Promoting urban sustainable lifestyles by environmental policies? : a case study on Hammarby Sjöstad, Stockholm

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MSc. Dissertation Urban and Regional Planning

Promoting Urban Sustainable Lifestyles by Environmental Policies? A case study on Hammarby Sjöstad,

Stockholm

Graduate School of Sciences University of Amsterdam

Supervisor: Prof. Maria Kaika

Student: Elliot Sloot

Number: 10572945

Submission date: 12 August 2019

Pages: 49

Word count: 16.160

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Preface

Many people have travelled along with me during the journey of this dissertation. First of all, I would like to thank my dearest ones: my family and my parents. Without them I would never have been able to finish this final project as a student at the University of Amsterdam. For this dissertation, I was very keen on going abroad. Mostly because of their support and positive energy, I did not hesitate and went for it. Next, I would like to thank my closest friends who supported me and especially during my stay in Sweden. I surely had some difficult days over there, but with their (mental) support I managed to stay motivated and focussed. Now talking about friends, I cannot emphasize enough how grateful I am to have had Daniella and Evelina as my hosts in Stockholm. They made life much easier by keeping me cheerful whenever I would come home - totally knackered - after a long day of studying. Furthermore, I would like to thank my classmates with whom I was in the same boat for the last couple of months. Discontent and stress were often topics we talked about, but we enjoyed many good moments together. Finally, I would like to thank my supervisor Professor Maria Kaika for guiding me throughout this whole process and providing me with valuable comments.

Elliot Sloot

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Abstract

As of today, more than half of the earth’s population resides in cities. The ratio of urban to rural dwellers skyrocketed from approximately 1:1 in the early 1900s to 7:1 in 2010. Parallel to this, cities and adjacent regions have become the prime hubs of innovation, economic growth and job opportunities. The expansion of these urban regions augments the dependence on natural resources and ecosystems outside physical boundaries, which encompasses ecological consequences on a local, regional, national and global scale. Hence, a wide array of cities worldwide has adopted environmental programmes with the aim to foster sustainable development. Pivotal in these programmes is creating safe, comfortable and healthy living environments. When observing this trend within the planning field, sustainable development is embedded in a broader political discourse which exalts the rationalisation and quantification of environmental goals. By virtue of this, citizen involvement and social engagement between local communities, planners and architects is often neglected in the planning process. This dissertation is a scrutiny of sustainable behaviour in the Hammarby Sjöstad neighbourhood in Stockholm. This former run-down dockland area was transformed into one of the most recognizable sustainable districts in the world and is famous for its environmental programme. This programme, consisting of policies and regulations, was laid out by the Stockholm City Council to influence residents to rethink and adjust values towards the environment. It was expected that, by implementing new regulations and technological innovations, households would automatically adapt. It can be concluded that, in terms of reaching environmental goals, the neighbourhood only achieved half of its potential. Insights gained from interviews with residents and experts in the Hammarby Sjöstad district have shown that the local government and neighbourhood organisations are currently on the verge of digging up new, innovative strategies to incorporate input from local residents. Essentiall in the search of these strategies is education and collaboration, to make sure that the entire neighbourhood is on the same page when it comes to moving towards a more sustainable and liveable environment.

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List of figures

Figure 1: Figure 2: Refuse-Effuse-Diffuse concept, chapter 2, page 8

Figure 2: Drivers of sustainable behaviour, chapter 2, page 10

Figure 3: Maps and illustrations of Hammarby Sjöstad, chapter 4, page 18 Figure 4: The hammarby model and its aims, chapter 4, page 19

Figure 5: Deposit chutes installed in backyards chapter 4, page 20

List of tables

Table 1: Overview of participants, chapter 3, page 12

Table 2: Overview of operationalized concepts, chapter 3, page 15 Table 3: A comparison with the City of Stockholm, chapter 4, page 17

Table 4: Overview of neighbourhood organisation and aims on sustainable behaviour, chapter 4, page 24

Table 5: Overview of the environmental programme (1997-2010) and its aims, chapter 5, page 27

List of appendices

Appendix A: Interviews with residents and experts, page 46

Appendix B: Overview of fundamental policy documents, reports and literature studies on Hammarby Sjöstad, page 49

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Chapter 1. Introduction

On 12 December 2015 in Paris, various countries were brought together to generate agreements with the aim to tackle climate change and to debate on actions for a future with minimal carbon emissions (Clémençon, 2016; UNFCCC, 2015). Moreover, it was agreed upon that the global temperature rise of this century must be kept 2 degrees Celsius above pre-industrial levels. Consequently, countries and especially large cities, have adopted environmental policies with the ambition to reduce the depletion of natural resources and to maintain an ecological balance (Dahlberg, 2015). As cities and adjacent urban areas have grown in size and population at an accelerating pace, the problem no longer gravitates towards tackling urban growth, but now also encircles building safe, comfortable and healthy environments for citizens (Dillard et al., 2009). Policy makers, planners but also architects and ecologists are forced to detect new approaches to steer economic growth and at the same time preserving an ecological balance in cities (Wu, 2014; Dillard et al., 2009). As of today, it is increasingly recognized that environmental problems are not merely the aftereffect of industrial activities, but that a large part stems from millions of choices made by people on a daily basis (Söderholm, 2010). Therefore, studies have shown that steering sustainable behaviour demands for people’s active engagement (Akenji & Chen, 2016; Söderholm, 2010). Seeing this from a broader scale, however, sustainable development seems to be rationalised, whereby emphasises is given to environmental policies and regulations, with the aim to achieve targets and profits (Barr & Gilg, 2006). These policies often impose certain attitudes and behaviour on individuals, of which is expected that these individuals adopt a sustainable lifestyle. In light of this dichotomy in policy making of sustainable development (top-down versus bottom-up), this research revolves around the case of Hammarby Sjöstad, a residential neighbourhood in Stockholm. In this neighbourhood, an overarching environmental programme was introduced by the municipality of Stockholm, which is nowadays still recognized as a blueprint for sustainable urban planning practices worldwide (Goel, 2013). This programme comprised many ambitious environmental objectives along with sharp regulations and technological innovations for the inhabitants to abide to. By delving into the perspectives of local residents in Hammarby Sjöstad, this dissertation provides insights on to what extent the environmental programme encourages local residents to perform sustainable behaviour.

1.1 Relevance

The relevance of this dissertation is moulded into two components: scientific relevance and societal relevance. Scientific relevance pertains to the literature gap in the world of science; blending together already existing concepts in order to scrutinize a phenomenon that is not yet (or scarcely) examined. Societal relevance refers to how new insights within this research may lead to a contribution to society.

Scientific relevance

With regard to urban developments, the notion of sustainable development is widely used in various literature studies, and often listed under three components: economic sustainability, environmental sustainability and social sustainability (Moldan et al., 2012; Rosen, 2012). The last component significantly receives less attention compared to the others and is overshadowed by the assumption that sustainable behaviour could be optimized through broader political rationalities and technological innovations (Söderholm, 2010; Barr & Gilg, 2006). Nevertheless, there is a growing belief that

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sustainability in planning practices is achieved through social engagement between local communities, planners and architects (Dillard et al., 2009). Yet, only a few literature studies have investigated the relevance of bottom-up initiatives to steer sustainable behaviour. Therefore, this dissertation attempts to fill in the gap by scrutinizing how achieving sustainability in urban environments demands for local involvement, incentives and know-how.

Societal relevance

This dissertation could set the stage for new incentives for individuals to reconsider their value for impact on the environment. It is no secret that modifying sustainable behaviour takes time and effort and that it might seem impossible to accomplish (Goel, 2013). Sustainable behaviour, in fact, comes with minor changes that could be implemented in day-to-day living practices, such as taking shorter showers and not charging electronic devices overnight (Akenji et al., 2016). Hence, as sustainable living and environmental awareness are prevailing in the public debate, the societal relevance of this research lies in rethinking and reconsidering daily routines.

1.2 Setting the (Swedish) context

Sweden is widely known for its welfare policy, ensuring that prosperity among citizens increases and that wealth is equally distributed (Stockholm Stad, 2016c). Vital in the Swedish welfare model is the right of the individual. By virtue of this, support from the public sector is provided for each Swedish individual. The main thought behind the welfare system is to lessen social inequalities and therefore to stabilize the gap between rich and poor (Vestbro, 2010). Another idea of the model is to safeguard citizens’ autonomy and independence in society (Stockholm Stad, 2016c). Through the system and the social safety net, individuals are able to foster personal development without dependency on family, friends and/or co-workers (Stockholm Stad, 2016c). Additionally, Sweden peaks high on lists of international rankings regarding environmental policies and is generally seen as a forerunner when it comes to environmental awareness and sustainability (Söderholm, 2010). In 1969, Sweden was the first country to establish a national Environment Protection Agency and was for a long time seen as pioneer of adopting policies regarding the protection of the environment (Granberg & Elander, 2007). The country comprises 21 counties, which are further divided into 289 municipalities. All municipalities have the freedom and responsibility to adopt their own programme towards sustainable growth, with the aid of the national centralized government (Bruck et al., 2013; Granberg & Elander, 2007). The municipalities have monopoly control over urban plans and, merely in rare occasions, the county administration is eligible to object minor parts of plan proposals (CDBC, 2015; Ptichnikova, 2012). Stockholm, Sweden’s capital city, received recognition as Europe’s first green capital in 2010 and was also Sweden’s climate city in the WWF’s Earth Hour Challenge in 2014 (Stockholm Stad, 2017). Moreover, Stockholm is one of the leading green cities in Europe and is often labelled as the Venice of the North because of its diverse green spaces, water and numerous islands (Stockholm Stad, 2017). The city even established an ambitious plan to become completely fossil fuel-free by 2024 (Stockholm Stad, 2017, Stockholm Stad, 2016b). Parallel to this, the city is facing various challenges in achieving its vision towards a sustainable city. This involves reducing emissions, strengthening the city’s green infrastructure and restoring polluted land and water areas (Stockholm Stad, 2017). It also encompasses new strategies on extensive involvement of local communities, industries, planners and academics (Stockholm Stad, 2016a).

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1.3 Problem statement and research questions

Imposing sustainable behaviour by means of environmental policies and regulations does not always encourage people to change quotidian habits and routines (Barr & Gilg, 2006). In Hammarby Sjöstad, a sustainable neighbourhood in Stockholm, an all-encompassing environmental programme (1997-2010) was laid out by the Stockholm City Council. This programme consisted of ambitious targets and regulations for the neighbourhood and its residents to commit to. Until today, the environmental programme is recognized as the blueprint for sustainable development in many urban developments across the globe (Goel, 2013). In light of this, this dissertation sheds light on to what extent residents of the Hammarby Sjöstad neighbourhood are moved by their living environment to perform sustainable behaviour. Therefore, the research question is defined as follows: To what extent does Hammarby Sjöstad move its residents to perform sustainable behaviour? In order to present insights, the first sub-question pertains to the aims of the environmental programme, which is used as guidance to examine the relationship between behaviour of residents and their environment. The other sub-questions address three components of sustainable behaviour, demonstrated in a study performed by Williams et al. (2010): household behaviour, travel behaviour and social participation.

(1) What were the aims of the environmental programme (1997-2010) and were they achieved?

(2) To what extent are residents moved to perform sustainable household behaviour?

(3) To what extent are residents moved to perform sustainable travel behaviour?

(4) To what extent are residents moved to be socially engaged in the neighbourhood?

1.4 Dissertation outline

This dissertation sets off by a theoretical framework, which covers most fundamental theories and concepts related to the scope of this research. This is followed by the methodology chapter. Limitations and ethical concerns are also described in this chapter. An exploration of the case of Hammarby Sjöstad in Stockholm is described in the fourth chapter. Contextual knowledge of the neighbourhood is crucial in order to fully comprehend the results in chapter five. These results derive from literature studies, policy document analysis and in-depth interviews during the fieldwork period in Hammarby Sjöstad. The dissertation closes off with a conclusion, discussion (chapter 6) alongside with a critical reflection on the outcomes and the process. In the very last section, recommendations for further research are given.

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Chapter 2: Theoretical Framework

This chapter sets out theories and concepts based on a variety of literature studies and acts as a fundament for this dissertation. Prior to introducing the research study and the case study, it is necessary to explain what sustainable development and sustainable behaviour entails and how it is perceived in literature studies, described in section 2.1. In section 2.2, literature studies address how sustainable behaviour is driven by complex, underlying factors in daily life. Section 2.3 covers a conclusion of all essential theories and concepts, alongside with an overview of drivers of sustainable behaviour, depicted in figure 2.

2.1 Sustainable development

Literature

At present, sustainable development receives more attention than ever in the political debate worldwide (Dahlberg, 2015). As cities grow, the resources are increasingly dependent on ecosystem services outside the physical boundaries of the city, which has led to governments taking on a responsible role to critically think about growth and the environment (Wu, 2014). Sustainable development was first coined by the Brundtland Report of the World Commission on Environment and Development in 1987 as the following phrase: ‘’development that meets the needs of the present without compromising the ability of future generations to meet their own needs’’ (White, 2013; Moldan et al., 2012; Brodhag, 2010). This definition was formalised at the Earth Summit in Rio de Janeiro in 1992. Ten years later, at the Earth Summit on sustainable development in 2002, the definition was divided into three distinct components: environmental sustainability, economic sustainability and social sustainability (Moldan et al., 2012; Rosen, 2012; Dillard, et al., 2009). Due to the widespread emergence of the term sustainability and its ambit, a wide array of studies and reports have outlined different explanations. According to a study performed by Dempsey et al. (2011), sustainable development comes down to the development that contributes to environmental protection, with the goal to reduce resource outflows, waste and pollution and economic growth. Another definition is found along the lines of: ‘’the persistence of certain necessary and desired characteristics of people, their communities and organisations, and the surrounding ecosystem over a very long period of time’’ (Littig, B. & Grießler, 2005). Achieving - or making endeavours towards - sustainable development entails maintenance and improvement of the interrelationship between people and their environment, and surely not at the expense of the other. It also involves that basic needs of individuals are met and that personal opportunities should be fulfilled as much as possible (Payne & Raiborn, 2001). Even though each definition seems evident, there is no consensus of a solid definition and there might never be (Littig & Grießler, 2005). Difficulties in conceptualising sustainable development have to do with the fact that the analytical, normative and political context is often missing, which are considered as ‘’drivers of sustainable development’’ (Littig, B. & Grießler, 2005). Furthermore, sustainability is often measured by objectives, progress and profit, notably by architects and companies, whereas academics and activists rather reflect upon developing a shared vision for sustainable development (White, 2013). As addressed in the following section, people’s behaviour is subject to external influences, such as policies and institutions but also underlying factors in daily life (Akenji & Chen, 2016; Brodhag, 2010; Söderholm, 2010).

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2.1.1 Rationalisation

During the last decades in Western societies, a shift from centralized governments towards more liberalized, market-based governments has been visible (Loorbach, 2010). According to Raco (2005), these markets are characterised by open access, competitiveness and deregulations, of which is believed that these form the cradle for economic development. Moreover, liberal market-based governments or states have the strong tendency to permit private parties to enter the market, ultimately with the goal to maximise profits (Raco, 2005). Seen within this trend, sustainable development is measured by predetermined environmental goals, which are often manifested in policy documents and reports, in which is imposed how individuals should shape their behaviour within the realm of sustainable development (Soderhölm, 2010). It also encompasses the notion that behaviour is rationalized and that ‘’activities are prioritized or even act as an excuse to reject more demanding endeavours’’ (Söderhölm, 2010). Barr & Gilg (2006) state the following: ‘‘sustainable behaviour, or environmental action, is embedded within a broader political discourse that has become disconnected from society’’. More detrimental is that these discourses are based on the rationalisation of sustainable development, and thus making it measurable in terms of environmental targets and profits (Barr & Gilg, 2006). According to a study performed on neo-classical economics by Van den Bergh et al. (2000), behaviour is the outcome of individuals acting out of self-interest and rationalism, with the aspiration to maximize their utility. By dint of market mechanisms, sufficient information is provided for individuals to make deliberate decisions. In the planning domain, there seems to be a mismatch in how policy makers interfere in the domestic sphere by formulating environmental policies and regulations without acknowledging ways for individuals to put these into action (Checker, 2011).

A study by Williams et al. (2010) does not particularly shed light on the embeddedness of sustainable development in political discourses, but rather avers how the notion of sustainability is torn apart by two aspects: technical sustainability and behavioural sustainability. Technical sustainability refers to the technologies, materials or design features implemented by policies, which fulfil sustainability objectives by virtue of simply being ‘present’. These implementations in the built environment, such as solar panels or insulation material for building glass walls, do not require certain behaviour by individuals (Williams et al., 2010). Behavioural or social sustainability differs from technical sustainability in the sense that it demands for local actions. For example, implementing an extensive subway network may come across as a technical measurement, but it needs involvement of people to use it. It could be argued, therefore, that behavioural sustainability has no intrinsic value if people are not willing to adapt (Williams et al., 2010; Littig & Grießler, 2005).

2.1.2 Sustainable behaviour

The study by Williams et al. (2010) subdivides the concept of sustainable behaviour into three fundamentals: household behaviour, travel behaviour and social participation. Household behaviour is subdivided into three core elements: energy consumption, water usage and waste recycling (Williams et al., 2010). Energy consumption refers to the notion to limit the usage of finite resources. Limiting water usage refers to the conservation of scarce water, which is often done through the implementation of grey water or rainwater recycling systems and dual flush toilets (Iveroth, 2014; Williams et al., 2010). Waste recycling pertains to sorting out or separating waste at source. As household behaviour is hard to monitor, neighbourhoods in smart city projects have been set up to determine output flows of energy,

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water and waste with the desire to ameliorate the ecological footprint of individuals and therefore to govern sustainable behaviour (Albino et al., 2015).

Travel behaviour is one of the most critical and demanding components of behavioural change to move towards a more sustainable future (Crocker & Lehmann, 2013; Williams et al., 2010). The transport sector on its own is accountable for 13 percent of greenhouse gas emissions and a total of 23% of CO2 emissions deriving from global energy consumption (Akenji & Chen, 2016). In the planning debate and literature studies, much discussion revolves around making fewer and shorter journeys by car and using fuel-efficient modes of transport. Discouraging the use of motorized vehicles cuts down petrol and diesel consumption and positively affects climate change and air quality (Iveroth et al., 2013a). Moreover, opting for public transport, cycling or walking has proven to improve neighbourhood activity, safety, noise disturbance and social relations (Williams et al., 2010). However, in line with a study performed by Bannister (2008), there always seems to be a reason for still using the car. One of the main arguments could involve the given that consumer goods, and therefore cars, will become cheaper in the long run, thus making it affordable for everyone (Bannister, 2008). It is, however, up to the people to make a choice whether to (partly) reject the car and opt for more sustainable travel modes. Along these lines, it is essential to examine the prime motivators for sustainable behaviour instead of solely looking at policies and regulations that enable sustainable travel behaviour or relying on improvements on existing transport systems.

Chimed in with sustainable behaviour, social participation - or engagement in a community - is argued to be a key component in creating sustainable communities (Williams et al., 2010). Positive social participation constructs and preserves social capital, which has the power to arouse a sense of belonging or attachment in a particular neighbourhood where people want to live, work and recreate in (Oliveira & Campolargo, 2015). This may entail that individuals are more likely to stay in their neighbourhood, and more importantly, that they make efforts to maintain and care about their environment (Dahlberg, 2015). Social capital in this sense is described as social networks and also refers to trust, density and knowledge of relationships within networks and obligations and expectations (Dempsey et al., 2011). Studies by Wyveen (2014) and Healey & Côté (2001) suggest that people living in communities with high degrees of social capital are more likely to trigger personal-development, more empowerment and a higher quality of life compared with those who live in communities or neighbourhoods where social capital is absent.

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2.2 Underlying factors of sustainable behaviour

As seen in the section above, sustainable development is embedded in a larger political approach whereby the process is often measured in terms of environmental targets and profit (Barr & Gilg, 2006). In reality, however, behaviour is not always based upon rationalities, but it is subject to a set of attitudes that play an essential role in the establishment of sustainable behaviour (Brodhag, 2010). These attitudes pertain to a person’s value orientation and relate to a variety of complex underlying factors in daily life. This section covers a body of literature study that stress the growing belief that examining sustainable behaviour requires a more profound understanding of other underlying motivations and factors.

In consonance with Kerkhof et al. (2009), income levels have the tendency to have the most impact on people’s attitudes towards sustainable behaviour. A higher income level may entail greater affordability of goods and services, which may facilitate access to ‘’greener’’ facilities, such as solar panels or low flush toilets (Akenji, 2014; Kerkhof et al., 2009; Gaffney et al., 2007). Conforming to a study by Brodhag (2010), not income levels, but rather values and people’s abilities play a major role in enacting sustainable behaviour. Values are further subdivided into cultural or ethical values, both concerning to aspects in everyday life that are considered meaningful. According to Braudel (1992), a full comprehension of people’s values is essential for developing an understanding of sustainable behaviour, as values are rooted in daily life behaviour. Furthermore, people’s abilities could sit on the basis of sustainable behaviour, as they encircle, for example, physical conditions which could impact (sustainable) travel behaviour (Brodhag, 2010). An individual with a movement disorder is more likely to be dependent on public transport instead of taking the car (Van Wee et al., 2013; Bannister, 2009). Corresponding to findings in a study by Akenji & Chen (2016), awareness, knowledge and social norms are vital to scrutinize in order to understand sustainable behaviour by individuals. Creating awareness among individuals could set the stage for incentives to make sustainable choices (Williams et al., 2010). In addition to this, spreading awareness is closely intertwined with knowledge, as ‘’a certain degree of knowledge about the environment is necessary in order to make actual changes’’ (Dempsey et al., 2011). Lastly, social norms and peers could be a determinative factor of sustainable behaviour. By virtue of the social networks (e.g. family, friends, co-workers), norms and peers could be shaped in terms of what is perceived as ‘’normal’’ for an individual. This notion touches upon social participation as norms and peers in life provide incentives to participate or engage in a certain group or community (Akenji et al., 2016; Williams et al., 2010).

2.2.1 Optimal equilibrium

Due to the specific contexts in which sustainable behaviour is examined, and also concerning the abundance and complexity of comprehending underlying factors, two distinct conceptualisations have emerged in a growing body of literature studies. These ideas attempt to grasp how sustainable behaviour is anchored in overarching socio-technological drivers and underlying factors (Crocker & Lehman, 2013; Söderholm, 2010). In view of this, the Refuse-Effuse-Diffuse concept (figure 1 on the next page) hinges upon bottom-up approaches, and triggers incentives for sustainable behaviour by means of (educational) programmes, panels and workshops (Akenji & Chen, 2016). Herewith, sustainable behaviour is initiated by identifying and refusing activities or actions by individuals that may cause a negative burden on the environment. Subsequently, activities or actions that may cause

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positive repercussions are getting effused, in order to - in the final stage - collaborative engagement actions are becoming diffused among the local communities (e.g. by dint of organising workshops for a local community farming allotment).

Figure 1: Refuse-Effuse-Diffuse concept

Source: Akenji & Chen, 2016

Contrarily, the Attitude-Facilitator-Infrastructure concept is formed by top-down approaches and generates incentives for sustainable behaviour by supporting policies, business models and institutional arrangements. Within both conceptualisations, socio-techno approaches consist of a set of mechanisms, such as policy regulations, market conditions or institutional arrangements that have the power to facilitate incentives for sustainable behaviour (Söderholm, 2010). Institutions include organisations, religions or educational that construct norms and values in society. Institutions, in this sense, are seen as the prime promoters of sustainable practices (Akenji & Chen, 2016). Policies and regulations pertain to overarching plans and legislation to facilitate, for example, public transport in society or fossil-free energy consumption (Söderholm, 2010). Infrastructure relates to the availability of products and services that foster sustainable behaviour (Akenji & Chen, 2016). Infrastructure systems also include, for instance, food supply systems, housing and transport networks (Akenji & Chen, 2016; Dempsey et al., 2011). Attitudes consist of a set of complex underlying factors, such as income level, values, abilities, awareness, knowledge and social norms and peers (Akenji & Chen, 2016; Brodhag, 2010; Kerkhof et al., 2009). Critical here is that facilitating sustainable behaviour

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does not merely pertain to choosing the right concept, but rather calls for creating an optimal equilibrium – or desired balance - between institutions, policies and regulations, infrastructure and attitudes of individuals in society (Söderholm, 2010).

2.3 Conclusion

Even though a wide array of literature studies has scrutinized the notion of sustainable development and sustainable behaviour, consensus on a clear definition has proven to be complex to detect. It is more critical to acknowledge how sustainable development is nowadays embedded in a larger political discourse that exalts the rationalisation and quantification of environmental goals. In the planning domain, there seems to be a mismatch in how policy makers interfere in the domestic sphere by formulating environmental policies and regulations without acknowledging ways for individuals to put these into action. Another body of literature addresses that complex underlying factors in daily life are essential to examine, in order to find bottom-up strategies to steer sustainable behaviour. Herein, two distinct conceptualisations have emerged: The Refuse-Effuse-Diffuse concept and the Attitude-Facilitator-Infrastructure concept. The bottom-line is that literature studies have attempted to grasp how sustainable behaviour is subject to overarching socio-technological drivers and underlying factors. Therefore, enabling sustainable behaviour rather calls for creating an optimal equilibrium between institutions, policies, infrastructure and underlying factors of sustainable behaviour in society. Figure 2 on page 10 illustrates all important ‘’driving’’ factors of sustainable behaviour. As illustrated, sustainable behaviour in terms of household behaviour, travel behaviour and social participation is subject to a broader political discourses or top-down approaches (upper box), but it is also influenced by the underlying factors, such as income level, values, ability, awareness, knowledge and social norms and peers, as portrayed in the lower box.

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Figure 2: Drivers of sustainable behaviour

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Chapter 3. Methods

This chapter sets out all research methods that were utilized in this project. Research methods are of paramount importance as they form the very justification for concepts, theories and choices in the field (Bryman, 2012). Section 3.1 covers the case design and selection. Section 3.2 justifies how data is collected and section 3.3 explains how this data is analysed. Due to several constraints the scope of this research is limited, described in section 3.4. As data was partly collected abroad, section 3.5 covers ethical concerns for this research. This chapter closes off with a conclusion of all chosen methods in section 3.6.

3.1 Research strategy and case selection

As this dissertation primarily examines the underlying reasons and motivations of sustainable behaviour performed by residents living in the Hammarby Sjöstad, qualitative research was chosen over a quantitative research. A qualitative strategy targets a small number of research units by using concepts instead of measures, which raises opportunities to interpret data both during the collection of data and analysis (Bryman, 2012). Furthermore, a qualitative approach assists in understanding the perspectives and experiences of people in their natural setting, whereas a quantitative approach is more concerned with finding ‘hard data’ to generalize results (Flick, 2018).

In line with investigating social behaviour of residents, Hammarby Sjöstad neighbourhood in Stockholm (Sweden) was chosen as a single case study to demarcate the scope of this research. According to Yin (2009), a case study enables one to link theory with practice. Opting for a case study attempts to comprehend social processes in a bounded environment. Moreover, a case study aids to establish a nuanced view of a situation or problem, rather than generalizing results (Flyvbjerg, 2006). Sweden is seen as forerunner in sustainable development which creates, for this particular research project, momentum to go in depth on perspectives and experiences from residents living in the Hammarby Sjöstad neighbourhood (Granberg & Elander, 2007). Conducting qualitative research by means of a case study in Hammarby Sjöstad, does not merely zoom in on local behaviour, but also provokes insights into how Swedish norms and values are intertwined with sustainable behaviour.

3.2 Data collection

Two fundamental types of research interviews in qualitative research were among the options for this research: structured and semi-structured (Gill et al., 2008). Carrying out structured interviews utilizes lists of predetermined questions with little to no variation and zero flexibility for follow-up questions, thus not going in depth on a particular situation or problem (Bryman, 2012; Gill et al., 2008). Semi-structured in-depth interviews on the other hand, contain a list of key questions as a guideline, but also provides opportunities to generate new information; or even diverge into more delicate topics (Yin, 2009; Gill et al., 2008). Hence, semi-structured interviews were applied in this research to scrutinize underlying reasons and motivations of sustainable behaviour of Hammarby Sjöstad residents.

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In table 1 below, an overview is displayed regarding all conducted semi-structured in-depth interviews. Interviews were subdivided into two categories: resident interviews and expert interviews. Where most research was centred around the perspectives and experiences of residents in the Hammarby Sjöstad neighbourhood, expert interviews were indispensable in order to capture relevant contextual knowledge about the Hammarby Sjöstad district. Two main organisations were approached: GlashusEtt and ElectriCITY. The interview questions were based on the three fundamental pillars of sustainable behaviour, described by Williams et al. (2010): household behaviour, travel behaviour and social participation. Table 2 on page 15 illustrates these concepts more in depth. A full list of interview questions is laid out in appendix A.

Snowball sampling

Finding interviewees was effectuated by applying the snowball sampling technique. This method pertains to accessing respondents through contact information that is provided by other respondents (Bryman, 2012; Noy, 2008). As Hammarby Sjöstad hosts a local community consisting of no more than 25.000 inhabitants, participants were keen on referring other potential participants, consisting of family, friends, acquaintances and co-workers.

Table 1: Overview of participants

Category 1 Category 2

Residents Experts

Number of interviews: 14 Number of interviews: 4

Length: approximately 45 minutes Length: approximately 60 minutes

Adults living in Hammarby Sjöstad

Individuals living inside or outside Hammarby Sjöstad with (past) experience in neighbourhood

projects

- GlashusEtt (3 interviews with Communication Managers)

- Electricity (1 interview with the Co-Founder)

Source: Author, 2019

Policy document analysis

A vast array of governmental documents and reports have been written about the Hammarby district (see appendix B). These documents were essential in developing a broader view of the establishment of Hammarby Sjöstad and assisted in a better interpretation of information derived from in-depth interviews. Possessing contextual knowledge provided possibilities to critically compare secondary data with primary data, thus enabling one to make deeper analysis and conclusions (Bowen, 2009).

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3.3 Data analysis

The narrative analysis method was applied to collect and analyse data. This method serves as a tool which enables to sort out and interpret narratives with the aim to develop a profound understanding of a social phenomenon (Flick, 2018; Bryman, 2012). Narratives, within the context of this research, refer to stories of residents and experts in Hammarby Sjöstad. The narrative analysis does not solely delve into underlying reasons and motivations for sustainable behaviour, but also tries to grasp deeper social constructions which are, for example, rooted in Swedish norms and values (Bryman, 2012). The narrative method also caters for discovering conflicting perspectives and biases between actors, as residents are able to share different, or even conflicting stories (Bryman, 2012; Gill et al; 2008).

3.4 Limitations

Performing qualitative research involved limitations and uncertainties, bounded to the scope of this project. Qualitative research has the tendency to generate impressionistic and subjective based results (Bryman, 2012). Furthermore, it is often suggested that results based on qualitative approaches cannot be replicated, as research is based on the researcher’s ingenuity (Bryman, 2012). Opting for a case study provided possibilities to go in depth on a particular situation or problem, but therefore also touched upon external validity, meaning that outcomes cannot be generalised beyond the specific research context (Flick, 2018). Semi-structured in-depth interviews set the stage to further diverge into a relevant topic or situation, but the pitfall here comes with the fact that the replicability of the outcomes is prone to ‘’lack of systematic measurement of concepts and interpretations of the researcher’’ (Flick, 2018; Bryman, 2012). Seen in this light, a set of guiding questions was used for the bulk of the interviews, and follow-up questions were posed when absolutely necessary.

Conducting fieldwork abroad

Being in the field in Sweden incorporated a couple of context-dependent limitations and uncertainties. As Swedish is the main language, it was slightly more difficult to assess policy documents and reports than in Dutch. Nevertheless, with the help of Swedish friends, it was still possible to consult secondary data written in Swedish on the Hammarby Sjöstad neighbourhood. Furthermore, in view of the language barrier, interviews were held in English. For some interviewees, this would create an additional obstacle to participate. By virtue of chatting up with participants prior to departing to Stockholm, trust was built and therefore most interviews were already set in stone. Approaching participants, though, demanded for determined efforts, courage and patience.

The decision for not opting for participant observations came with the notion that sustainable behaviour is arduous to monitor (Albino et al., 2015). Household behaviour in particular comprises energy, water and waste reduction, and merely by conducting participant observations for a longer period of time would present a reliable understanding of household routines. Moreover, these observations would have had to take place in homes or apartments, which would touch upon privacy issues. Therefore, by combining in-depth interviews with policy document analysis, the narrative analysis was chosen as analysis method.

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3.5 Ethics and risks

Carrying out fieldwork abroad touched upon risks and ethics. Prior to each interview, participants had to make an informed decision in terms of cooperation. This information was provided in written form (appendix C) and signed off by the research participants. The main objective was to conduct the interviews openly and without deception. Confidentiality was hereby crucial to avoid biases when interviewing residents and experts. Interviews were taken anonymously with the aim to safeguard privacy. Additionally, each interview was recorded and transcribed verbatim for analysis.

3.6 Conclusion

Qualitative research was chosen over a quantitative approach, as it provided opportunities to interpret data of underlying reasons and motivations on sustainable behaviour both during the collection of data and the analysis of it. To demarcate the scope of this research, a case study on the Hammarby Sjöstad in Stockholm was performed. Examining sustainable behaviour of residents was done by means of semi-structured in-depth interviews. Analysing data from interviews was carried out by applying the narrative analysis method. This technique was useful to sort out and interpret data and made it possible to grasp deeper understandings of sustainable behaviour performed by the residents of Hammarby Sjöstad. This research involved various limitations, risks and ethics that were critically taken into consideration prior to the execution of fieldwork in Stockholm. Additional effort was put into building trust with potential participants, with the aim to enhance the chance of having fruitful interviews. Finally, table 2 on page 15 depicts a table with two main concepts of the research question: the environmental programme and sustainable behaviour. Even though the definitions differ, the way of operationalizing them goes by the three components of social sustainability by Williams et al., (2010): household behaviour, travel behaviour and social participation.

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Table 2: Overview of operationalized concepts

Concept Definition Operationalized

Environmental Programme

Policies, regulations and strategies to avoid the depletion of natural resources, with the aim to maintain the ecological balance in the neighbourhood and to preserve unique neighbourhood characteristics (Goel, 2013; Svane,

2008).

● Households sustainable behaviour

● Travel behaviour ● Social participation

Framework by Williams et al., 2010

Sustainable behaviour

‘’Behaviour performed by individuals or groups that contribute to environmental protection in terms of reducing

resource consumption, waste and social development (Dempsey et al., 2011).

● Household behaviour → energy consumption/ water usage, waste recycling ● Travel behaviour → car use

public transport, bicycle, ferry, walking

● Social participation → sense of belonging to community, neighbourhood attachment, interaction with fellow residents

Framework by Williams et al., 2010

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Chapter 4: A Case Study on Hammarby Sjöstad, Stockholm

This chapter dives into the Hammarby Sjöstad neighbourhood in Stockholm. This neighbourhood is chosen as a case study in order to gain a deeper understanding of underlying motivations and reasons of sustainable behaviour. Before analysing and interpreting the results in chapter 5, contextual knowledge about the neighbourhood is essential to provide. This data is primarily retrieved from a vast array of secondary data sources consisting of governmental documents, reports, literature studies and interviews with experts. Section 4.1 covers the history, an introduction to the environmental programme and also provides an overview of neighbourhood characteristics. Section 4.2 explains how the hammarby model came into existence. Section 4.3 introduces neighbourhood organisations with endeavours on sustainable behaviour. Section 4.4 finishes off with a conclusion of this chapter.

4.1 Neighbourhood characteristics

Former brownfield land

Hammarby Sjöstad is situated in south-central Stockholm, west of the Nacka district in the east, and is part of the greater Södermalm borough. The neighbourhood borders the Hammarby Sjö Lake in the north and is demarcated by motorway 73 (Riksvåg) and motorway 75 in the south (Stockholm Stad, 2016a). Most of Norra Hammarbyhamnen, Tegelviksgatan, Sickla Udde, Sickla Kaj, Luma and Sickla Kanal belong to the area. The neighbourhood underwent major redevelopments between 1996 and 2010 (Johansson & Svane, 2002). The first redevelopment plans appeared in the early 1990s after a strong interest from local politicians in the Stockholm City Council had arisen, with the particular aim to host the Olympic Summer Games in 2004 (Iveroth et al., 2013b; Iveroth & Brandt, 2011; Johansson & Svane, 2002). The council presented a prestigious environmental programme, aimed at a successful application for the Summer Games in 2004 (Mahzouni, 2015). In spite of determining efforts, Stockholm had lost the bid and the Olympic Games went to Athens in Greece. In early 1997, a revised version of the original environmental programme emerged on the political agenda to transform the neighbourhood from polluted brownfield area to a sustainable residential district (Svane, 2008; Johansson & Svane, 2002). Hammarby Sjöstad is now considered one of the hippest and most vibrant urban neighbourhoods in Stockholm, which primarily attracts residents who are on the hunt for a modern lifestyle, particularly with adjacency to nature and the city centre (Iveroth et al., 2013a). By 2017, it was home to approximately 25.000 dwellers, occupying 11.000 apartments with different architectural features [see figure 3] (Stockholm Stad, 2017).

Hammarby Sjöstad today

Table 3 on the page below highlights a few comparisons between Hammarby Sjöstad and the City of Stockholm in terms of general characteristics, car and bicycle use and mode share for all trips. When looking at income levels, the average annual income per person in Hammarby Sjöstad is higher than the average for the City of Stockholm on itself (Stockholm Stad, 2017; Foletta, 2010). Concerning car ownership, there are 210 cars per 1000 residents in Hammarby Sjöstad compared to 370 per 1000 residents in the City of Stockholm. Additionally, in Hammarby Sjöstad, bicycle ownership sits at a rate of 820 per 1000 residents (Stockholm Stad, 2017). In Hammarby Sjöstad, 21% of all trips is performed

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by car, whereas this percentage lies somewhat higher (31%) for the City of Stockholm. In the neighbourhood, 52% percent of all trips is assigned to public transport, which is considerably higher than the ratio for the city of Stockholm: 30% (Stockholm Stad, 2017).

Table 3: A comparison with the City of Stockholm

Source: Stockholm Stad, 2017 (modified by author)

The overall structure of Hammarby Sjöstad is characterised by the integration of urban design, land use planning and transportation (Foletta, 2010).

I. Land Use Planning: The neighbourhood is divided into various blocks, consisting of apartments and amenities such as supermarkets and restaurants (Foletta, 2010; Gaffney et al., 2007). The block sizes range from 50 x 70 meters to 70 x 100 meters and the average height of the buildings is 18 meters. The project developers, commissioned by the Stockholm City Council, were forced to achieve ‘’eyes on the street’’, particularly by constructing a diverse mix of amenities on ground floor level, appealing balconies and front doors facing the streets (Foletta, 2010). It is estimated that 56 percent of the entire area comprises residential buildings and the total amount of green space is set at 19% (CDBC, 2015; Foletta, 2010).

II. Urban Design: The neighbourhood encloses two main roads: Lugnets Allé and Hammarby Allé. These thoroughfares are designed for car use and also include light-rail lines in the middle of street (Foletta, 2010). Most apartments and buildings follow the traditional

General Hammarby Sjöstad City of Stockholm

Population 25.000 829.400

Area (ha) 130 18.700

Population density (persons/ha) 192 44

Average income (sek/year) 356000 (approx. €33000 euros) 293000 (approx. €27000 euros)

Jobs per resident 0.3 NA

Car and bicycle ownership

Cars per 1000 residents 210 370

Bicycles per 1000 residents 820 NA

Car parking spaces/residential unit 0.65 0.65

Modal split (% of all trips)

Car use 21% 32%

Public transport 52% 30%

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Swedish architectural guidelines, which are known for large glass facades and views towards the sun (maximising daylight), water and green spaces [bottom right picture in figure 2] (Gaffney et al., 2007).

III. Transportation System: Alongside the two main roads, Lugnets Allé and Hammarby Allé, four light-rail and bus stops are situated: Mårtensdal, Luma, Sickla Kaj and Sickla Udde (Goel, 2013; Foletta, 2010). Residents in Hammarby Sjöstad are exposed to a variety of other transport options. The light rail - the so-called ‘’Tvarbanan’’ – cuts through the neighbourhood and connects Hammarby Sjöstad with the Gullmarsplan subway station in the west and with the Nacka subway station in the east (Goel, 2013). The bus line directly links Hammarby Sjöstad with the city centre. Every dwelling lies within 300 meters of a light rail station. The total length of pedestrian paths and bicycle lanes is respectively 45 km and 18.5 km (CDBC, 2015). Lastly, a ferry link is present that connects the neighbourhood with the city centre (Södermalm borough) in the north and operates the entire year from 6 o’clock in the morning until midnight (see bottom right picture in figure 3 below). Furthermore, a new metro line is currently under the construction, which will connect Hammarby Sjöstad directly with the city centre by 2025-2026 (Stockholm Stad, 2016a).

Figure 3: Maps and impressions of Hammarby Sjöstad

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4.2 The Hammarby Model

In late 1995, the Stockholm City Council had resolute ambitions to transform the Hammarby District into a self-sustaining, sustainable area with the overall objective to create a modern, residential area that would be twice as sustainable compared to other districts in Stockholm (Goel, 2013; Stockholm Stad 2013). The plan originated from the housing shortage in Stockholm and was inspired by the European Commission’s approach in 1990, by whom was decided that there was a severe need for revitalization of cities by making them more compact and by redeveloping existing urban areas (Iveroth et al., 2013b). Three integral strategies were visible: a change in behaviour of residents, new technological innovations and a holistic view of urban planning (CDBC, 2015; Mahzouni, 2015; Johansson & Svane, 2002). Other environmental goals encompassed the conservation of water, waste cutbacks, reduction of hazardous building materials, usage of fossil-free energy sources and integrated transport interventions, which were eventually established in an overarching environmental programme in early 1997 (Iveroth et al., 2013b). It was predicted that the environmental targets required further scrutiny by means of an innovative technological system that would maintain itself without any input from local residents (Goel, 2013). A few months later, after the environmental programme was published, the hammarby model was constructed in the neighbourhood (Iveroth, 2014). The Hammarby Model manages resources and metabolic flows in the neighbourhood in a closed-loop system (Iveroth et al., 2013a). An illustration of the model is depicted in figure 4.

Figure 4: The Hammarby Model

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The Hammarby Model consists of three main eco-cycles for respectively water and sewage, waste and energy (CDBC, 2015; Goel, 2013; Stockholm Stad, 2007):

I. Water and sewage: The water and sewage eco-cycle encloses a process where rainwater, wastewater and sewage are collected. Rainwater is drained into the Hammarby Sjö Lake and rainwater is intercepted by basins, then drained into the lake and afterwards, alongside with sewage, brought to the wastewater treatment plant (CDBC, 2015). In apartments, eco-friendly installations consisting of low flush toilets and air mixer taps are installed with the aim to aid and encourage residents to lower water consumption.

II. Waste: The waste eco-cycle contains a piping system that transports waste and converts it into energy. Deposit chutes (figure 5) are installed in, and just outside, apartments, to stimulate dwellers to sort out and recycle waste (CDBC, 2015).

III. Energy: A heating system on city level (Högdalen’s heat and power plant) provides electricity, which is chiefly derived from nuclear and hydropower. Other small amounts stem from wind and solar energy (CDBC, 2015; Goel, 2013; Iveroth et al., 2013b).

Figure 5: Deposit chutes installed in backyards

Conflicting interests

Central in the accomplishment of the hammarby model was the collaboration between three representatives in the Stockholm City Council: Stockholm Vatten, Fortum Sweden and the Stockholm Waste Management Administration (CDBC, 2015). Governing the project was carried out by departments in the field of city planning: Roads and Real Estate, Water and Sewage and Waste and Energy. Other involved parties comprised service providers and tech companies (Stockholm Stad, 2007). Clashing perspectives arose when tech companies initiated first steps to create an eco-cycle system build upon existing infrastructure. This was, however, not chiming in with the overarching plan

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constructed by the Stockholm City Council, which foresaw a piping system specifically designed for the Hammarby Sjöstad neighbourhood. In the eyes of the tech organisations, creating a separate system would drastically augment investments costs (Iveroth et al., 2013a). Nevertheless, mainly due to political prestige, the Stockholm City Council remained its prevalent position and by persuading all involved tech companies to implement the latest technological innovations, the initial plan was eventually pushed through (CDBC, 2015). Seeing this trend from a larger-scale in Swedish planning legislation, the local government generally holds a strong position when plan proposals are initiated (Ptacnikova, 2012). This was also the case with the creation of the hammarby model, of which initially was expected that local residents would adapt to the newly installed infrastructure. In reality, nonetheless, zero opportunities were given to citizens to participate due to the prevalent role by the Stockholm City Council (Mahzouni, 2015).

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4.3 Neighbourhood organisations and their aims on sustainable behaviour

For this project, two main organisations are identified in Hammarby Sjöstad: GlashusEtt and ElectrICITY. Both organisations are incorporating local residents in their programmes to strive for a sustainable future for the neighbourhood. Other organisations, such as Smart City Sweden, SymbioCity and Fortum Sweden are rolling out programmes with the particular aim to provide fossil-free public transport for all inhabitants of Hammarby Sjöstad (Stockholm Stad, 2016b). However, due to the scope of this research, activities performed by these organisations were not utilized for further analysis.

GlashusEtt

GlashusEtt (top right picture in figure 3) is an environmental centre that diffuses knowledge by agency of workshops, study visits and exhibitions (Stockholm Stad, 2011; Gaffney et al., 2007). The centre was constructed with assistance from the Stockholm Water Company (Stockholm Vatten), Fortum and the Stockholm Real Estate Administration Office (Expert Interview II, 10 April 2019). The overall ambition of GlashusEtt is to incentivize people to adjust daily household routines and to create awareness. Hence, particularly endeavours of residents living in the neighbourhood are considered pivotal in all organisational activities (Goel, 2013). These activities primarily target new residents, as living in the neighbourhood requires a certain degree of (technological) expertise. ‘’The biggest challenge for the organisation for now is how to reach out to people in order to make sure that they understand the practicalities of living in a neighbourhood like Hammarby Sjöstad’’ (Expert interview III, 19 April 2019). Therefore, technological issues are explained ‘’pedagogically and in a simple manner’’ (Goel, 2013; Gaffney et al., 2007). Furthermore, lectures and workshops about the environmental programme are frequently organised for school children. This is in consonance with the ambition of the Stockholm Municipality, as it is stated that ‘’educating younger children is the way forward when it comes down to steering sustainable development for future generations’’ (Stockholm Stad, 2017). GlashusEtt also hosts thousands of overseas visitors, comprising of committees, politicians and students (Expert interview II, 10 April 2019). Hence, strong international recognition in the neighbourhood is primarily received due to advanced technological innovations in the hammarby model system (Goel, 2013).

I. Household behaviour (energy/water/waste): The organisation of workshops, study visits and exhibitions are all gearedtowards making residents familiar with technological issues

.

Pivotal for GlashusEtt is to share knowledge that is relatively easy to comprehend, whether this pertains to energy reduction, water usage or sorting out waste (Expert Interview III, 19 April 2019). II. Transport: Even though travel behaviour is one of the most prevailing topics within the realm

of sustainable development, GlashusEtt has not directly included this component in their activities (Expert Interview IV, 15 April 2019). According to a Communication Manager from GlashusEtt (2019), it is up to the local people to make own, deliberate choices regarding travel options. Moreover: ‘’expertise of travel options in the neighbourhood is straightforward, especially if you compare this with know-how about energy and water reduction’’ (Expert Interview III, 19 April 2019). In light of this, spreading knowledge about ecological impacts in the household is considered, as we speak, most pressing and effective.

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III. Social participation: Also paramount in activities performed by GlashusEtt is creating a local community in Hammarby Sjöstad. Organising gatherings for citizens is done several times ag month, and the organisation is even planning to organise guided tours, with the desire to provide interesting insights of Hammarby Sjöstad on architecture and history (Expert Interview IV, 19 April 2019). It is expected that, by bringing local people together, knowledge about sustainable practices will be proliferated more efficiently and naturally. ‘’Knowing what is going on in the neighbourhood goes hand in glove with to what degree someone is attached to his or her environment’’ (Expert Interview, IV, 19 April 2019). This is in line with the literature on social participation (Dahlberg, 2015), who states that a sense of belonging to a community may create incentives to maintain and care about the environment.

ElectriCITY

ElectriCITY is a citizens’ initiative that has been moulded into an economic association together with (tech) companies, research institutes and the Stockholm City Council. Their aim is to reduce the climate footprint (Stockholm Stad, 2017). The company was founded in 2011, after ‘’ten disillusioned residents in Hammarby Sjöstad agreed upon the fact that the neighbourhood, and responsible actors, had failed to comply with the overambitious targets set by the environmental programme’’ (Expert Interview I, 8 April 2019). Members of the ElectriCITY organisation are, in fact, enrolled in other municipal administrations or even companies. Hence, ElectriCITY has the expertise and know-how to closely collaborate with other municipal departments and companies to fulfil targets from a citizen’s point of view - primarily in the field of fossil-free transport and energy reduction (Stockholm Stad, 2017; 2013).

I. Household behaviour (energy/water/waste): ElectriCITY is currently rolling out ‘’testbed’’ projects (pilot projects) in the neighbourhood, in order to verify whether residents utilize newly installed infrastructure or services (Expert Interview I, 8 April 2019). One of these projects, called ‘’Energy at Home’’, is focused on energy reduction in apartments, by teaming up with housing associations in Hammarby Sjöstad. The overall goal is to cut energy consumption by 50% in 2025. According to the Communication Manager at GlashusEtt (2019), these associations - or so-called Sjöstadsföreningen in Swedish - are responsible for minimizing and monitoring energy consumption for households (Expert Interview III, 19 April 2019). Detrimental here is that the Sjöstadsföreningen frequently reach out to dwellers, in order to trigger energy reduction. Nowadays, ElectriCITY is on the verge of actualizing new testbed programmes within the scope of energy and waste reduction (Expert Interview I, April 2019). or a modest investment can reduce

II. Transport: For fossil-free mobility, another pilot project has been implemented in the neighbourhood. Efforts have been geared towards providing better infrastructure for electric vehicles, by installing charging poles inside apartments and in underground parking lots (Stockholm Stad, 2017). Another target was to incentivize residents to utilize shared mobility (e.g. shared cars, scooters or bicycles), in order to discourage car use (Expert Interview I, 8 April 2019). In 2017, a three-week trial for electric bicycles was initiated. ‘’It fed the notion that people are willing to use (electric) bicycles rather than opting for motorized vehicles’’ (Expert Interview I, 8 April 2019).

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III. Social participation: According to the Founder of ElectriCITY (2019), collaboration between stakeholders is key to strive for a more sustainable future. ElectriCITY, therefore, tries to mobilise citizens together by involving them in projects and by organising monthly workshops. ‘’Creating a strong incentive for change is the very first step here. If citizens do not feel the urge to change, then there is no point to set overarching environmental goals. They make no sense’’ (Expert Interview I, 8 April 2019).

4.4 Conclusion

The Hammarby Sjöstad underwent major changes between the late 1990s and 2010. The area was transformed from run-down dockland area to a residential area that showcases itself as one of the most innovative and sustainable districts in the world. The developments emerged alongside with the overarching environmental programme and the hammarby model. Organisations like GlashusEtt and ElectriCITY are currently rolling out new neighbourhood programmes in order to educate and stimulate local residents to become more aware of their ecological footprint. Table 4 underneath exhibits an overview of all present actors in the neighbourhood with their takes on sustainable behaviour (household behaviour, travel behaviour and social participation). Scores range from a minus (-) to double plus (++). A minus sign refers to small endeavours in the neighbourhood. A plus sign means high endeavours and a double plus sign suggests high endeavours with additional emphasis on household behaviour, travel behaviour or social participation. The main priority of the GlashusEtt organisation is to steer citizen involvement by organising workshops and meetings. Another priority is to educate residents in order to adjust simple, daily household routines. Nevertheless, travel behaviour seems to be an aspect that has not yet made its appearance on the agenda of GlashusEtt. ElectriCITY on the other hand, largely puts its heart and soul into creating safer and more sustainable transport options. Other ambitions involve mobilising citizens by organising gatherings and workshops with the aim to share knowledge about environmental practices and to create a sense of belonging among inhabitants. Diverse other organisations, such as Smart City Sweden, SymbioCity and Fortum Sweden, are paving the way towards a future with fossil-free public transport in Hammarby Sjöstad.

Table 4: Overview of involved organisations and their aims on sustainable behaviour Actors Household behaviour Travel behaviour Social participation

Stockholm City Council - + -

GlashusEtt + - ++

ElectriCITY + ++ +

Others* NA NA NA

*there are several other organisations active in Hammarby Sjöstad, but due to the scope of this research, focus was put on the endeavours of GlashusEtt and ElectriCITY for further analysis (chapter 5).