional sector is dominant in these counties. This sector is primarily rural and is mainly dependent on agriculture and has backward institutions. An example of these backward institutions is the communal ownership of land, which implies the absence of property rights on land (Acemoglu and Robinson 2010). To develop, a country needs to move from a primarily traditional sector to a dominant modern sector. However, because these institutions and their effects are enduring, it is difficult to escape the dual economy.
The inclusive institutions of the modern society are respect the rule of law, property rights and civil liberties. The inclusiveness of a state could trickle down to newcomers in a society. One could expect that a nation that is inclusive for its own citizens, would not exclude refugees. A society that is not inclusive would lack the aforementioned characteristics. If there is no respect for the rule of law or civil liberties, refugees might be excluded. From this insight, the first hypothesis can be drawn: H1 - A state with inclusive political and economic institutions gives labour rights to refugees. The second theoretical point of view in this paper is more pragmatic and game-theoretic. The central assumption within this theory is that demand creates supply. In times of labour shortage, the
workforce of a country will be broadened. Lewis (1954) calls this the explanation for incorporation of groups of citizens that used to be excluded from a nation’s workforce. For instance, when the supply of male workers in the United Kingdom became exhausted, women were incorporated in the work force (ibid).
The OECD (2017a) states that the integration of displaced people in a labour market largely depends on the economic conditions of the recipient state. Important characteristics are “its unemployment levels, skills, demographics and labour market flexibility, as well as the size and composition of the flow of displaced people, including the extent to which their skills are complementary to, or overlapping with, those in the host community.”
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Some groups of migrants might be perceived to be more suited for some kinds of works than the traditional population. For instance, the Moroccan guest workers who migrated to the Netherlands were employed for certain jobs because the Dutch population perceived this work as inferior and did not want to do it (Akgündüz 2012). Also, high skilled migrants might be better suited for some kinds of work than the traditional population (Taylor 1999). They have a specific education that is needed and the local population cannot satisfy the demand for the labour. From these insights another hypothesis can be drawn:
H2: Refugees get labour rights when there is a demand for their labour in a country. 2.2 Civic institutions for development
Within the field of sociology, research has been conducted on the assimilation of migrants. In this field of research, the scholars examine the circumstances in which migrants integrate in a new society and the factors which inhibit integration (Portes 1995; Schmitter Heisler 2008). This research field focusses on all newcomers in a society and not primarily on refugees. However, their insights are highly relevant for this research, because integration in the labour force is a specific form of assimilation. The theories from this school of thought can therefore offer an explanation and will be applied in this research.
One of the first work within this research field is the work of Park and Burgess (1921; Schmitter Heisler 2008). They introduced the race relation cycle theory (ibid). According to this theory assimilation of immigrant groups is a cyclical process which goes through several phases. First, the immigrant makes contact with the new society. Afterwards follows competition and conflict and finally accommodation and assimilation. Assimilation in this theory is the natural outcome of an immigration process.
The race relation cycle was unable to explain enduring racial inequality (Schmitter Heisler 2000). Later research examined under which circumstances conflict and assimilation are likely to happen. The effect of certain structural forms of interactions between immigrant groups and the society of the recipient state was researched. Cromwell Cox (2013) argues that conflict is more likely to happen when the receiving state has a strong nationalistic sentiment and the newcomers come in a group with good ties among them. In addition to this Portes (1995) argues that when a group with strong internal social ties enters a new country, they are often excluded from the economic and political system. When a coherent group enters a country, they are perceived to form a threat to the original inhabitants. From this theory we the following hypothesis can be drawn:
H3: Refugees do not get labour rights when they come in a group that has strong internal ties. Portes (1995) offers another explanation as well. He argues that the reason why some groups of migrants are better assimilated than other groups is due to the public opinion of the population of the recipient state. Immigrant groups that have cultural or ethnic similarities with the population of the host state face less resistance and are better incorporated in the society (ibid). Portes (1995) observed this dynamic while analyzing the immigration of different groups of migrants in the United States. Migrant groups from Great Britain and Northwestern Europe were welcomed with open arms (ibid). Other groups with a background that had less cultural or ethnical similarities, for instance Iranian, Ethiopian, or Jamaican immigrants, faced more resistant and were continuously
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discriminated (ibid). Although these excluded groups migrated lawfully to the United States and received a residence permit, they were still excluded (ibid). From this, the next hypothesis will be drawn:
H4: Refugees get labour rights when they arrive in a group that has ethnic or cultural similarities with the population of the recipient state.
2.3 External influences
In todays globalized world the global north becomes more concerned with the global south (Bermeo 2017). Problems like terrorism, climate change and migration have an increasingly transnational character. As a result, developed countries want to promote their own wellbeing, while they are pursuing development abroad (ibid). Development aid is an important instrument for this. During the ongoing Syrian refugee crisis, development aid is allocated so that it addresses the root causes of migration (Hansen and Randeria 2016). European states mobilise development aid to improve the living conditions for refugees in the global south and thereby hope to take away the incentive to flee to the developed states.
According to the OECD (2017a) the presence or absence of development aid has an important effect on a country’s refugee policy. The presence of development aid can lead to more tolerant refugee policy because the refugee policy of the country is under scrutiny of the international community and because it can give a country a financial incentive to introduce tolerant policies. The fifth hypothesis draws upon this insight and is as follows:
H5: The availability of development aid will lead to the integration of refugees in the labour market.
2.4 Comparative case study and process tracing
To answer the research question, a comparative case study will be done. This method has some advantages over other research designs. The use of one case would be problematic because it would be difficult to control for alternative explanations and it would be difficult to reveal the causal mechanism (King et al. 1994). The advantage of a comparison is that the effect of the same independent variable can be analysed in different situations. If the independent variable leads in several situations to the same outcome, this is evidence of a causal relationship.
Ideally, a comparative case study would use a couple of cases that are completely similar, except for the independent and the dependent variable (ibid). Variation in the dependent variable in these cases can be explained by variation in the independent variable, because alternative explanations are controlled for by the case selection. However, when countries are the unit of analyses, it is difficult, perhaps impossible, to find cases that are almost identical. Therefore, a least similar case study design is the more likely choice. The cases in this design differ as much as possible from each other, except for the dependent variable (Malici and Smith 2013). If the same causal effect occurs in cases that have few similarities, it is likely to be an effect of the independent variable (ibid). The disadvantage of such a design is that it is more difficult to control for alternative explanations. To avoid the omitted variable bias, this thesis will apply the research method “process tracing.” The process-tracing method attempts to identify the intervening causal process between an independent
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variable and the outcome on the dependent variable (George and Bennet 2005). It does so by giving a detailed description about the relevant variables and its context, that purports to throw light on how an event came about (ibid). Such a narrative is highly specific and is primarily not dependent on theories (ibid). However, the theoretical foundation presented above is useful for the analyse, since it serves as a good starting point of the analyses.
During the process-tracing process, will be examined whether each of the potential causal variables can or cannot be ruled out as having causal significance (ibid). During the analyses, a holistic narrative will be created that also explores other possible solutions. Therefore, it is possible that new insights emerge about the causal process. The theories described in the previous paragraphs will provide a starting point for the analyses. Each theory will be applied to the cases to see whether it explains that refugees got labour rights in the different countries. Schematically this design will look as follows:
Figure 1: Hypothetical explanations for the relevant conditions for giving labour rights to refugees.
The countries that will be addressed in this study are Uganda, Jordan and Iran. These countries differ from each other. They are located in different parts of the world, they have different political and economic systems and, albeit the countries host and have hosted a lot of refugees, the origin of the refugees differs. Uganda has hosted different groups of refugees from its neighbouring countries. The biggest group was from Sudan, but refugees from other countries fled to Uganda as well. Jordan now hosts a big group of Syrian refugees, but other groups, mainly Palestinians and Iraqi are still present. In Iran nearly all the refugees come from Afghanistan.
Unfortunately, the difference of the countries regarding their inclusiveness is limited. Jordan is considered partly free and the other two countries are considered not free by Freedom House (2017). To investigate the effect of inclusive political and economic institutions, more variance on this variable would be better. Unfortunately for the analyses, the ten countries that shelter the most refugees do not differ a lot on this respect (UNHCR 2015; Freedom House 2017).
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3. Uganda: the road to inclusion
Uganda is a country in central Africa that has a long tradition of sheltering refugees (OECD 2017b; Verdirame and Harrell-Bond 2005). According to the UNHCR, over a million refugees are located in Uganda (UNHCR 2017). The country is often praised for its tolerant and progressive refugee policy (for instance: World Bank 2016; OECD 2017a; Betts and Collier 2017). Refugees are entitled to a broad package of liberties. They have the freedom to work, to start businesses and to move throughout the country (Sharpe and Namousobya 2012). Refugees in the rural area of the country get a plot of land and can produce their own surplus. Overall, the refugees in Uganda are well integrated in the social and the economic sphere and are less dependent on humanitarian assistance (OECD 2017a).
Even though Uganda has served as a haven for refugees since the 1930’s, the liberal policy towards refugees is a relatively new phenomenon (Verdirame and Harrell-Bond 2005). Until the 1999, the sheltering of refugees was as we often observe in other countries. Refugees were obliged to reside in designated areas and had limited freedom of movement and social and economic possibilities (ibid). Further, the refugee camps, traditionally located in the northern part of the country, were frequently targeted by rebel groups (Kaiser 2006).
Uganda’s refugee policy started to change in 1999, with the adoption of the Self-Reliance Strategy (Kaiser 2005; UNHCR 2004). This policy was a pilot that was later translated in the Rwandan Refugee Act 2006 (Sharpe and Namousobya 2012). The SRS aimed to “to find durable solutions to refugee problems by addressing refugee issues within the broad framework of government policy and to promote self-reliance and local integration of refugees through promoting social development initiatives in hosting areas (UNHCR 2004).” In the three areas that hosted the most refugees, liberal policies were introduced. The refugees gained access to the labour market, got freedom of
movement and were encouraged to be self-sufficient. After the pilot phase, this policy became established law with nation-wide coverage (ibid).
In this chapter will be discussed which factors influenced the introduction and the maintenance of the liberal policies. It will be argued that a normative shift from approaching refugees as political and economic burden to a developmental opportunity was a cause of the new policies. The Ugandan government approached refugees with a new perspective and by doing that, attracted international organizations and development aid, which accelerated the process.
3.1 Uganda’s political and economic system
Uganda has been politically unstable since their independence. The country is composed of a lot of different religious and ethnic groups (Haynes 2007). Different rebel groups, such as the Holy Spirit Movement, the Lords Resistance Army and the National Resistance Army engaged in battles for the power (ibid). In 1986, Yoweri Museveni of the National Resistance Movement seized the power and became president (USDOS 2016). He is now serving his fifth five-year term as president.
Since Museveni is in power, the country remained the stage for violent opposition groups, of which Joseph Kony’s Lords Resistance Army is the most notorious (Haynes 2007). The country has a bad human rights record and has been repeatedly accused of violations of fundamental human rights
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(USDOS 2016; Human Right Watch 2005; Human Right Watch 2009). Political opponents are repressed, imprisoned and tortured (ibid). The political system is clearly not an example of the inclusive government as described by Acemoglu and Robinson (2012). Therefore, the first hypothesis does not explain the Ugandan case.
Uganda has been one of the poorest countries in the world. In 1990 the GDP per capita was 246$ and in 2000 the GDP per capita was 257$ (World Bank 2017). Since 2002, there has been a huge economic growth (ibid). The country’s economy is largely dependent on the agricultural sector. Refugees are traditionally sheltered in the northern part of the country (Kaiser 2005). This region is the poorest part of the country and has the highest unemployment numbers, the worst
infrastructural facilities and so on and so forth (Kaiser 2005; UNHCR 2004). Since there were high unemployment numbers in the refugee sheltering regions, it is not in line with the second hypothesis. The demand for labour was not high and did not require the government to open the labour market for new groups.
There was however another economical reason for the liberalization of the labour market.
Traditionally, the land around the refugee camps were used by the inhabitants of the camp to grow their own crops. However, there was only a limited amount of land available for them and it did not produce a sufficient revenue of which the camp could eat. The Self Reliance Strategy, initially wanted to build upon this concept and wanted that: “by the year 2003, the refugees will be able to grow or buy their own food, access and pay for basic services and maintain self -sustaining
communities (UNHCR 2004).” The economic structure was already partly in place. 3.2 Uganda’s civic structure
The refugees that fled to Uganda came from different locations. Large groups of refugees originate from South Sudan and the Democratic Republic of Congo (UNHCR 2017). Other refugees came from Somalia, Rwanda, Eritrea and other countries in the region (ibid). As mentioned before, the Ugandan society is composed of a lot of different ethnic and religious groups (Haynes 2007). Ethnicity and religion are the mean cleavages in the society and nationality is of lesser importance. Therefore, the society is relatively indifferent to the national background of the newcomers. National sentiment is not a burden to the integration of the refugees. There is no support for the third hypothesis in Uganda.
The fourth hypothesis offers a partial explanation for the Uganda. The population of the Northern part of Uganda, where the vast majority of the refugees are located, have a history of being
displaced themselves. (World Economic Forum 2017). 95 percent of the people living in the northern part of the country are or were displaced themselves (ibid). The population of this area is very tolerant to the newcomers. According to the UNHCR (2004):
“The openness and generosity of local communities – related to the fact that many Ugandans had been refugees in the past (many times, including people in government positions) and the cultural and ethnic affinities between Ugandans and many of the refugees has been a major factor in facilitating refugee integration into Ugandan society.
The refugees have a shared history and shared experiences with the local communities. Therefore, the refugees are not perceived as a group that is different or a threat to the local community. This
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positive attitude towards the refugees contributed to their integration in Uganda and is an explanation for why they received labour rights.
3.3 The normative leap, from a humanitarian issue to a developmental issue
Until 1999, the refugee policy like the characterization of Betts and Collier (2017) in chapter one. Refugees were considered to be a political and economic burden for Uganda and they could undermine the legitimacy for the government (Cacharani 2013). Therefore, they were encamped and located far away from the main political and economic center (Verdirame and Harrell-Bond 2005). This policy of encampment came with a price. Housing and food distribution had to be arranged, and even though the UNHCR provided some humanitarian aid, it was a huge burden on the government budget.
In 1999 the Ugandan government came to the insight that the refugee situation was protracted and would inhibit economic growth if nothing changed (Kaiser 2005; OECD 2017a). The government developed together with the UNHCR the Self-Reliance Strategy, hoping to decrease the financial burden on the country and to improve the situation of the refugees (UNHCR 2004). The UNHCR supported the plan and was eager to make it a success. It invested hugely in the plan and urged the international aid community to support it as well.
The innovative plan had an attractive effect on international aid. The international community recognized the potential of the new plan and invested in it (OECD 2017b). The search for aid and international corporation became an integral part of Uganda’s development strategy (Kaiser 2005) (Clement et al. 2016). Ugandan officials urge the international community to support the project to ensure that it will be a success in the impoverished regions of the country (World Economic Forum 2017). Since 1999, the amount of aid increased dramatically (see figure 2).
The approach to the refugee problem shifted from a situation where the government perceived the refugees to be a political and economic burden, to a situation where they could be self-sufficient and could stimulate the presence of international organizations and the flow of international aid. This normative leap is an explanation of the integration of refugees in the labour force of Uganda. This finding is conform the fifth hypothesis.
12 Figure 2 – Official development assistance Uganda (World Bank 2017)
3.4 Interim conclusion
In this chapter, the causes of the liberal refugee policy in Uganda were discussed. The economic structure offers a partial explanation. In the agricultural society, communities have to be self-sufficient. The refugees in the camps could always work on the lands directly in the surroundings of the camp. The Self-Reliance Strategy built upon this structure and promoted refugee communities to be self-sufficient. Another cause of the admission of labour rights to refugees can be found in de tolerant attitude from the community. Because of their shared history, the local community of the Northern part of the country perceived the refugees as similar and they were not afraid that the refugees would pose a threat to the economic situation. The final cause that was discussed was the normative leap from a political and economic burden, to a developmental approach. The new refugee policies proved to be an instrument to attract international organizations and aid.
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4. Jordan: refugees’ needs and the
international community’s wants
Since the outburst of the Syrian civil war in 2011, a lot of Syrians fled to the neighboring Kingdom of Jordan. According to the UNHCR, Jordan hosted 664.100 refugees in 2015 (UNHCR 2015.) The Jordanian government estimated that the number was even higher and that Jordan hosted more than a million refugees (Betts and Collier 2015). The government, together with the UNHCR, opened the Zaatari refugee camp, which is nowadays one of the largest refugee camps in the world.
However, most refugees are not located in the refugee camps but in urban areas (Regional Strategic Overview 2017). They are often undocumented and fall outside of the scope of most humanitarian organizations (ibid).
Jordan has traditionally been a haven for refugees in the Middle East (Government of Jordan 2016; Francis 2015). Large groups of Palestinians, Iraqi and Syrian people fled to the country. The policy towards refugees is fluid (Gibson 2015; Amnesty International 2013). Jordan has not signed the most important treaties regarding refugees and their refugee policy is not clearly codified. Over time, the policy changed from tolerant to hostile, and back again.
The Syrian refugee crisis has been a burden on the Jordanian economy (Regional Strategic Overview 2017; Stave and Hillesund 2015). 10% of the people in Jordan are refugees. Water has always been a scarce commodity, housing prices have risen dramatically, and other public goods are under
pressure as well. The Jordanian government introduced the Jordan Response Plan, which tries to combine the humanitarian needs of the refugees with Jordan’s developing strategy (Regional Strategic Overview 2017; OECD 2017; Government of Jordan 2016). Together with international organizations, governmental and non-governmental, the country tries to create new business opportunities. Part of this plan is to put Syrian refugees at work and issue 200.000 work permits for Syrian refugees.
In this chapter, the causes of the new refugee policy will be analyzed. The five hypotheses,
introduced in the second chapter will be applied to the country. In the conclusion will be argued that international relations and aid were important drivers for the tolerant policy. However, since the new policy is driven by international relations and aid, groups that fall outside of the scope of concern of the international community are excluded from the new policy.
4.1 Jordan’s political and economic system
Jordan has been relatively stable for the last decades (Francis 2015). The country was in 2017 considered as partly free by Freedom House (2017). However, the government has been under pressure due to widespread discontent about bad allocation of public goods, housing prices, unemployment and corruption (Francis 2015; Stave and Hillesund 2015). Further, large groups of migrants, or former refugees, are excluded and discriminated (Achilli 2014; Al-Qdah and Lacroix 2011). The Palestinians are present in the country since 1955, but are still perceived as an outcast or a threat to national security (Achilli 2014). During the Arab Spring the leadership of its neighboring
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came under pressure and in Syria started the enduring civil war. Except for some small-scale protest in 2011, the country was unaffected by the Arab Spring (Achilli 2014; Francis 2015).
Even though Jordan has been a haven for refugees and sheltered large groups of Palestinians, Iraqi and Syrian refugees over time, the country traditionally only allows the refugees to access the country (Francis 2015). It is difficult to obtain a residence permit. Iraqi refugees, for instance, had to deposit a sum of 150.000 dollar on a Jordanian bank account to get a residence permit (Barnes 2009; Al-Qdah and Lacroix 2011). The result of this policy is that large groups of refugees are
undocumented. They are excluded from assistance and often live in dire circumstances. The
relatively tolerant political system in Jordan does not lead to integration of refugees. Therefore, the first hypothesis cannot be confirmed.
Jordan is considered as a middle-income country (Betts and Collier 2017). However, the country has a couple of enduring problems in the economy. The unemployment rate grew from 14.5% in 2011 to 22% in 2014 (Francis 2015; Stave and Hillesund 2015). Even though refugees were not allowed to work without a work permit, which was only available to a limited group, a lot of refugees worked illegally in the informal sector. Wages for the local population dropped due to the refugees who were willing to work for low wages (ibid). Simultaneously, living conditions became more expensive in the cities. The public opinion of the Jordanian people towards the refugees on the labour market is bad and they state that they should be excluded from it (ibid). The economic conditions in Jordan were unfavorable and therefore the second hypothesis does not offer an explanation.
4.2 Jordan’s civic structure
The public opinion towards refugees in Jordan is ambivalent. On the one hand there is dissatisfaction about the effects that the refugees cause (Stave an Hillesund 2015). As discussed before, the
unemployment rose, houses became more expensive and public services are under pressure. Because of these effects, the overall opinion is that refugees should be prevented from the labour market (ibid). A survey, conducted in the city Mafraq, shows that 80% of the Jordanians think that refugees should be placed in camps (Mercy Corps 2012) (Centre for Strategic Studies 2012).
Contrary to this negative attitude towards refugees is the idea that Jordan should assist their fellow Arabs from their neighboring countries (Barnes 2009; Al-Qdah and Lacroix 2011). Especially around the outburst of several crises, there was a positive attitude towards the Jordan’s obligations. In 2006 when big groups of Iraqi refugees fled to Jordan they were welcomed with open arms (ibid). In 2011, when the first groups of Syrians fled to Jordan the same occurred (Amnesty International 2013). However, when the refugee situation became protracted and the burden on the country’s economy grew, the tolerant attitude disappeared (ibid).
The situation of Palestinian refugees in Jordan needs to be addressed by itself. Since 1955,
Palestinians live in Jordan. But even though they are present for over 60 years, they have never been fully assimilated (Achilli 2014). Palestinians are perceived to be trouble makers and are therefore excluded from a lot of civic rights and opposition by them is forcefully repressed (ibid). During Syrian crisis, a lot of Palestinians who lived in Syria for years, fled to Jordan. They were subject to a special treatment and were denied access or put in special camps (Amnesty International 2013). From this, we can draw the conclusion that nationality can be an obstacle for integration. The Palestinians are perceived to be a distinct group that causes trouble. This is in line with the third hypothesis.
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4.3 Jordan and the international community
As discussed before, the Jordanian policy towards refugees is fluid. Jordan has no clear codified refugee policy and the policy changes from time to time (Gibson 2013; Francis 2015). When a refugee situation becomes protracted, the public support declines and the policy becomes more restrictive. However, in the Syrian case, the policy became more tolerant and Syrian refugees received more liberties. The Jordanian government incorporated the refugee crisis in their development program (Government of Jordan 2016; Regional Strategic Overview 2017). The international community is concerned about the Syrian refugees because some of them crossed the Mediterranean see and arrived in Europe (Hansen and Randeria 2016). The international community wants to shelter the refugees in their neighboring countries and the Jordan policy effectively
mobilized the international attention and aid towards their refugee situation.
The Jordanian government stated that they provide a public good for the international community by sheltering the refugees (Government of Jordan 2016). However, to be successful in providing an enduring solution for the refugees, they need the support of the international community (ibid). They work closely together with international organizations and companies (ibid; Regional Strategic Overview 2017; Betts and Collier 2016). They have established special economic zones were
refugees can work and that have direct access to the European market, without any import duties. Thereby they hope to attract multi-national corporations that will settle in Jordan. Companies like Ikea and Hewlett Packard did so. International refugee corporations stress the importance of this plan and urge different actors to support it (Regional Strategic Overview 2017; OECD 2017a). The downside of this policy, that is dependent on aid and international involvement, is that it is not inclusive for groups that fall outside of the scope of concern from international organizations. The international community is primarily focused on Syrian refugees (Hansen and Randeria 2016). Palestinian and Iraqi refugees fall outside of the scope of the international community. Therefore, they are not included in the new policy.
4.4 Interim conclusion
Jordan introduced some new progressive policies for Syrian refugees. 200.000 work permits will be issued. In this chapter the causes of this new policy was analyzed. Most of the hypotheses from chapter two were absent or had another effect. The economic and the political situation in the country were not a fertile soil (Stave and Hillesund 2015). The refugee policy is fluid and changes frequently (Gibson 2013). Further, Palestinians are systematically excluded. There is no inclusive government in Jordan as in Acemoglu and Robinsons these. Further the economic situation can be characterized by high unemployment numbers. However, the absence of the economic and political factors did not form an obstacle for the integration of the refugees in the labour market.
If we look at the civic situation in Jordan, we see some partial support for the third and fourth hypotheses. Palestinians are perceived to be trouble makers and therefore excluded from civic entitlements (Amnesty International 2013; Achilli 2014). Other groups of refugees were initially welcomed due to a responsibility that Jordanians have towards their fellow Arabs (Gibson 2013; Francis 2015).
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However, the main explanation for the integration of Syrian refugees in the labour market is the normative leap from refugees as a humanitarian situation to a development opportunity
(Government of Jordan 2016; Regional Strategic Overview 2017). Syrian refugees became an integral part of the development strategy and by doing so, Jordan could attract aid and international
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5. Iran: Rights in retreat
The Islamic Republic of Iran has been hosting refugees since 1979. The invasion of the Soviet Union in Afghanistan and the civil war that followed, started the flow of Afghan refugees (Rajaee 2000; Farzin and Jadadi 2013). During Afghan war 2.6 million refugees went to Iran. Due to the enduring unstable and violent situation in Afghanistan, refugees continued to flee to Iran. The American invasion in 2001 led to a new peak. Despite the protracted situation of the refugees and the large number of refugees, the situation in Iran received little attention and help from the international community (Rajaee 2000; Norwegian Refugee Council 2017; Adelkhah and Olszewska 2007). Even though the country received little support from the international community, Iranian refugee policy is often cited as tolerant and exemplary (Rajaee 2000; Mckernan 2017). From 1979 until the late 90’s, refugees were free to move and settle throughout the country. Further, they were allowed to work freely in certain sectors (Moughari 2007). Their work was restricted to unskilled work and mainly in the construction sector Afghans were well represented.
In the late 90’s, the policy towards refugees changed. Since then the focus is on repatriation and the liberties of the refugees were restricted (UNHCR 2014; Farzin and Jadadi 2013). Refugees must remain in designated provinces and they are only allowed to work if they are in possession of a Amayesh residence card. The card has to be frequently renewed and the issuance of the card is problematic (Human Right Watch 2013). Refugees that are not in possession of a valid residence card face the risk of being deported (ibid). The Iranian policy has become more restrictive over time. In this chapter will be analyzed what caused the tolerant policy and what caused the shift to more restrictive policies.
5.1 Iran’s political and economic system
Iran doesn’t have the inclusive political and economic system as is described in Acemoglu and Robinson’s (2012) theory. The country political and economic institutions are conform Islam ideology. Even though Islam ideology puts emphasis on some fundamental rights, the state violates other fundamental rights (Hayatli 2012; Human Right Watch 2013). There is no independent and functional judicial system, male and female roles in society are conform sharia law and so on and so forth. According to Freedom House (2017) the country is not free.
Despite the absence of an inclusive political and economic system, the refugee policy of Iran can be explained by systematic factors on state level. The dominant Islam ideology prescribes to be tolerant towards refugees (Hayatli 2012; Rajaee 2000). The Koran prescribes to be tolerant towards refugees because: “Prophet Muhammad, was himself a refugee, having fled Mecca with his followers in 622 in order to escape persecution, and as a refugee was cared for by host communities (Rahaei 2012).” The tolerant policy towards refugees can be explained by the ideological foundation of the state (Koepke 2013). This finding is not in line with the expectation of the first hypothesis, however there is a systematic cause at the state level.
The refugees could work in certain sectors, mainly in the construction sector (Mckernan 2017). The work in this sector was hard and the wages were low. Therefore, working in this sector was not popular amongst the original inhabitants of Iran (Moughari 2007). Even though the economic
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situation in the country has been harsh, due to expensive conflicts with neighboring countries and economic sanctions, the country profited from the Afghan refugees who were willing to work for extremely low wages (ibid). However, not all the refugees were employed in the construction sector and a lot of refugees were an economic burden. Therefore, the resistance towards sheltering refugees grew and eventually the economic burden was perceived too big that a change in policy was necessary (Adelkhah and Olszewska 2007). Since the end of the 90’s the focus shifted towards repatriation (Rajaee 2000). The construction sector is still accessible for refugees, but in a more limited extend. The economic situation in the country offers a partial explanation for the tolerant policy. There was a demand for low wage and unskilled labour and the refugees could answer the demand. The second hypothesis offers an explanation in this case.
5.2 Iran’s civic structure
The refugees were initially welcomed with open arms in Iran. There are a couple of civic explanations for this phenomenon. First, as discussed before, religion is of fundamental importance in Iran and the Islam prescribes to be tolerant towards refugees. The refugees came from regions with a similar religious background, mainly Afghanistan and Iraq (Koepke 2013; Farzin and Jadadi 2013). Therefore, the tolerance, prescribed by the Islam, was also important at the civic level. Second, Iranian and Afghan people, especially those from the northern and western part of Afghanistan, share the same language (Adelkhah and Olszewska 2007). It was easier for them to integrate in the Iranian society. Finally, Afghans migrated to Iran even before the civil war erupted (ibid). Afghans have a long history of labour migration with Iran.
For these reasons, there was a receptive and not a hostile attitude towards Afghan refugees. They were welcomed and did not pose a threat on the labour market, due to the segregation in the jobs. The fact that they arrived in large groups, with a single national background did not lead to negative sentiment towards them. Therefore, there is no support for the third hypothesis and there is support for the fourth hypothesis.
5.3 Iran and the international community
Iran has been relatively isolated from the international community (Rajaee 2000; Koepke 2013). Since the Tehran hostage situation in 1979, economic sanctions have been enforced on Iran (ibid). The UNHCR is present in Iran, but only with a small mission that is also heavily underfunded (UNHCR 2016). The relatively tolerant policy of Iran until the late 90’s cannot be explained by the
involvement of the international community.
However, the absence of the international community is frequently cited as a reason for the new, more restrictive policy (Ashrafi and Moghissi 2002; Adelkhah and Olszewska 2007). According to the Iranian government, they are providing an international public good on their own. Iran has to carry the burdens and the international community can enjoy the fruits. Since there was no enduring solution in sight for the protracted refugee situation, the policy had to be amended. The absence of the international community is a partial explanation for the new policy.
5.4 Interim conclusion
Iran has hosted the most refugees in the world since 1979 (Rajaee 2016). However, the refugee situation in Iran received little attention of the international community (Adelkhah and Olszewska
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2007). Until the late 90’s refugees enjoyed a lot of rights in Iran. They could move freely and work freely in certain sectors (Moughari 2007). This tolerant policy can be explained by a couple of
factors. First, the Islam religion is the dominant political ideology. The Islam prescribes to be tolerant towards refugees and therefore the Iranian government welcomed them (Hayatli 2012). Second, the refugees could work in a sector were there was a demand for low wage and unskilled labour
(Moughari 2007). The Iranian economy profited from the supply of the new labour force. Third, since the Afghan and the Iranian people speak the same language and have the same religion, they were not perceived as a different group and could integrate easily (Adelkhah and Olszewska 2007). The policy shift in the late 90’s can be explained by the high economic burden that Iran carried by sheltering the refugees (Rajaee 2000; Ashrafi and Moghissi 2002). Not all the refugees were working in the construction sector and could provide for themselves. Further since the international
community did not focus on the refugee situation in Iran, Iran had to carry the economic burden alone. Since a solution for the protracted refugee situation was not in sight, the focus shifted towards repatriation instead of integration.
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6. Conclusion and recommendations
In this thesis was examined under which circumstances developing countries give labour rights to refugees. Three countries, namely Uganda, Jordan and Iran, have or have had tolerant policy towards refugees. Refugees enjoyed considerable rights and liberties in these counties and they were allowed to work. In the previous chapters the causation of the integration of the refugees in the labour market was discussed. This chapter will give an overview of the findings. Further, the implications of the findings will be discussed.
The first hypothesis was built upon Acemoglu and Robinson’s (2010; 2012) theory about inclusive institutions. According to this hypothesis a state with inclusive political and economic institutions, e.g. respect for the rule of law, civil liberties and property rights, would give labour rights to
refugees. Unfortunately, there was only a limited variance between the inclusiveness of the political and economic institutions between the three countries. The countries that shelter the most refugees are all considered by freedom house as “not free” or “partly free” (UNHCR 2015; Freedom House 2017). Jordan has the best rating on the freedom house index, however in Jordan the refugee law is not clearly codified and some groups of refugees are systematically excluded (Gibson 2015; Achilli 2014). Therefore, this country is not inclusive according to the definition of Acemoglu and
Robinson’s (2010; 2012). The other countries are also not inclusive according to Acemoglu and Robinson’s theory and therefore do not provide any support for the first hypothesis as well. The second hypothesis was about the demand for labour in the country. According to Lewis (1954) new groups of people are integrated in the labour market when the traditional workforce cannot meet the demand for labour. There was some support for this hypothesis in Iran. Afghan refugees were allowed to in low-wage and unskilled sectors, like the construction sector (McKernan 2017). This work was not popular amongst the traditional population (Moughari 2007). There was a demand for labour and the Afghan refugees could satisfy this demand. In Jordan and Uganda was limited support for this hypothesis. Both countries had high unemployment numbers and therefore there was from this perspective no reason to integrate the refugees in the labour market (Kaiser 2005; Francis 2015; Stave and Hilleshund 2015).
The third hypothesis predicted that refugees do not get labour rights when the group has strong internal ties. Refugee groups with strong internal national, ethnic or cultural ties, are perceived to be a threat to the original population and the political stability (Portes 1995; Cromwell Cox 2013). Only in Jordan was some support for this hypothesis. Palestinian were perceived to be trouble makers that threaten the national security (Achilli 2014). The Palestinians were subject to a more restrictive policy regime (Achilli 2014; Amnesty International 2013).
The fourth hypothesis states that refugees that have cultural or ethnic similarities with the
population of the recipient state get labour rights. According to Portes (1995) migrants with a similar background as the traditional inhabitants are not perceived as a threat and are therefore integrated more easily. Support for this these can be found in the three countries. In Uganda the refugees were located in the northern part of the country. The population of this area had an history as a refugee as well (UNHCR 2004). Therefore, the refugees faced less resistance. In Jordan refugees from Syria and Iraq were initially welcomed with open arms because they were fellow Arabs (Barnes 2009;
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Qdah and Lacroix 2011). However, when their presence became protracted, the public opinion shifted. Iran hosted mainly refugees from Afghanistan. These refugees had a similar religious, cultural and linguistic background (Koepke 2013; Farzin and Jadadi 2013; Adelkhah and Olszewska 2007). Afghan refugees were welcomed because they were Muslims and had a history of working with the original population.
The fifth hypothesis stated that the presence of international aid would lead to the integration of refugees in the labour market. This hypothesis proved to be an important explanation. Refugees were integrated in the labour market when their presence was perceived to be a development opportunity. The presence of the international community and international aid was an important condition for the emergence of this new insight. In Uganda and Jordan refugee policy was integrated in the development strategy of the countries (UNHCR 2004; OECD 2017b; Clement et al. 2016; Government of Jordan 2016). An important part of the new development strategy was to attract international organizations and aid. Both countries stressed the need of international involvement to make the new policy a success (World Economic Forum 2017; Government of Jordan 2016).
Iran has been in relative isolation from the international community since 1979 (Rajaee 2000). Initially their policy towards refugees was tolerant and refugees could work freely in the country (ibid). However, since the late 90’s, the policy changed and became more restrictive. A frequently cited reason for this change was the absence of international involvement and the high economic burden for Iran (Rajaee 2000; Ashrafi and Moghissi 2002). Iran was not able to mobilize international involvement for their refugee situation.
The involvement of the international community is an important condition for the integration of refugees in the labour market. When international assistance is allocated well, refugees enjoy more rights and get the possibility to escape the harsh life of a traditional refugee. However, policy makers should be aware of the exclusive effects that can occur simultaneously with the introduction of tolerant policy. Refugee situations that are ignored potentially remain trapped in the situation of encampment or illegal and restrictive life outside of the camp as described by Betts and Collier (2017).
The refugee situation in Jordan gives a striking example of the exclusive effects that can occur when integration in the labour market is dependent on international involvement (Hansen and Randeria 2016). The international community was focused on Syrians who crossed the Mediterranean Sea. International involvement and aid was mobilized to stop the flow of Syrian refugees to Europe. The policy goal was to give a perspective to refugees in their own region. Jordan worked together with international actors and promised to issue 200.000 work permits for Syrian refugees (Government of Jordan 2016). Iraqi and Palestinian refugees that are present in the country are excluded from this policy. Further, Palestinians are subject to a special and more restrictive refugee system (Amnesty International 2013). The international community should be inclusive in their focus and should incorporate all the refugees in their policy.
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